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ENDOWED  BY  THE 

DIALECTIC  AND  PHILANTHROPIC 

SOCIETIES 


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This  book  is  due  at  the  WALTER  R,  DAVIS  LIBRARY  on 
the  last  date  stamped  under  "Date  Due."  If  not  on  hold  it 
may  be  renewed  by  bringing  it  to  the  library. 


DATE 
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DATE 
DUE 


OCT  15  1983 


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Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 

in  2012  with  funding  from 

University  of  North  Carolina  at  Chapel  Hill 


http://archive.org/details/biographyofsignesand 


BIOGRAPHY  OF  THE  SIGNERS 


DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 


ROBERT  T.  CONRAD. 

THE  PORTRAITS  AND  RESIDENCES  OF  THE  SIGNERS,  ETC.,  ON  INDIA  PAPER,  MOUNTED. 


THIRTY   COPIES    PRINTED. 


PHILADELPHIA: 

1881. 


CONTENTS. 


Introduction xvii 

DECLARATION     OF    INDEPENDENCE XXtti 


John  Adams 83 

Samuel  Adams 67 

Josjah  Bartlett 168 

Carter  Braxton 748 

Charles  Carroll  623 

Samuel  Chase 580 

Abraham  Clark 331 

George  Clymer 455 

William  Ellery 206 

William  Floyd 261 

Benjamin  Franklin 393 

Elbridge  Gerry 144 

Button  Gwinnett 819 

Lyman  Hall 825 

Iohn  Hancock 53 

Benjamin  Harrison 716 

John  Hart 323 

Joseph  Hewes ./*V68 

Thomas  Heyward 793 

William  Hooper 758 

Stephen  Hopkins   195 

Francis  Hopkinson 317 

Samuel  Huntington 243 


Thomas  Jefferson 


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Francis  Lightfoot  Lee 745 

Richard  Henry  Lee 642 

Francis  Lewis 276 

Philip  Livingston 266 


Thomas  Lynch. 


SOI 


Arthur  Middleton go9 

Thomas  M'Kean ^i 

Lewis  Morris ggo 

Robert  Morris 33$ 

John  Morton 449 


Thomas  Nelson  . 


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William  Paca 602 

Robert  Treat  Paine 132 

John  Penn 776 

George  Read 547 

CffiSAR  Rodney 529 

George  Ross 523 

Benjamin  Rush 378 

Edward  Rutledge 781 

Roger  Sherman 222 

James  Smith 495 

Richard  Stockton  2S8 

Thomas  Stone 612 

George  Taylor 491 

Matthew  Thornton 187 

George  Walton 828 

William  Whipple 178 

William  Williams 2-19 

James  Wilson 499 

John  Witherspoon 296 

Oliver   Wolcott 254 

George  Wythe 633 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Residence  of  John  Hancock,  Boston,  Massachusetts 53 

Residences  of  Robert  Morris  and  General  Washington,  Philadelphia,  Pa 336 

Portrait  of  Lewis  Morris 282 

Residence  of  Dr.  B.  Rush,  Philadelphia,  Pennsylvania 378 

Birthplace  of  Dr.  Benjamin  Franklin,  Boston,  Mass.;  and  Tomb,  Philada.,  Pa.  393 

Residence  of  Samuel  Chase,  Baltimore,  Maryland 580 

Residence  of  James  Wilson,  called  "Fort  Wilson,"  Philadelphia,  Pa 499 

Residence  of  John  Morton,  Delaware  County,  Pennsylvania 449 

Residence  of  George  Ross,  Lancaster,  Pennsylvania 523 

Residence  of  William  Hooper,  Wilmington,  North  Carolina 758 

Burial-place  of  Joseph  Hewes,  of  North  Carolina  (Christ  Church,  Philada.)...  768 

Residence  of  Richard  Stockton,  Princeton,  New  Jersey 288 

Residence  of  John  Penn,  Grandville,  North  Carolina 776 

Residence  of  John  Witherspoon,  Mercer  County,  New  Jersey 296 

Residence  of  William  Paca,  Queenstown,  Maryland 602 

Residence  of  Francis  Hopkinsou,  Bordentowu,  New  Jersey 317 

Residence  of  Thomas  Stone,  Port  Tobacco,  Maryland 612 

The  Church  built  by  John  Hart,  Hopewell,  New  Jersey 323 

Residence  of  George  Taylor,  Easton,  Pennsylvania 491 

Residence  of  Abraham  Clark,  Blizabethtown,  New  Jersey 331 

Portrait  of  William  Floyd 261 

The  Duel  between  Button  Gwinnett  and  Lackland  Mcintosh 819 

Tomb  of  Philip  Livingston,  York,  Pennsylvania 266 

Portrait  of  Lyman  Hall 825 

Portrait  of  Francis  Lewis 276 

Portrait  of  George  Walton 828 

Birthplace  of  Francis  Lightfoot  Lee  and  Richard  Henry  Lee,  Leesburg,  Va. .  745 

Residence  of  Carter  Braxton,  Newington,  Virginia 748 

Residence  of  Benjamin  Harrison,  Berkeley,  Virginia 716 

Residence  of  Caesar  Rodney.  Dover,  Delaware 529 

Residence  of  Thomas  Nelson,  Jr.,  Yorktown.  Virginia 730 


LIST   OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Residence  of  George  Read,  with  Portrait,  New  Castle,  Delaware 547 

Residence  of  Matthew  Thornton,  Derry,  New  Hampshire 187 

Residence  of  Thomas  McKean,  Philadelphia 561 

Monument  to  Stephen  Hopkins,  Providence,  Rhode  Island 195 

Residence  of  Edward  Rutledge,  Charleston,  South  Carolina 781 

Portrait  of  William  Ellery 206 

Residence  of  Roger  Sherman,  New  Haven,  Connecticut 222 

Residence  of  Thomas  Heyward,  Charleston,  South  Carolina 793 

Portrait,  &c,  and  autograph  signature  of  Thomas  Lynch,  Jr 801 

Residence  of  Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton,  near  Baltimore,  Maryland 623 

Residence  of  Arthur  Middleton,  near  Charleston,  South  Carolina 809 

Residence  of  George  Clymer,  Philadelphia 455 

Portrait  of  George  Wythe,  of  Virginia 633 

Residence  of  James  Smith,  York,  Pennsylvania 475 

Residence  of  Samuel  Huntington,  Norwich,  Connecticut 243 

Residence  of  William  Williams,  Lebanon,  Connecticut 249 

Portrait  of  Richard  Henry  Lee 642 

Portrait  of  Josiah  Bartlett 168 

Residence  of  Oliver  Wolcott,  Litchfield,  Connecticut 254 

Residence  of  William  Whipple.  Portsmouth,  New  Hampshire 178 

The  Birthplaces  of  John  and  John  Quincy  Adams,  at  Quincy,  Massachusetts     83 

Portrait  of  Samuel  Adams .- 67 

Portrait  of  Robert  Treat  Paine,  of  Massachusetts 132 

Residence  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  Monlicello,  Virginia 665 

Residence  of  Elbridge  Gerry,  Cambridge,  Massachusetts 144 


TREFACE. 


A  new  edition,  with  additions,  of  this  well-known  book  is  offered 
to  the  public,  with  a  sincere  desire  that  it  will  assist  to  heal  up  the 
wounds  that  have  scarcely  ceased  bleeding  during  the  last  four  years 
of  war. 

The  Union  that  these  honest  patriots  made  in  1776  was  not  of  that 
thorough  character  which  Hamilton  and  his  school  desired;  it  was 
only  partial— more  in  name  than  in  reality — and  it  remained  for  this 
rebellious  war  to  materially,  let  us  hope  entirely,  correct.  The  prin- 
ciple of  State  Eights  commenced  with  the  formation  of  the  Colonies; 
it  grew  with  them  for  nearly  two  centuries;  and  could  it  be  expected 
that  in  a  revolt  against  their  parent  country,  to  whom  they  showed 
great  attachment,  they  would  at  once  merge  their  liberties  into  a 
central  government  and  ignore  their  previous  colonial  rights?  It 
could  scarcely  be  expected  that  a  nation  so  fond  of  traditions  and  so 
jealous  of  change  would  do  so.  The  "Signers"  knew  the  full  meaning 
of  their  various  instructions.  Many  of  them  would  have  made  a 
stronger  government  if  they  could  have  clone  so;  but  they  saw  that 
the  old  colonial  rights  of  State  government  must  be  incorporated  with 
the  new  Constitution,  though  it  would  not  be  so  strong  as  they  desired. 
The  opposition  of  the  Federalists  against  the  Jeft'ersonian  school  was 
for  a  number  of  years  of  the  bitterest  kind;  but  at  last  the  Federalists 
changed  their  tactics,  and  to  a  great  extent  their  opinions.  The 
relations  of  the  States  since  the  termination  of  this  war  have  been 
materially  modified  in  spirit,  though  not  in  form.  So  delicate  is  the 
question  of  State  Eights,  that  it  is  but  fair  to  presume  that  though 
this  war  has,  to  a  great  extent,  originated  in  this  question,  j'et  the  fear 
of  centralization  is  so  great  that  the  General  Government  will  not 
disturb  the  present  relations  it  holds — its  additional  power — which  is 
infinitely  greater  than  it  ever  was,  in  spirit,  though  not  in  form. 

I  shall  introduce  into  this  new  edition  illustrations  which  have  not 
appeared  in  anjr  previous  one,  but  which  have  appeared  only  in  the 
"Book  of  the  Signers." 

An  historical  account  of  these  illustrations  will,  for  the  first  time, 
appear  in  this  edition  ;  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  these  ephemera, 
al 


x  PREFACE. 

collected  from  various  sources  while  engaged  in  procuring  these  illus- 
trations, will  assist  in  filling  up  some  historic  niches. 

The  new  matter  relating  to  John  Hart  will  be  appreciated  by  the 
American  student.  In  this  place  we  desire  to  correct  an  error  in 
regard  to  John  Hart.  In  the  "Book  of  the  Signers"  is  an  illustration 
of  a  church  at  Hopewell,  N.  J.,  in  which  I  there  state  that  this  church 
was  built  by  John  Hart.  He  did  not  build  the  church,  but  he  gave 
the  ground  on  which  it  is  erected. 

I  tender  my  acknowledgments  to  General  John  Meredith  Read, 
Junior,  of  Albany,  N.  Y.,  for  the  original  and  very  concise  memoir 
of  George  Bead,  of  whom  he  is  an  honored  descendant;  also  for  the 
new  view  of  the  residence  of  George  Read,  and  new  portrait,  which  has 
been  engraved  expressly  for  this  edition.  This  portrait  of  George 
Read  is  from  the  burin  of  S.  Sartain,  the  "Cousins"  of  America. 


REMARKS  ON  THE  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Residence  of  John  and  John  Quincy  Adams. 

The  house  in  which  these  two  great  men  were  born  is  still  standing 
at  Quincy,  Massachusetts,  and  this  State — ever  proud  of  her  sons — 
will  honor  it,  it  is  hoped,  forever. 

Residence  of  Elbridge  Gerry,  Cambridge,  Massachusetts. 
This  house  is  in  good  repair,  and  is  now  occupied  by  that  distin- 
guished poet,  James  Russell  Lowell. 

Residence  of  W.  Whipple,  Portsmouth,  N.  II. 

This  residence  I  had  photographed  by  the  kindness  of  its  present 
occupant,  and  let  us  trust  it  will  be  remembered  as  a  sacred  landmark 
by  the  people  of  Portsmouth. 

Residence  of  Matthew  Thornton,  Derry,  N.  H. 

This  house  is  still  standing.  I  had  it  photographed  in  1860,  and  it 
retains  all  that  stern  simplicity  which  was  characteristic  of  the  old 
colonial  days. 

Monument  to  Stephen  Hopeins,  Providence,  R.  I. 

Rhode  Island  has  done  herself  infinite  honor  in  erecting  a  monu- 
ment to  so  good  and  pure  a  man. 

It  is  to  be  regretted  that  but  few  States  have  erected  any  monu- 
ment to  the  signers  of  each  State. 

Residence  of  Roger  Sherman,  New  Haven,  Connecticut. 

Among  the  most  pleasing  facts  which  an  historian  has  to  narrate, 
connected  with  persons,  is  that  the  person  rose  from  humble  rank. 
This  residence  of  a  once  poor  shoemaker  has  an  air  of  comfort  and 
coziuess  distinctive  of  American  life. 

Residence  of  Samuel  Huntingdon,  Norwich,  Connecticut. 

This  residence  is  pleasantly  situated,  and  surrounded  with  trees, 
making  it  quite  picturesque,  the  usual  accompaniments  of  a  country 
house. 


x:i  REMARKS   ON   THE   ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Residence  of  Wm.  Williams,  Lebanon,  Connecticut. 
A  plain,  simple,  two-storied  house,  designed,  evidently,  for  comfort 
and  not  for  ornament. 

Residence  of  Oliver  Wolcott,  South  Street,  Lichfield,  Conn. 
This  house  is  very  prettily  situated;  it  has  a  chaste  portico,  with 
strong  and  convenient  out-buildings. 

Birthplace  of  Francis  Lightfoot  Lee  and  Richard  Henry  Lee, 
Leesburg,  Virginia. 

A  fine  commodious  house,  filled  with  historic  interest.  The  name 
of  Lee  will  ever  be  associated  with  the  darkest  page  of  Virginia's  his- 
tory. Every  true  and  loyal  man  might  shed  a  tear  when  he  thinks  of 
one  of  her  ablest  sons  fighting  against  that  government  which  honored 
him. 

Residence  of  Richard  Stockton,  Princeton,  N.  J. 
This  view  I  had  photographed.     The  house  is  in  a  fine  state  of  pre- 
servation, and  is  highly  prized  by  the  family. 

Residence  of  John  Witherspoon,  Mercer  County,  N.  J. 

This  view  of  the  house  I  had  photographed.  It  is  a  roomy,  conve- 
nient house;  it  is  highly  valued  by  the  residents,  and  it  is  hoped  that 
no  sacrilegious  hand  will  ever  deface  its  beauty. 

Residence  of  Francis  Hopkinson,  Bordentown,  N.  J. 

This  house  was  also  photographed  for  me.  It  is  a  strong,  substan- 
tial building,  without  any  special  claims  to  beauty.  It  is  still  occupied 
by  the  Hopkinson  family,  who  are  proud  of  their  lineage. 

Hopewell  Church,  Hopewell,  N.  J. 

The  ground  on  which  this  church  is  built,  at  Hopewell,  N.  J.,  was 
given  by  John  Hart.  It  is  strange  that  neither  portrait  nor  residence 
of  John  Hart  is  known  to  be  in  existence ;  all  that  is  connected  with 
his  memory  is  the  above  illustration,  and  a  monument  which  has  just 
been  finished  and  erected  to  his  memory  by  a  few  of  his  admirers  at 
Hopewell,  N.  J. 

Residence  of  Abraham  Clark,  Elizabethtown,  N.  J. 

This  view  was  photographed  for  me.  It  is  one  of  those  old- 
fashioned  country-houses,  more  remarkable  for  room  than  elegance  of 
construction. 


REMARKS   ON   THE   ILLUSTRATIONS.  xiii 

Residence  of  Geo.  Washington  and  E.  Morris,  south-east  corner 
of  Sixth  and  Market  Streets,  Philadelphia. 

These  two  fine,  roomy  residences  were  pulled  down  some  years  ago. 
The  building  on  the  corner,  which  was  occupied  by  E.  Morris,  was 
afterwards  used  as  the  Schuylkill  Bank,  which  collapsed  some  time 
ago,  and  this  building  was  torn  down  about  fifteen  years  since,  and  on 
its  place  was  erected  another  building,  which  is  now  occupied  as  a 
clothing  store.  It  is  proper  to  state  here  that  part  of  the  house  which 
is  here  shown  as  the  one  where  Washington  lived,  is  still  standing, 
and  forms  part  of  the  store  which  is  now  erected  on  its  former  site. 
My  obliging  friend,  C.  A.  Poulson,  Esq.,  whose  love  for  local  lore  is 
so  well  known,  sketched,  at  my  request,  from  his  memory,  the  annexed 
views. 

Eesidence  of  Dr.  B.  Rush,  No.  38  S.  Fourth  Street,  Philadelphia. 

This  residence,  formerly  known  as  the  "Shipper!  Mansion,"  having 
previously  belonged  to  that  well-known  family,  is  no  more.  This  view 
was  sketched  from  memory,  at  my  request,  by  C.  A.  Poulson,  Esq., 
and  thus  saved  from  oblivion.     The  celebrated  Dr.  Eush  died  here. 

Residence  of  Bent.  Franklin,  and  Place  of  Burial. 

The  house  in  which  Benj.  Franklin  was  born  is  a  quaint  old  build- 
ing, and  very  picturesque.  Boston,  that  gave  him  birth,  can  very 
proudly  claim  him  as  one  of  her  noblest  sons.  The  burial-place  at 
the  corner  of  Fifth  and  Arch  was  sketched  for  me  by  an  artist  whose 
name  I  forget.  It  is  one  of  the  best  views  that  can  be  given.  It  is 
but  a  few  years  since  the  wall  was  taken  down,  and  a  new  iron 
palisading  put  up  in  its  place,  so  that  passers-by  can  stop  and  see  the 
place  where  the  mortal  remains  of  Benjamin  Franklin  lie. 

Eesidence  of  John  Morton,  Delaware  County,  Pa. 

This  picturesque  house  is  still  standing,  and  was  photographed  for 
me  as  it  is  represented.  The  Morton  family  still  occupy  it,  and  feel 
a  proper  family  pride  in  this  honored  name. 

Eesidence  of  George  Clymer,  Chestnut  St.  near  Seventh,  Philada. 

This  view  was  sketched  from  memory  by  my  respected  friend  C.  A. 
Poulson,  Esq.,  and  has,  like  the  rest  of  his  sketches,  been  endorsed  by 
numbers  of  our  old  inhabitants  as  correct  in  every  respect.  I  can- 
not be  too  thankful  for  these  kindnesses,  to  Mr.  Poulson,  and  I  trust 
the  public  will  appreciate  my  efforts,  as  I  do  his,  in  presenting  them 
as  they  are  now  sketched. 


xiv  REMARKS   ON   THE   ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Eesidenoe  of  James  Wilson,  "Fort  Wilson,"  south-west  corner  of 
Third  and  Walnut  Streets,  Philadelphia. 

I  am  again  indebted  to  the  pen  of  Mr.  Poulson  for  this  view.  It 
was  called  "Fort  Wilson,"  because  of  Judge  Wilson  and  others  pro- 
tecting themselves  from  a  mob  that  attacked  them. 

Residence  of  James  Smith,  78  S.  George  Street,  York,  Pa. 

This  sketch  was  drawn  for  me  by  an  old  inhabitant  of  York,  who 
knew  James  Smith  well.  The  smaller  building  was  his  law  office.  It 
is  not  a  very  artistic  production,  but  it  is  the  best  I  could  get. 

Eesidence  of  George  Taylor,  Easton,  Pa. 

This  residence  was  sketched  for  me  by  a  citizen  of  the  town;  it  is 
still  standing,  and  is  highly  honored  by  the  people. 

Eesidence  of  George  Ross,  Lancaster,  Pa. 

This  house  was  pulled  down  in  1852,  but  I  was  very  fortunate 
in  procuring  a  Daguerreotype  of  it,  from  which  this  view  is  engraved. 
The  property,  which  was  owned  by  G.  Ross,  is  still  held  by  some 
branches  of  the  family,  who  entertain  a  profound  respect  for  so  illus- 
trious an  ancestor. 

Residence  of  Cesar  Rodney,  Dover,  Delaware. 

This  residence,  as  it  now  stands,  was  photographed  for  me,  and  I 
can  only  regret  that  the  State  of  Delaware  allows  such  a  house  to  be 
in  so  dilapidated  a  condition.  The  State  ought  not  to  allow  this,  but 
should  preserve  it  for  all  time. 

Residence  of  George  Read,  New  Castle,  Del. 

This  residence  has  been  sketched  from  memory  by  some  of  the 
members  of  the  Read  family,  and  is  said  to  be  an  excellent  and  cor- 
rect view.  The  drawing  has  been  done  under  the  superintendence  of 
General  John  Meredith  Read,  Junior,  of  Albany,  who  is  well 
known,  and  contributes  to  this  edition  a  new  life  of  his  ancestor. 

Residence  of  Thomas  McKean,  S.  Third  Street,  Philada. 

This  house  was  pulled  down  some  years  ago,  but  the  view  has  been 
preserved  by  our  local  historian,  J.  F.  Watson.  It  was  formerly  oc- 
oupied  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Duche',  who  figured  so  conspicuously  in  the 
Revolution  as  Chaplain  to  Congress. 


REMARKS    OX    THE   ILLUSTRATIONS.  xv 

Residence  of  Judge  Samuel  Chase,  Baltimore,  Md. 

This  spacious  and  handsome  residence  is  worthy  of  one  of  the  oldest 
sons  of  Maryland.  This  sketch  was  sent  to  me  by  one  who  knew  it 
well. 

Eesidence  of  Wm.  Paca,  Queenstown,  Md. 

This  residence  is  still  standing,  and  is  in  possession  of  the  family. 
The  view  is  taken  from  a  photograph  taken  for  me,  and  is,  in  every 
sense  of  the  word,  a  residence  fit  for  a  gentleman. 

Eesidence  of  Thomas  Stone,  Port  Tobacco,  Md. 

This  view  I  had  photographed.  The  house  is  spacious,  roomy,  and 
picturesquely  situated  on  the  road  near  Port  Tobacco,  and  close  to  the 
banks  of  the  Potomac.  It  is  still  owned  and  occupied  by  the  Stone 
family. 

Eesidence  of  Charles  Carroll,  near  Baltimore,  Md. 

This  house,  in  style  and  construction,  is  worthy  of  such  a  great  man 
as  Charles  Carroll,  of  Carrollton.  He  was  among  the  most  distin- 
guished and  wealthy  men  of  his  day,  and  one  of  the  proudest  and 
wealthiest  of  an  English  family  sought  his  daughter's  hand  in  marriage. 

Eesidence  of  Thomas  Nelson,  Yorktown,  Va. 

This  edifice  is  still  standing,  unless  the  ravages  of  this  war  have 
levelled  it  to  the  ground,  which  we  are  not  aware  of.  Poor  Yorktown ! 
It  has  passed  through  two  wars,  the  last  the  most  bloody  and  import- 
ant to  the  interests  of  the  world. 

Eesidence  of  Carter  Braxton,  Newington,  Va. 

This  plain,  simple  country  dwelling  is  still  standing,  or  was  in  1861, 
when  I  had  it  photographed.  I  ardently  hope  ruthless  war  has  not 
destroyed  it. 

Christ  Church,  Philadelphia. 

There  being  no  residence  known  of  Joseph  LIewes,  I  selected  this, 
his  burial  place,  as  the  most  suitable  illustration,  and  also  because  of 
its  being  the  most  classic  historic  church  in  the  country. 

Eesidence  of  John  Penn,  Granville,  N.  C. 

This  sketch  was  sent  to  me  by  a  resident  there,  and  is  believed  to 
be  as  near  accurate  as  memory  can  give. 


xvi  REMARKS    ON    THE    ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Kesidenoe  of  Edwaud  Rutledge,  Charleston,  S.  C. 

This  view  was  given  to  me  by  Dr.  Holbrook,  who  married  one  of 
the  daughters  of  E.  Rutledge,  and  unless  the  severe  bombardment  of 
this  war  has  destroyed  it,  it  still .  ranks  as  one  of  the  first  houses  of 
this  sad  city.  Alas!  what  a  change!  Ilere,  in  this  very  house,  assem- 
bled not  only  the  elite  of  Charleston,  but  of  the  whole  country  around. 

Residence  of  Thomas  Heyward,  Charleston,  S.  C. 

This  house  was  photographed  for  me  by  one  of  the  family  in  1860, 
and  unless  the  guns  of  Gen.  Gillmore  have  defaced  or  destroyed  it, 
it  still  stands,  the  honored  remains  of  a  ouce  wealthy  family. 

Thomas  Lynch,  Junior. 

There  is  less  known  of  this  Signer  than  of  any  other.  Not  a  letter 
of  his  is  known  to  be  in  existence,  nor  does  any  one  know  the  house 
where  he  lived,  or  where  he  was  born.  It  is  known  that  he  went  to 
sea  for  the  benefit  of  his  health,  and  there  it  is  supposed  he  met  with 
a  watery  grave.  All  that  is  known  to  be  left  of  his  handwriting  is 
his  signature  on  his  books  which  were  left,  belonging  to  his  library, 
and  his  signature  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  In  the  absence 
of  his  residence,  I  instructed  Mr.  Ferris,  an  able  artist,  to  furnish  the 
accompanying  design.  He  was  in  both  the  infantry  and  cavalry,  and 
hence  the  designs.  The  ship  is  typical  of  how  he  met  with  his  death. 
The  State  Arms  are  those  of  his  native  State,  Georgia. 

Residence  of  Arthur  Middleton,  eighteen  miles  from  Charleston, 
S.  C. 

This  spacious  country  residence  I  had  photographed  through  the 
family,  and  I  presume  it  still  stands  as  the  property  of  one  of  the  best 
and  oldest  families  of  this  State. 

Button  Gwisnett. 

As  the  place  of  his  birth,  or  where  he  resided,  seems  lost  in  ob- 
scurity, I  instructed  Mr.  Ferris  to  furnish  the  accompanying  design, 
as  it  seems,  from  all  that  is  known  of  him,  to  have  been  the  most 
prominent  act  of  his  life,  sad  and  melancholy  as  it  ended. 

N.  B.  Remarks  on  the  Illustrations  which  are  here  omitted,  have  previously  appeared 
in  some  other  work. 


INTRODUCTION. 


The  "  Lives  of  the  Signers  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence," 
though,  with  the  modesty  which  characterised  its  author,  given  to  the 
public  anonymously,  is  known  to  have  been  the  production  of  the  late 
John  Sanderson,  Esq.  The  biographer  could  have  found  no  subject 
more  worthy  of  his  powers,  nor  the  subject  an  abler  biographer.  His 
classical  attainments,  his  profound  research,  his  original  and  sprightly 
genius,  and,  more  than  all,  a  patriotism  upon  which  his  country  and  her 
glory  were  reflected  without  a  distorting  partizan  tint,  peculiarly  fitted  him 
for  the  high  and  holy  task  of  garnering  up,  and  transmitting  to  a  grateful 
posterity,  the  virtues  of  those  who  rocked  the  cradle  of  an  infant  empire. 
The  result  of  his  protracted  and  enlightened  labours  needs  now  no  commen- 
dation ;  it  is  universally,  and  with  just  admiration,  appreciated,  and  will 
advance  in  value  and  reputation  as  time  obliterates  the  scattered  recollec- 
tions and  records  of  those  whose  memory  embalm  his  pages. 

The  original  Biography,  however,  comprising  five  octavo  volumes,  has 
been  found  too  voluminous  and  expensive  for  general  circulation ;  and 
the  publishers,  aware  of  the  general  demand  for  an  abridged  and  popular 
work  on  a  subject  so  interesting  to  every  American,  determined  to  pre- 
sent the  public  with  a  single  volume  which  should  contain  the  substance 
and  spirit  of  the  original.  It  is  sincerely  regretted  that  this  task  was  not 
accomplished  by  the  amiable  and  gifted  author  of  the  Lives  of  the  Signers, 
before  his  lamented  demise.  It  has,  however,  been  the  object  of  the  edi- 
tor to  retain  as  much,  and  change  as  little,  of  the  original  as  possible. 
Its  unnecessary  and  fruitless  boughs  have  been  lopped  off;  but  it  is  be- 
lieved that  neither  its  usefulness,  interest,  nor  symmetrical  and  classic 
beauty  have  been  impaired.  The  portions  omitted  are  documentary  evi- 
dences, the  details  which  belong  rather  to  history  than  to  biography,  the 
somewhat  tedious  accounts  of  the  ancestry  of  the  Signers,  and  the  frequent 
historical  repetitions  incident  to  an  account  of  so  large  a  number  of  actors 
in  a  single  drama.  In  the  biographical  narrative,  though  useless  and 
uninteresting  details  have  been  dropped  or  abbreviated,  the  main  action, 
if  we  may  so  express  ourselves,  has  been  left  untouched  in  volume  and 
character,  being  retained,  generally  in  the  elegant  diction  of  the  author. 
The   pruning-knife   has  been  used  oftener  than  the  pen ;   and  it  may, 

xvii 


xviu  INTRODUCTION. 

indeed,  be  doubted  whether,  by  the  excision  of  lifeless  details  and  ela- 
borate reflections,  the  spirit  and  interest  of  the  work  are  not  heightened, 
while  the  biography  is  compressed  within  a  compass  which  renders  it 
accessible  to  every  American  reader. 

The  genius,  virtues,  and  sacrifices  of  the  "Signers" — are  they  not 
graven  on  every  American  heart  ?  The  editor  will  not  presume  to  praise 
them.  Their  eulogy  has  been  exhausted  ;  for  the  noblest  intellects  of  the 
land  have  been  ambitious  to  win  the  fame  of  successful  panegyrists.  Sim- 
ply, as  the  founders  of  a  structure  upon  which  the  startled  world  looks 
with  admiring  awe,  as  the  authors  of  a  movement  which  promises  to  em- 
brace the  family  of  the  world  within  the  holy  influences  of  gentle  justice, 
and  peaceful  right  to  all  men — their  names  are  star-like.  But  a  careful 
review  of  their  biography  affords  aggregate  facts  elucidating  the  character 
of  the  congress  of  '76,  as  a  body,  which,  it  is  believed,  no  writer  upon 
the  subject,  however  painstaking,  has  had  the  patience  to  embody.  We 
deem  no  apology  necessary  for  presenting  some  of  the  results  of  such  an 
investigation  to  our  readers ;  for  the  inquiry  is  not  curious  merely :  in 
learning  under  what  influences  American  liberty  germinated  and  grew, 
we  may  be  taught  how  to  nurture  and  sustain  it. 

The  birth-place  of  the  Signers,  as  the  natal  home  of  liberty,  is  an  inter- 
esting inquiry.  They  were  all  natives  of  the  soil,  with  the  exception  of  eight, 
who  had  immigrated  in  youth  or  early  manhood.  Among  the  exceptions, 
we  find  the  revered  names  of  Robert  Morris,  Witherspoon,  and  Wilson. 
Of  those  born  in  America,  the  birth-place  of  sixteen  was  in  the  eastern, 
fourteen  in  the  middle,  and  eighteen  in  the  southern,  colonies.  It  should 
be  remembered,  however,  that  the  representation  was  unequal,  various, 
and  almost  accidental.  Congress  voted  by  colonies,  and  the  number  of 
colonial  representatives  did  not  affect  the  result.  The  birth-place  of  the 
Signers  may  be  given  as  follows. — Of  the  European  signers,  two  were 
from  England,  three  from  Ireland,  two  from  Scotland,  and  one  from 
Wales ;  in  all  eight.  The  majority  of  these,  were  among  the  earliest 
and  more  ardent  of  the  advocates  of  independence.  Of  those  born  in  this 
country,  one  was  a  native  of  Maine  ;  nine  of  Massachusetts ;  two  of  Rhode 
Island ;  four  of  Connecticut ;  three  of  New  York  ;  four  of  New  Jersey  ; 
five  of  Pennsylvania  ;  two  of  Delaware  ;  five  of  Maryland  ;  nine  of  Vir- 
ginia ;  and  four  of  South  Carolina. 

The  education  of  that  distinguished  body  is  equally  worthy  the  curiosity 
of  the  philosophic  student.  It  may  be  doubted  whether  any  popular  po- 
litical body  has  comprised  so  large  a  proportion  of  highly  educated  mem- 
bers. The  number  of  those  who  had  regularly  graduated  in  the  colleges 
of  Europe  or  America  was  twenty-seven,  or  nearly  one  half  the  whole 
number.     To  the  honour  of  Harvard  it  should  be  mentioned,  that  seven 


INTRODUCTION.  xix 

of  the  Signers  came  from  that  venerable  institution.  Twenty  other  mem- 
bers may  be  named  whose  education,  though  not  regularly  collegiate,  was 
either  academic,  or,  by  dint  of  unaided  energy,  as  in  the  case  of  Frank- 
lin, was  equal  or  superior  to  the  ordinary  course  of  the  universities.  Nine 
of  the  members  only  of  that  august  body  can  be  set  down  as  of  ordinary 
and  plain  education ;  though  in  that  number  are  included  men  of  exten- 
sive reading,  enlightened  views,  and  enlarged  sagacity.  The  congress 
did  not  contain  one  uneducated  member. 

As  further  evidence  of  the  enlightened  character  of  these  fathers  of  the 
republic,  it  should  be  stated,  that  many  of  them  visited  Europe  and  stu- 
died, at  the  fountain  head,  the  principles  of  British  constitutional  liberty. 
Of  the  fifty-six  members,  twenty-five  trod  the  soil,  and  studied  the  insti- 
tutions, of  the  mother  country.  Some  were  born  hi  Great  Britain,  many 
were  educated  there,  and  many  visited  it  before  or  after  the  declaration. 
There  is  no  movement  on  record  to  which  so  large  an  amount  of  political 
science,  observation,  wisdom,  and  experience  was  brought  to  bear,  as  in 
the  American  revolution. 

The  condition  in  life  of  most  of  the  Signers  was  such  as  to  dispel  all 
suspicion  of  selfish  motives  in  their  action.  Many  of  them  were  among 
the  most  affluent,  as  Hancock,  Carroll,  Morris,  and  others,  who  staked 
all  upon  the  contest ;  the  majority  were  possessed  of  an  ample  compe- 
tence ;  and  with  the  exception  of  Samuel  Adams,  "  the  poor  gentleman," 
and  a  few  others,  all  had,  besides  life,  something  to  lose,  and  nothing  but 
liberty  to  gain,  from  the  conflict  which  they  invoked. 

The  pursuits  in  life  of  the  members  of  the  congress  afford  some  indica- 
tion of  their  character  and  social  position,  and  those  of  the  classes  and  in- 
terests which  they  represented.  The  inquiry  may  dispel  some  unworthy 
prejudices  as  to  classes.  Nearly  one  half,  to  wit,  twenty-four,  of  the 
Signers,  were  members  of  the  legal  profession,  a  body  of  whom  it  may  be 
said,  that  they  have  been  the  original  assertors  and  most  faithful  cham- 
pions of  constitutional  liberty  in  all  countries.  Thirteen  of  the  Signers 
were  planters  or  farmers,  the  former  being  rather  affluent  land  proprietors 
than  practical  agriculturists.  Nine  were  merchants  ;  five,  physcians  ;  two 
mechanics  ;  one  a  clergyman  ;  one  a  mariner ;  and  one  a  surveyor.  Many 
of  these  were  engaged  in  mingled  pursuits,  and  nearly  all,  were  more  or 
less  interested  in  agriculture.  It  will  be  seen  that  a  considerable  majority 
were  professional  men. 

The  congress  of  independence  exhibited  a  singularly  just  representation 
of  the  different  stages  of  human  life.  Its  youngest  member  was  twenty- 
seven,  its  oldest,  seventy,  years  of  age.  The  mass  of  its  members  were 
in  the  most  vigorous  season  of  life — forty-two  out  of  the  fifty-six  being 
between  the  ages  of  thirty  and  fifty  years.    The  ages  of  the  Signers,  at  the 


xx  INTRODUCTION. 

date  of  the  Declaration  may  be  briefly  stated  as  follows:  From  twerity- 
five  to  thirty  years  of  age,  three  ;  from  thirty  to  thirty-five,  eleven ;  from 
thirty-five  to  forty,  ten ;  from  forty  to  forty-five,  ten ;  from  forty-five  to 
fifty,  ten ;  from  fifty  to  fifty-five,  three ;  from  fifty-five  to  sixty,  two ; 
from  sixty  to  sixty-five,  four ;  from  sixty-live  to  seventy,  two.  The  oldest 
member  was  the  venerable  Franklin,  who  was  then  in  his  seventy-first 
year;  and  the  youngest  was  the  ardent  Rutledge,  who  was  but  twenty- 
seven.  The  average  age  of  the  Signers,  in  July  1776,  was  forty-three 
years  and  ten  mo'nths.  To  this  combination  of  the  ardour  of  youth  with 
the  vigour  of  matured  manhood  and  the  caution  of  experienced  age,  may 
we  ascribe  the  enterprise,  energy,  and  wisdom  of  those  councils  which 
elicited  the  splendid  eulogium  of  Chatham,  secured  for  a  feeble  people 
the  confidence  of  timid  sovereignties,  and  founded  a  republic  whose  pre- 
sence occupies  nearly  half  a  hemisphere,  and  whose  shadow  is  thrown 
over  the  world. 

An  inquiry  into  the  history  of  the  Signers  subsequently  to  the  Declara- 
tion, exhibits  truths  over  which  all  who  rejoice  in  the  dignity  of  man  must 
exult.  They  pledged  their  lives,  their  fortunes,  and  their  sacred  honour  ; 
and  not  one  was  false  to  the  pledge — not  one!  They  suffered  much; 
some  died  from  hardships  encountered,  some  were  imprisoned,  many 
were  impoverished,  and  all  were  tempted  by  promises,  and  menaced  by 
the  wrath  of  what  seemed,  for  a  time,  an  earthly  omnipotence :  but  all 
stood  firm.  There  was  doubt  previously  to  the  declaration — none  after. 
Every  name  shone  brighter  as  the  darkness  thickened.  Each  patriot  was 
a  sun  that  stood  fast,  as  that  under  the  bidding  of  Joshua,  until  the  battle 
of  independence  had  been  fought  and  won. 

Another  peculiarity  should  be  mentioned.  Not  one  of  all  that  sacred 
band  died  with  a  stain  upon  his  name.  This  work  contains  the  biogra- 
phy of  all ;  there  is  not  one  to  blush  for.  Their  lives,  like  the  orbs  that 
constitute  the  milky  way,  are  one  stream  of  light ;  and  the  glass  of  the 
historian,  as  it  pierces  the  dim  lustre,  only  reveals  stars  which  are  brighter 
as  each  is  watched  and  studied.  The  annals  of  the  world  can  present  no 
political  body,  the  lives  of  whose  members,  minutely  traced,  exhibit  so 
much  of  the  zeal  of  the  patriot,  dignified  and  chastened  by  the  virtues  of 
the  man.  Nearly  all  the  Signers  rose  to  high  stations  in  their  respective 
states  and  in  the  nation.  The  two  members  most  active  in  the  declara- 
tion of  independence  were  elevated  to  the  presidency  of  the  republic ;  and, 
by  a  providential  coincidence,  departed  this  life  on  the  anniversary  of  the 
day  of  their  triumph,  together,  breathing  the  same  blessing  upon  their 
common  labours,  and  winging  their  way  to  their  joint  reward.  The 
Signers  while  they  lived  justified,  in  the  highest  stations  of  the  republic, 
the  confidence  reposed  in  them  ;  and  their  monuments  are  the  Meccas  of 


INTRODUCTION.  XX1 

patriotism,  where  the  freeman  repairs  to  renew  his  pledge  to  the  princi- 
ples which  they  established,  and  his  faith  to  the  constitution  which  they 
and  their  compatriots  erected  and  consecrated. 

The  history  of  the  lives  of  the  Signers  is  an  encouragement  to  virtue. 
It  would  be  a  difficult  task  to  collect  in  public  life  examples,  in  the 
(ace  of  danger,  and  under  tribulation,  of  lives  so  illustrious  and  happy — 
of  deaths  so  peaceful  and  honoured.  Even  Time  seemed  to  relax  in 
passing  over  those  whose  acts  have  illuminated  all  time.  Their  lives 
were  passed  in  high  and  honourable  action ;  their  spirits  excited  by 
pure  and  lofty  sentiments.  In  the  temper  of  their  minds,  they  owned 
the  restraints  of  religion  ;  in  their  habits  they  were,  with  a  few  exceptions, 
rigidly  regular  and  temperate.  Though  severe,  they  were  not  gloomy ; 
and,  from  the  lofty  standard  of  principles  and  action  which  they  had 
adopted,  though  they  ventured  all,  they  could  lose  nothing,  for  fortune 
and  life  were  nothing  to  them  without  freedom.  The  peace  at  home,  in 
the  heart,  which  attends  such  principles,  seems  to  minister  to  health  as 
well  as  to  happiness.  The  longevity  of  the  Signers  has  been  made  the 
subject  of  frequent  remark.  They  lingered  into  an  age  beyond  their  own. 
It  seemed  a  portion  of  their  earthly  reward,  that  they  should  witness  the 
gathering  of  the  rich  and  peaceful  harvest  which  they  had  sown  in  tears 
and  blood.  The  average  age  of  the  Signers  at  the  time  of  their  death, 
was  sixty-eight  years  and  four  months.  The  oldest  survivor  was  also  the 
latest  survivor,  Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton,  who  was,  at  the  time  of  his 
death,  ninety-five  years  old. 

"They  are  no  more,"  (we  quote  from  an  eminent  living  statesman,} 
"  they  are  dead.  But  how  little  is  there  of  the  great  and  good  which  can 
die  !  To  their  country  they  yet  live,  and  live  for  ever.  They  live  in  all 
that  perpetuates  the  remembrance  of  men  on  earth  :  in  the  recorded  proofs 
of  their  own  great  actions,  in  the  offspring  of  their  intellect,  in  the  deep 
engraved  lines  of  public  gratitude,  and  in  the  respect  and  homage  of  man- 
kind. They  live  in  their  example  ;  and  they  live,  emphatically,  and  will 
live,  in  the  influence  which  their  lives  and  efforts,  their  principles  and 
opinions,  now  exercise,  and  will  continue  to  exercise,  on  the  affairs  of 
men,  not  only  in  their  own  country,  but  throughout  the  civilized  world. 
A  superior  and  commanding  human  intellect,  a  truly  great  man,  when 
Heaven  vouchsafes  so  rare  a  gift,  is  not  a  temporary  flame,  burning  bright 
for  a  while,  and  then  expiring,  giving  place  to  returning  darkness.  It  is 
rather  a  spark  of  fervent  heat,  as  well  as  radiant  light,  with  power  to  en- 
kindle the  common  mass  of  human  mind ;  so  that  when  it  glimmers  in  its 
own  decay,  and  finally  goes  out  in  death,  no  night  follows ;  but  it  leaves 
the  world  all  light,  all  on  fire,  from  the  potent  contact  of  its  own  spirit." 

Philadelphia,   1846.  R.  T.  C. 


DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 

In  Congress,  July  4,  1776. 
the  unanimous  declaration  of  the  thirteen  united  states 
of  america. 

When,  in  the  course  of  human  events,  it  becomes  necessary  for 
one  people  to  dissolve  the  political  bands  which  have  connected 
them  with  another,  and  to  assume,  among  the  powers  of  the  earth, 
the  separate  and  equal  station  to  which  the  laws  of  nature  and  na- 
ture's God  entitle  them,  a  decent  respect  to  the  opinions  of  mankind 
requires,  that  they  should  declare  the  causes  which  impel  them  to 
the  separation. 

We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident: — that  all  men  are  created 
equal;  that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain  unalien- 
able rights;  that  among  these  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of 
happiness.  That  to  secure  these  rights,  governments  are  instituted 
among  men,  deriving  their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  go- 
verned; that  whenever  any  form  of  government  becomes  destructive 
of  these  ends,  it  is  the  right  of  the  people  to  alter  or  abolish  it,  and 
to  institute  a  new  government,  laying  its  foundation  on  such  princi- 
ples, and  organizing  its  powers  in  such  form  as  to  them  shall  seem 
most  likely  to  effect  their  safety  and  happiness.  Prudence,  indeed, 
will  dictate,  that  governments  long  established  should  not  be  changed 
for  light  and  transient  causes;  and  accordingly  all  experience  hath 
shown,  that  mankind  are  more  disposed  to  suffer,  while  evils  are 
sufTerable,  than  to  right  themselves,  by  abolishing  the  forms  to 
which  they  are  accustomed.  But  when  a  long  train  of  abuses  and 
usurpations,  pursuing  invariably  the  same  object,  evinces  a  design 
to  reduce  them  under  absolute  despotism,  it  is  their  right,  it  is  their 
duty,  to  throw  off  such  government,  and  to  provide  new  guards  for 
their  future  security.  Such  has  been  the  patient  sufferance  of  these 
colonies,  and  such  is  now  the  necessity  which  constrains  them  to 
alter  their  former  systems  of  government.  The  history  of  the  pre- 
sent king  of  Great  Britain  is  a  history  of  repeated  injuries  and 
usurpations,  all  having  in  direct  object  the  establishment  of  an  ab- 
solute tyranny  over  these  States.  To  prove  this,  let  facts  be  sub- 
mitted to  a  candid  world. 

sxiii 


xx,v       DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 

He  has  refused  his  assent  to  laws  the  most  wholesome  and  neces- 
sary for  the  public  good. 

He  has  forbidden  his  governors  to  pass  laws  of  immediate  and 
pressing  importance,  unless  suspended  in  their  operation,  till  his  as- 
sent should  be  obtained;  and  when  so  suspended,  he  has  utterly 
neglected  to  attend  to  them.  He  has  refused  to  pass  other  laws  for 
the  accommodation  of  large  districts  of  people,  unless  those  people 
would  relinquish  the  right  of  representation  in  the  legislature — a 
right  inestimable  to  them,  and  formidable  to  tyrants  only. 

He  has  called  together  legislative  bodies  at  places  unusual,  un- 
comfortable, and  distant  from  the  repository  of  their  public  records, 
for  the  sole  purpose  of  fatiguing  them  into  a  compliance  with  his 
measures. 

He  has  dissolved  Representative  Houses  repeatedly,  for  opposing, 
with  manly  firmness,  his  invasions  on  the  rights  of  the  people. 

He  has  refused,  for  a  long  time  after  such  dissolutions,  to  cause 
others  to  be  elected ;  whereby  the  legislative  powers,  incapable  ol 
annihilation,  have  returned  to  the  people  at  large  for  their  exercise, 
the  State  remaining,  in  the  mean  time,  exposed  to  all  the  dangers 
of  invasion  from  without,  and  convulsions  within. 

He  has  endeavoured  to  prevent  the  population  of  these  States  ; 
for  that  purpose  obstructing  the  laws  of  naturalization  of  foreigners ; 
refusing  to  pass  others  to  encourage  their  migration  hither,  and 
raising  the  conditions  of  new  appropriations  of  lands. 

He  has  obstructed  the  administration  of  justice,  by  refusing  his 
assent  to  laws  for  establishing  judiciary  powers. 

He  has  made  judges  dependent  on  his  will  alone,  for  the  tenure 
of  their  offices,  and  the  amount  and  payment  of  their  salaries. 

He  has  erected  a  multitude  of  new  offices,  and  sent  hither  swarms 
of  officers,  to  harass  our  people,  and  eat  out  their  substance. 

He  has  kept  among  us,  in  times  of  peace,  standing  armies,  with- 
out the  consent  of  our  legislatures. 

He  has  affected  to  render  the  military,  independent  of,  and 
superior  to,  the  civil  power. 

He  has  combined  with  others  to  subject  us  to  a  jurisdiction  foreign 
to  our  Constitution,  and  unacknowledged  by  our  laws  ;  giving  his 
assent  to  their  acts  of  pretended  legislation: 

For  quartering  large  bodies  of  armed  troops  among  us: 

For  protecting  them,  by  a  mock  trial,  from  punishment  for  any 
murders  which  they  should  commit  on  the  inhabitants  of  these 
States: 


DECLARATION   OF  INDEPENDENCE.  xxv 

For  cutting  oft*  our  trade  with  all  parts  of  the  world: 

For  imposing  taxes  on  us  without  our  consent: 

For  depriving  us,  in  many  cases,  of  the  benefits  of  trial  by  jury: 

For  transporting  us  beyond  seas  to  be  tried  for  pretended  offences : 

For  abolishing  the  free  system  of  English  laws  in  a  neighbouring 
province,  establishing  therein  an  arbitrary  government,  and  enlarg- 
ing its  boundaries,  so  as  to  render  it  at  once  an  example  and  fit 
instrument  for  introducing  the  same  absolute  rule  into  these 
colonies. 

For  taking  away  our  charters,  abolishing  our  most  valuable  laws, 
and  altering,  fundamentally,  the  forms  of  our  governments: 

For  suspending  our  own  legislatures,  and  declaring  themselves 
invested  with  power  to  legislate  for  us  in  all  cases  whatsoever. 

He  has  abdicated  government  here,  by  declaring  us  out  of  his 
protection,  and  waging  war  against  us. 

He  has  plundered  our  seas,  ravaged  our  coasts,  burnt  our  towns, 
and  destroyed  the  lives  of  our  people. 

He  is  at  this  time  transporting  large  armies  of  foreign  mercenaries 
to  complete  the  works  of  death,  desolation,  and  tyranny,  already 
began  with  circumstances  of  cruelty  and  perfidy,  scarcely  paralleled 
in  the  most  barbarous  ages,  and  totally  unworthy  the  head  of  a' 
civilized  nation. 

He  has  constrained  our  fellow-citizens,  taken  captive  on  the  high 
seas,  to  bear  arms  against  their  country,  to  become  the  executioners 
of  their  friends  and  brethren,  or  to  fall  themselves  by  their  hands. 

He  has  excited  domestic  insurrections  amongst  us,  and  has  en- 
deavoured to  bring  on  the  inhabitants  of  our  frontiers  the  merciless 
Indian  savages,  whose  known  rule  of  warfare  is  an  undistinguished 
destruction  of  all  ages,  sexes,  and  conditions. 

In  every  stage  of  these  oppressions  we  have  petitioned  for  redress 
in  the  most  humble  terms :  our  repeated  petitions  have  been  an- 
swered only  by  repeated  injury.  A  prince,  whose  character  is  thus 
marked  by  every  act  which  may  define  a  tyrant,  is  unfit  to  be  the 
ruler  of  a  free  people. 

Nor  have  we  been  wanting  in  attentions  to  our  British  brethren. 
We  have  warned  them,  from  time  to  time,  of  attempts  by  their 
legislature  to  extend  an  unwarrantable  jurisdiction  over  us.  We 
have  reminded  them  of  the  circumstances  of  our  emigration  and 
settlement  here.  We  have  appealed  to  their  native  justice  and 
magnanimity,  and  we  have  conjured  them  by  the  ties  of  our  common 
kindred  to  disavow  these  usurpations,  which  would  inevitably  inter- 


xxvi  DECLARATION   OF   INDEPENDENCE. 

nipt  our  connexions  and  correspondence.  They  too  have  been  deaf 
to  the  voice  of  justice  and  consanguinity.  We  must,  therefore,  ac- 
quiesce in  the  necessity  which  denounces  our  separation,  and  hold 
them,  as  we  hold  the  rest  of  mankind — enemies  in  war,  in  peace 
friends. 

We,  therefore,  the  representatives  of  the  United  States  of  Ame- 
rica, in  General  Congress  assembled,  appealing  to  the  Supreme 
Judge  of  the  world,  for  the  rectitude  of  our  intentions,  do,  in  the 
name  and  by  the  authority  of  the  good  people  of  these  colonies, 
solemnly  publish  and  declare,  that  these  United  Colonies  are,  and 
of  right  ought  to  be,  free  and  independent  States;  that  they  are  ab- 
solved from  all  allegiance  to  the  British  crown,  and  that  all  political 
connexion  between  them  and  the  State  of  Great  Britain  is,  and 
ought  to  be,  totally  dissolved ;  and  that,  as  free  and  independent 
States,  they  have  full  power  to  levy  war,  conclude  peace,  contract 
alliances,  establish  commerce,  and  to  do  all  other  acts  and  things 
which  independent  States  may  of  right  do.  And  for  the  support  of 
this  declaration,  with  a  firm  reliance  on  the  protection  of  Divine 
Providence,  we  mutually  pledge  to  each  other  our  lives,  our  fortunes, 
and  our  sacred  honour 

JOHN  HANCOCK. 


RES.  OF     inuw  u„ 


BIOGRAPHY 

OF  THE  SIGNERS 

TO   THE 

DECLARATION  QE  INDEPENDENCE. 


JOHN  HANCOCK. 

John  Hancock,  son  of  a  gentleman  of  the  same  name,  was 
born  in  the  year  1737,  in  the  colony  of  Massachusetts.  The  habit- 
ation of  his  father  was  situated  near  the  present  village  of  Quincy, 
and  is  now  annexed  to  the  estate  of  John  Adams,  former  president 
of  the  United  States.  This  same  village  gave  birth  to  Samuel 
Adams;  and,  besides  furnishing  two  of  our  chief  magistrates,  may 
be  noted  for  the  production  of  three  of  the  most  distinguished  cha- 
racters of  the  revolution. 

His  grandfather,  who  resided  for  half  a  century  in  the  county  of 
Middlesex,  and  in  that  part  which  is  since  called  Lexington,  and  his 
father,  were  clergymen  of  good  reputation. 

Under  the  care  of  his  uncle,  a  distinguished  merchant  and  patron 
of  science  and  literature,  John  Hancock,  whose  father  had  died 
during  his  infancy,  received  his  entire  education.  He  was  graduated 
at  Harvard  college  in  1754;  having  performed,  we  may  suppose,  the 
exercises  of  that  institution  with  the  usual  celerity  and  success. 

At  the  conclusion  of  his  collegiate  studies,  Mr.  Hancock  enter- 
ed as  a  clerk  in  the  counting  house  of  his  uncle,  who  was  then 
at  the  height  of  his  commercial  prosperity.  In  1760,  he  visited 
England;  was  present  at  the  funeral  of  George  It.  and  at  the  coro- 
nation of  his  successor.  Soon  after  his  return  to  America  he  was 
invested,  by  the  decease  and  munificence  of  his  patron,  and  at  the 
age  of  twenty-seven  years,  with  a  fortune  which  is  said  to  have 
1  A  53 


54  JOHN    HANCOCK. 

been  more  magnificent  than  that  of  any  other  individual  of  his 
native  province. 

From  this  preliminary  notice,  we  may  now  pursue  him  to  the 
scenes  of  public  life;  for  his  ambition  was  not  long  confined  to  the 
precincts  of  the  counting  house,  and  his  private  life  may  be  said  to 
have  ended  with  his  minority. 

He  was  first  chosen  selectman  of  the  town  of  Boston,  an  office 
which  he  held  many  years;  and  was  elected,  in  17CG,  with  James 
Otis,  Samuel  Adams,  and  Thomas  dishing,  a  representative  to  the 
general  assembly  of  the  province. 

His  introduction  to  public  notice  was  favoured,  with  great  inter- 
est, by  his  colleague  Mr.  Adams,  which  may  be  taken  as  no  humble 
evidence  of  his  competency  and  merit;  for  that  gentleman  is  de- 
scribed, not  only  as  a  man  of  acute  discrimination,  but  of  a  chaste 
and  delicate  honour,  who  used  not  willingly  the  instrumentality 
of  vice,  and  who  was  not  deceived  by  superficial  or  meretricious 
pretensions. 

As  representative  of  the  provincial  assembly,  his  colleagues  cer- 
tainly entertained  the  highest  sense  both  of  the  excellence  of  his 
principles  and  abilities;  for,  as  it  appears  from  the  journals  of  their 
proceedings,  he  was  nominated  to  nearly  all  their  important  com 
mittees;  and,  notwithstanding  the  acknowledged  dignity  of  many 
of  his  associates,  appointed  chairman  upon  deliberations  involving 
the  highest  interests  of  the  community. 

During  the  first  provocations  of  the  British  government,  by  which 
she  excited  discontent  and  opposition  in  her  colonies,  his  diligence 
and  talents  were  also  exerted  conspicuously.  It  was  by  his  agency, 
and  that  of  a  few  other  citizens  of  Boston,  that,  for  the  purpose  of 
causing  such  duties  to  be  revoked,  associations  were  instituted  to 
prohibit  the  importation  of  British  goods;  a  policy  which,  soon 
afterwards,  being  imitated  in  the  other  colonies,  first  kindled  the 
apprehensions,  and  awoke  the  vigilance  of  the  people  to  the  preser- 
vation of  their  liberties.  The  agitation  occasioned  by  these  mea- 
sures of  opposition  were  attended,  indeed,  by  great  excitement,  and, 
in  some  instances,  by  acts  of  dangerous  outrage;  of  which  may  be 
mentioned  amongst  the  most  conspicuous,  the  case  of  Mr.  Otis,  a 
gentleman  very  eminently  distinguished,  at  that  time,  for  various 
accomplishments,  and  especially  his  eloquence,  who,  at  the  instiga- 
tion of  a  British  officer,  was  assailed  with  a  violence  which  impaired 
his  reason  and  accelerated  his  death. 

About  the  same  time,  a  vessel  of  Mr.  Hancock,  being  loaded,  it 


JOHN    HANCOCK.  55 

was  said,  in  contravention  of  the  revenue  laws,  was  seized  by  the 
custom-house  officers,  and  carried  under  the  guns  of  an  armed  ves- 
sel, at  that  time  in  the  harbour,  for  security ;  but  the  people,  exas- 
perated by  this  offensive  exertion  of  authority,  assembled,  and  pur- 
suing the  officers,  beat  them  with  clubs,  and  drove  them  aboard 
their  vessels,  or  to  a  neighbouring  castle,  where  they  fled  for  pro- 
tection. The  boat  of  the  collector  was  then  burnt  in  triumph, 
by  the  mob,  and  the  houses  of  some  of  his  most  obnoxious  adhe- 
rents were,  in  the  first  transports  of  the  popular  fury,  razed  to 
the  ground. 

These  riotous  proceedings  were,  indeed,  reprobated  by  the  legal 
authorities,  and  instructions  given  for  the  punishment  of  the  offend- 
ers; but  the  passions  of  the  people,  nevertheless,  retained  their 
excitement,  and  although  the  name  only  of  Hancock,  was  connect- 
ed with  the  transaction,  he  derived  from  it  a  great  increase  of 
popularity. 

The  governor  of  the  province  introduced,  soon  afterwards,  into 
Boston,  several  regiments  of  British  troops;  a  measure  that  more 
than  all  others,  served  to  irritate  the  inhabitants  and  nourish  the 
seeds  of  rebellion.  The  soldiery  were  prepossessed  with  an  inso- 
lent contempt  of  the  people  amongst  whom  they  were  stationed, 
and,  by  a  special  discipline,  prepared  for  acts  of  ferocity  and  vio- 
lence. The  inhabitants,  on  the  other  hand,  independent  of  the  feel- 
ings inspired  by  the  insulting  parade  of  foreign  troops  in  their  city, 
regarded  them,  on  this  occasion,  as  the  instruments  of  a  tyranny, 
which  all  the  miseries  and  everlasting  infamy  of  servitude  forbade 
them  to  endure;  and,  under  the  empire  of  such  sentiments,  embit- 
tered very  frequently  by  contumelious  expressions,  which  men  more 
promptly  resent  than  real  injuries,  the  parties  did  not  long  abstain 
from  acts  of  violence  and  outrage. 

On  the  evening  of  the  fifth  of  March,  1770,  a  small  party  of  the 
British  soldiers  parading  in  King  street,  were  assailed  with  balls  of 
snow  and  other  accidental  weapons  by  a  tumultuary  assemblage  of 
citizens,  who,  by  order  of  the  commanding  officer,  were  repelled 
with  a  discharge  of  musketry; — upon  which  occasion  several  of  the 
crowd  were  wounded  and  a  few  were  killed.  This  affray,  which  is 
usually  termed  "  the  massacre  of  Boston,"  although  originating  in 
the  provocations  of  the  people,  was  regarded  as  an  act  of  atrocious 
iniquity,  which  required  an  immediate  and  signal  revenge.  The 
alarm  was  spread  through  the  town  by  the  clamours  of  the  inhabit- 
ants and  tolling  of  bells,  and  multitudes,  with  whatever  arms  their 


5G  JOHN    HANCOCK. 

fury  administered,  flocked  in  from  all  sides.  But  during  the  con- 
fusion and  stupefaction  occasioned  by  so  unusual  and  sanguinary  a 
spectacle — for  this  was  the  first  effusion  of  blood  since  the  origin  of 
their  contentions — the  offenders  were  withdrawn;  and  by  this  in- 
terception of  their  rage,  by  the  intervention  of  individuals  of  the 
popular  party,  and  by  the  assurances  of  the  governor,  that  the 
guilty  would  be  arrested  for  the  punishment  of  the  laws,  all  further 
acts  of  violence  were  prevented. 

An  assembly  of  the  citizens  was  convened  on  the  succeeding  day, 
principally  by  the  instigation  of  Mr.  Samuel  Adams,  in  which  Mr. 
Hancock,  with  some  others,  was  appointed  to  request  of  the  governor, 
a  removal  of  the  British  troops  from  the  town.  This,  the  governor, 
by  interposing  the  plea  of  insufficient  authority,  endeavoured  to 
evade.  A  second  committee  was  then  selected,  of  which  Hancock 
was  chairman,  who  voted  the  excuse  inadmissible,  and  in  a  more 
spirited  and  peremptory  tone  urged  and  obtained  their  removal. 
The  prominence  of  Mr.  Hancock,  during  these  transactions,  affords 
a  sufficient  evidence  of  the  high  estimation  in  which  he  was,  at  that 
period,  held  by  his  countrymen. 

The  bodies  of  the  slain  being,  a  few  days  after  their  decease, 
borne  to  the  place  of  burial,  were  deposited  in  the  same  tomb. 
Their  obsequies  were  consecrated  by  many  melancholy  ceremonies, 
by  the  tolling  of  bells  in  Boston,  and  in  the  neighbouring  towns;  by 
funeral  processions,  and  by  various  other  emblematic  demonstrations 
of  mourning,  which  awoke  the  compassion  or  roused  the  indigna- 
tion of  the  people.  The  speech  delivered  by  Mr.  Hancock  upon 
this  occasion,  was  a  bold  and  burning  denunciation  of  tyranny. 
The  following  extract  may  be  given  as  a  specimen  of  its  style  and 
temper. 

"  But  I  gladly  quit  this  theme  of  death — I  would  not  dwell  too 
long  upon  the  horrid  effects  which  have  already  followed  from  quar- 
tering regular  troops  in  this  town;  let  our  misfortunes  instruct  pos- 
terity to  guard  against  these  evils.  Standing  armies  are  sometimes 
(I  would  by  no  means  say  generally,  much  less  universally)  com- 
posed of  persons  who  have  rendered  themselves  unfit  to  live  in  civil 
society;  who  are  equally  indifferent  to  the  glory  of.a  George  or  a 
Louis ;  who,  for  the  addition  of  one  penny  a  day  to  their  wages, 
would  desert  from  the  Christian  cross,  and  fight  under  the  crescent 
of  the  Turkish  Sultan  ;  from  such  men  as  these,  what  has  not 
a  state  to  fear?  with  such  as  these  usurping  Cresar  passed  the 
Rubicon ;  with  such  as  these  he  humbled  mighty  Rome,  and  forced 


JOHN    HANCOCK.  57 

the  mistress  of  the  world  to  own  a  master  in  a  traitor.  These  are 
the  men  whom  sceptred  robbers  now  employ  to  frustrate  the  de- 
signs of  God,  and  render  vain  the  bounties  which  his  gracious  hand 
pours  indiscriminately  upon  his  creatures." 

By  the  sentiments  of  this  latter  paragraph,  Hancock  gave  great 
offence  to  the  British  officers. 

This  discourse  is  in  some  parts  more  declamatory  than  the  usual 
style  of  the  revolution,  which  was  commonly  very  foreign  from  the 
noisy  eloquence  of  faction  or  the  glitter  of  false  magnificence.  It 
derives,  however,  an  interest,  independent  of  the  arts  of  composition, 
from  the  occasion  upon  which  it  was  pronounced ;  by  giving  a  new 
lustre  to  the  reputation  of  Mr.  Hancock,  which,  at  this  period,  was 
injuriously  diminished. 

Conscious  of  the  injurious  influence  of  his  popularity  upon  the 
designs  of  the  British  government,  the  governor  of  the  province  had 
endeavoured,  by  studied  civilities,  or  by  direct  overtures,  made,  it 
was  said,  at  the  instigation  of  Lord  North  the  prime  minister,  to 
procure  his  disaffection  to  the  interests  of  the  provincial  party;  and 
at  length,  by  the  malice  of  rivals,  or  artifice  of  the  enemy,  joined  to 
the  natural  pronencss  of  mankind  to  credit  falsehood,  many  reports 
were  soon  spread  detrimental  to  his  fame. 

The  provincial  assembly,  that  it  might  be  more  subservient  to 
ministerial  authority,  when  remote  from  the  vigilance  or  commo- 
tions of  a  populous  city,  had  been  transferred  to  Cambridge.  This 
measure  produced  a  violent  altercation  with  the  governor,  who,  after 
several  sessions,  yielded  to  the  importunities  of  the  members  for  re- 
turning to  Boston,  with  the  provision  that  "the  right  of  convening 
elsewhere  should  be  expressly  admitted."  Upon  this  question  Han- 
cock voted  with  the  majority,  and  in  opposition  to  his  friend  and 
colleague,  Samuel  Adams,  who  strenuously  opposed  the  proposition. 
The  latter  of  these  patriots  being  severe  and  sarcastic  in  debate,  the 
former  petulant  and  impatient  of  contradiction,  a  division  of  sen- 
timent produced  a  transient  intermission  of  their  intercourse  and 
friendship,  with  a  fierce  and  defamatory  collision  amongst  their 
adherents.  But  to  those  who  reside  in  a  free  government  it  need 
scarcely  be  observed  how  little  credit,  on  such  occasions,  is  due  to 
the  malicious  recriminations  of  party  spirit. 

Of  these  two  popular  leaders,  the  manners  and  appearance  were 

indirect  opposition,  notwithstanding  the  conformity  of  their  political 

principles,  and  their  equal  devotion  to  the  liberties  of  their  country. 

Mr.  Samuel  Adams  was  poor,  and  in  his  dress  and  manners  simple 

a2 


5S  JOHN    HANCOCK. 

and  unadorned.     Hancock,  on  the  other  hand,  was  numbered  with 

the  richest  individuals  of  his  country.  His  equipage  was  magnifi- 
cent, and  such  as  at  present  is  unknown  in  America.  His  apparel 
was  sumptuously  embroidered  with  gold,  silver,  and  lace,  and  decked 
by  such  other  ornaments  as  were  fashionable  amongst  men  of  for- 
tune of  that  day  ;  he  rode,  especially  upon  public  occasions,  with  six 
beautiful  bays,  and  with  servants  in  livery.  He  was  graceful  and 
prepossessing  in  manners,  and  very  passionately  addicted  to  what 
are  called  the  elegant  pleasures  of  life,  to  dancing,  music,  concerts, 
routs,  assemblies,  card  parties,  rich  wines,  social  dinners,  and  festivi- 
ties; all  which  the  stern  republican  virtues  of  Mr.  Adams  regarded 
with  indifference,  if  not  with  contempt. 

He  had  been  appointed,  at  an  earlier  period  of  his  political  career, 
speaker  of  the  provincial  assembly,  and  his  election,  in  a  written  com- 
munication from  the  governor,  was  disapproved;  he  had  been  chosen 
in  1767  to  the  executive  council,  and  experienced  in  that  office  the 
same  honourable  rejection.  This  disapprobation,  which  had  been 
continued  for  many  years,  and  had  become,  by  repetition,  essential  to 
his  fame,  was  suddenly  suspended,  and  his  nomination  to  the  coun- 
cil was  approved  ;  which  was  regarded  as  no  equivocal  evidence  of 
the  depravation  of  his  principles.  To  counteract  the  effect  of  this 
immunity,  and  such  other  invidious  civilities  of  the  governor,  Mr. 
Hancock  refused  his  seat  amongst  the  counsellors,  and  pronounced 
soon  afterwards  the  oration  to  which  we  have  referred  of  the  fifth 
of  March.  A  declaration  of  his  sentiments,  so  explicit,  furnished 
him  a  victorious  and  honourable  vindication,  and  produced  an  entire 
renovation  of  his  popularity;  whilst,  on  the  other  hand,  he  incurred 
from  such  measures  the  more  immediate  notice  and  hostility  of  the 
British  government. 

The  battle  of  Lexington  now  announced  the  commencement  of 
the  revolutionary  war.  To  gain  possession  of  the  persons  of  John 
Hancock  and  Samuel  Adams,  who  lodged  together  in  that  village, 
was  one  of  the  motives  of  the  expedition  which  led  to  this  memora 
ble  conflict ;  but  the  design,  though  covered  with  great  secrecy,  was 
anticipated,  and  the  devoted  patriots  escaped,  upon  the  entrance  of 
their  habitation  by  the  British  troops.  Thus,  by  the  felicitous  in 
tervention  of  a  moment,  were  rescued  perhaps  from  the  executioner 
those  who  were  to  contribute  by  their  virtues  to  the  revolution  of 
empires,  and  to  be  handed  down  to  posterity  amongst  the  benefac- 
tors of  mankind. 

The  defeat  of  the   English   in  this  battle  was   followed  by  the 


JOHN    HANCOCK.  59 

governor's  proclamation  declaring  the  province  in  a  state  of  rebel- 
lion; offering,  at  the  same  time,  pardon  to  all  whose  penitence 
should  recommend  them  to  this  act  of  grace,  with  the  exception  of 
Samuel  Adams  and  John  Hancock,  whose  guilt  was  deemed  too 
flagitious  for  impunity.  But  so  signal  a  denunciation,  less  the  effect 
of  good  policy  than  of  passion,  advanced  these  popular  chiefs  upon 
the  lists  of  fame ;  they  were  every  where  hailed  with  increased  ap- 
plauses, and  not  only  by  their  illustrious  merits,  but  by  the  dangers 
to  which  they  were  exposed,  were  endeared  to  the  affections  of  their 
countrymen. 

Hancock,  in  October  1774,  was  unanimously  elected  president  of 
the  provincial  congress  of  Massachusetts.  In  the  year  1775,  he 
attained  the  meridian  of  his  political  distinction,  and  the  highest 
honour  that  the  confidence  or  the  esteem  of  his  compatriots  could  at 
that  time  bestow  upon  him,  being  made  president  of  the  continental 
congress.  By  his  long  experience  in  business,  as  moderator  of  two 
meeting's,  president  and  speaker  of  the  provincial  assemblies  and 
conventions,  during  times  of  great  turbulence  and  commotion,  in  his 
native  state,  he  was  eminently  qualified,  as  well  as  by  his  natural 
dignity  of  manners,  to  preside  in  this  great,  council  of  the  nation. 

When  the  chair  of  the  presidency  was  offered  him,  he  is  said  to 
have  received  the  intelligence  with  embarrassment  and  hesitation. 
Having  passed  by  regular  gradation  through  the  various  offices  of 
the  state,  it  is  not  reasonable  to  suppose,  that  he  was  terrified  on 
this  occasion  by  precipitate  elevation;  and  being  already  upon  the 
lists  of  proscription,  and  living  in  commerce  with  dangers,  that  his 
emotions  were  produced  by  a  heartless  pusillanimity.  Of  Washing- 
ton, it  has  likewise  been  remarked,  that  in  receiving  the  chief  com- 
mand of  the  army,  he  discovered  an  extreme  embarrassment  of 
feeling. 

Many  persons  were  present  in  this  congress  of  superior  age  to  that 
of  Mr.  Hancock,  and  who,  at  the  same  time,  were  men  of  pre-emi- 
nent abilities.  It  was,  besides,  an  occasion  upon  which  composure 
in  him  who  was  invested  with  the  principal  honours  had  been  little 
commendable  ;  for  rarely,  in  the  vicissitudes  of  nations,  has  it  hap- 
pened that  interests  more  sacred  have  been  confided  to  the  infirmity 
of  human  wisdom,  or  a  more  imposing  spectacle  been  exhibited 
to  human  observation.  Mr.  Hancock  being  excluded  from  public 
discussions,  and  from  the  deliberations  of  committees,  by  the  injunc- 
tions of  his  office  of  presidency,  details  are  inadmissible  in  the  illus- 
tration of  his  character.    The  common  transactions  of  this  assembly. 


GO  JOHN    HANCOCK. 

although  referred  to  the  most  splendid  period  of  his  life,  must,  there- 
fore, he  passed  without  enumeration. 

The  Declaration  of  Independence,  though  signed  by  all  the  mem- 
bers of  the  congress,  was  accompanied,  in  its  first  publication,  by  the 
signature  of  Mr.  Hancock  alone ;  an  accidental  association,  which, 
although  it  conferred  no  special  title  to  praise  beyond  his  colleagues, 
preoccupied  the  admiration  of  the  public,  and  has  contributed,  in 
no  small  degree,  to  the  extension  of  his  fame. 

In  October  of  1777,  having  for  two  years  and  a  half  sustained  the 
duties  of  the  presidency  of  congress,  Mr.  Hancock,  wasted  by  un- 
remitting application  to  business,  and  by  the  severity  of  the  gout, 
which  had  rendered  his  health  infirm  and  precarious,  resigned  his 
office ;  and  amidst  the  felicitations  of  his  countrymen,  who  vied 
with  each  other  in  demonstrations  of  respect,  retired  to  his  native 
province. 

A  convention,  about  this  time,  was  appointed  to  frame  a  consti- 
tution for  the  state  of  Massachusetts,  to  which  he  was  elected;  and 
ivith  his  usual  diligence  and  fidelity  he  assisted  in  their  deliberations. 
On  all  occasions,  he  had  favoured  republican  institutions  ;  and,  on 
the  present,  contended  for  the  limitation  of  the  executive  authority. 

He  was  elected,  in  1780,  governor  of  the  commonwealth ;  the 
first  who  was  appointed  under  the  sanction  of  the  new  constitution, 
and  derived  his  power  from  the  suffrages  of  the  people.  He  was 
annually  continued  in  that  office  until  the  year  1785,  when  he  re- 
signed ;  and,  after  an  intermission  of  two  years,  during  which  he 
had  been  succeeded  by  Mr.  Bowdoin,  was  re-elected,  and  remained 
in  the  chair  until  the  close  of  his  life. 

Hancock  had  been  involved,  during  the  early  period  of  his  career, 
in  the  perpetual  turbulence  of  the  revolution  ;  nor  was  he  permitted, 
in  the  conclusion  of  it,  to  enjoy  the  blandishments  of  tranquillity. 
The  accumulation  of  debts  during  the  war,  and  the  necessity  of  a 
lumbrous  imposition  of  taxes  for  their  diminution,  added  to  the 
usual  depravation  of  morals  or  disqualification  for  civil  occupations, 
consequent  to  a  long  suspension  of  the  arts  of  industry,  had  filled 
the  community  with  various  griefs  and  necessities  ;  and  had  diffused 
in  the  country  a  spirit  of  insubordination,  which  threatened  for  a 
while  the  subversion  of  all  order  and  government. 

The  force  of  the  faction  actively  opposed  to  the  government,  in 
New  England,  was  estimated  at  twelve  thousand  persons.  The  ma- 
jority of  the  people  were,  especially  in  Massachusetts,  indisposed  to 
the  government ;  and  many  of  them  had  devised  its  total  subversion. 


JOHN    HANCOCK.  CI 

The  first  outrages  were  exercised  against  the  officers  of  justice, 
who  by  acts  of  violence  were  restrained  from  the  administration 
of  their  duties  ;  and  depredations  were  often  made  upon  the  property 
of  individuals.  The  governor  and  the  general  assembly,  having 
used  many  efforts  of  conciliation,  by  temporising  expedients,  which 
never  fail  to  increase  the  insolence  of  a  riotous  multitude,  finally 
employed  against  them  four  thousand  of  the  militia;  and  the  insur- 
gents being  destitute  of  a  head  to  direct  their  operations,  after  a 
resistance  altogether  inadequate  to  the  apprehensions  they  had  ex- 
cited, a  few  only  being  killed  or  wounded,  and  many  made  prisoners, 
were  immediately  dispersed.  They  maintained,  nevertheless,  a 
dangerous  predominance  in  the  state,  and  riot  and  disorder  still 
subsisted  until  the  year  1787,  when,  by  the  agency  of  Mr.  Hancock, 
at  that  time  governor,  they  were  finally  repressed.  The  principals, 
to  the  number  of  fourteen,  having  surrendered,  were  condemned  by 
the  supreme  court  to  suffer  capitally  for  their  treason ;  but  were 
released  by  the  pardon  of  the  governor.  This  act  of  clemency  was 
attributed,  by  some  of  the  more  rigid  republicans  of  those  times,  to 
a  want  of  energy,  nor  did  it  pass  without  severe  animadversion. 

At  this  period  of  factious  disorder,  and  especially  during  his  com- 
petition for  the  office  of  governor,  Hancock  was  assailed  with  great 
virulence  and  malice  by  antagonists  who  were  neither  impotent  in 
genius  nor  inconsiderable  in  numbers.  To  ask  why  Hancock  sus- 
tained these  frequent  persecutions  in  return  for  his  eminent  services, 
would  be  a  vain  disquisition.  It  is  to  ask,  why,  in  all  ages,  those 
who  have  been  most  entitled  to  the  veneration  of  the  world,  have 
been  persecuted  with  the  most  unrelenting  malevolence?  why  Aris- 
tides  languished  in  exile,  or  Miltiades  perished  in  a  dungeon? 

But  the  repression  of  disorder  and  faction  in  the  state,  towards 
the  conclusion  of  his  life,  and  the  salutary  diligence  of  his  adminis- 
tration, appeased  almost  entirely  the  resentments  and  animosities 
which  party  had  excited  against  him. 

His  agency  in  promoting  the  adoption  of  the  federal  constitution 
is  mentioned  amongst  the  objects  which  most  recommend  him  to 
esteem  amongst  his  contemporaries,  and  which  entitle  him  to  the 
regards  of  posterity. 

An  opposition  to  this  system  of  government  existed  in  many  parts 
of  the  continent,  and,  in  Massachusetts,  the  majority  of  the  conven- 
tion were  supposed  to  disapprove  it.  Of  this  assembly,  Hancock, 
who  was  believed  to  be  averse  to  the  confederation,  had  been  elected 
president,  but  by  sickness  was  detained  from  their  deliberations 
2 


62  JOHN    HANCOCK. 

until  the  last  week  of  the  session.  He  then  appeared  and  voted  in 
its  favour;  and  to  his  diligence  in  removing,  by  appropriate  amend- 
ments, the  apprehensions  and  objections  of  many  in  the  opposition, 
added  to  his  address  and  authority  upon  this  occasion,  is  principally 
ascribed  the  adoption  of  the  constitution  in  Massachusetts;  and  with 
no  greater  ornament  could  we  desire  to  complete  the  monument  of 
his  fame,  than  by  recording  his  instrumentality  in  the  promotion  of 
a  measure  so  indispensable  to  the  glory  and  prosperity  of  his  country. 

He  did  not,  however,  in  favouring  a  confederate  republic,  vindi- 
cate with  less  scrupulous  vigilance  the  dignity  of  the  individual 
states.  In  a  suit  commenced  against  Massachusetts,  by  the  court 
of  the  United  States,  in  which  he  was  summoned  upon  a  writ,  as 
governor,  to  answer  the  prosecution,  he  resisted  the  process,  and 
maintained  inviolate  the  sovereignty  of  the  commonwealth.  A  re- 
currence of  a  similar  collision  of  authority  was,  in  consequence  of 
this  opposition,  prevented  by  an  amendment  of  the  federal  con- 
stitution. 

This  incident  is  enumerated  amongst  the  latest  events  of  his  ad- 
ministration and  of  his  life.  He  died  suddenly,  on  the  eighth  of 
October,  1793,  and  in  the  fifty-fifth  year  of  his  age.  During  several 
days,  his  body  lay  in  state  at  his  dwelling,  where  great  multitudes 
thronged  to  pay  the  last  offices  of  their  grief  and  affection.  His 
obsequies  were  attended  with  great  pomp  and  solemnity,  and  amidst 
the  tears  of  his  countrymen  he  was  committed  to  the  dust. 

He  had  married,  about  twenty  years  before  his  death,  Miss 
Quincy,  daughter  of  an  eminent  magistrate  of  Boston,  and  one  of 
the  most  ancient  and  distinguished  families  of  New  England.  No 
children  were  left  to  inherit  his  fortune  or  perpetuate  his  name;  his 
only  son  having  died  during  his  infancy. 

Having  now  related  the  principal  events  of  the  life  of  Mr.  Han- 
cock, it  may  be  permitted  to  add  something  more  particular  of  his 
person  and  character.  In  stature  he  was  above  the  middle  size, 
of  excellent  proportion  of  limbs,  of  extreme  benignity  of  counte- 
nance; possessing  a  flexible  and  harmonious  voice,  a  manly  and 
dignified  aspect.  By  the  improvement  of  these  natural  qualities 
from  observation  and  extensive  intercourse  with  the  world,  he  had 
acquired  a  pleasing  elocution  with  the  most  graceful  and  concili- 
ating manners. 

Of  his  talents  it  is  a  sufficient  evidence,  that,  in  the  various  sta- 
tions to  which  his  fortune  had  elevated  him  in  the  republic,  he  ac- 
quitted himself  with  an  honourable  distinction.     His  communications 


JOHN    HANCOCK.  G3 

to  the  general  assembly,  and  his  correspondence  as  president  of 
congress,  appear  to  as  titles  to  no  ordinary  commendation. 

As  an  orator,  Mr.  Hancock  spoke  without  elaboration  or  preten- 
sion, but  agreeably  on  all  subjects.  His  harangues  exhibit  no  com- 
mon comprehension  of  things  or  powers  of  language,  and  were  es- 
pecially well  suited  to  the  dispositions  of  the  times  in  which  he  lived- 

He  possessed,  either  from  the  dispositions  of  nature  or  habits  of 
discipline,  many  excellent  virtues.  In  the  first  place,  it  is  no  trivial 
commendation,  at  an  age  when  the  vanities  of  our  nature  are  usually 
predominant,  that,  possessing  a  superfluity  of  wealth,  and  being,  at 
the  same  time,  exempt  from  parental  authority,  he  betook  himself 
to  honourable  and  laborious  pursuits,  rather  than  to  indulgence  or 
dissipation;  and  that  he  did  not  grow  arrogant  or  insolent,  from  the 
superiority  of  his  advantages,  entitles  him  also  to  no  small  degree 
of  praise.  In  those  countries  in  which  titles  or  pedigree  preoccupy 
the  honours  of  the  state,  money  is  divested  of  a  portion  of  its  power 
over  the  mind;  but,  in  republics,  where  it  bestows  an  unrivalled 
pre-eminence,  many  excellent  and  great  qualities  of  the  heart  are 
essential  to  counteract  its  malignant  influence. 

By  his  enemies  it  was  remarked,  not  unfrcquently,  that  his  acts 
of  liberality,  his  colloquial  accomplishments,  and  other  faculties  of 
persuasion,  were  exerted  wholly  in  the  acquisition  of  popularity. 
That  he  courted  this  capricious  divinity  with  great  devotion,  may 
perhaps  be  allowed;  that  he  did  it  with  success,  admits  of  no  doubt, 
for  he  is  remembered  as  the  most  popular  individual  of  Massachu- 
setts, of  his  own  or  any  other  time.  But  Hancock  was  supported 
by  no  obliquity  of  morals,  and  no  prostration  of  dignity  or  honour. 

In  1775,  it  was  proposed  by  the  American  officers,  who  carried 
on  the  siege  of  Boston,  in  order  to  procure  the  expulsion  of  the 
enemy,  to  bombard  or  destroy  the  town.  The  entire  wealth  of  Mr. 
Hancock  was  exposed,  by  the  execution  of  this  enterprise,  to  ruin  ; 
but  whilst  he  felt  for  the  sufferings  of  others  with  a  very  generous 
compassion,  he  required  that  no  regard  to  his  personal  advantages 
should  obstruct  the  operations  of  the  army.  His  private  fortune, 
he  observed,  should,  on  no  occasion,  oppose  an  obstacle  to  the  inte- 
rests of  his  coucry. 

Many  illustrations  might  be  given  of  Mr.  Hancock's  active  and 
disinterested  generosity,  for  there  are,  indeed,  few  persons  either 
of  ancient  or  modern  times,  whose  biography  would  furnish  more 
frequent  and  worthy  examples.  Charity  was  the  common  business 
of  his  life.     Hundreds  of  families,  from  his   private  benevolence, 


G4  JOHN    HANCOCK. 

received  their  daily  bread ;  and  there  is,  perhaps,  no  individual 
mentioned  in  history,  who  has  expended  a  more  ample  fortune  in 
promoting  the  liberties  of  his  country. 

It  is  said  he  was  very  passionately  devoted  to  social  amusements. 
His  habitation  was  every  day  crowded  with  guests,  either  of  citizens 
or  strangers,  who  were  allured  by  the  splendour  of  his  hospitality; 
whom  he  entertained,  however,  with  no  riotous  dissipation,  but  with 
a  becoming  elegance  and  propriety.  He  encountered,  in  the  pro- 
motion of  honest  enterprises,  many  labours  and  dangers;  and  has 
left  upon  the  records  of  his  country,  a  testimony  which  the  malevo- 
lence of  time  cannot  destroy,  that  no  seductions  of  pleasure,  that 
not  even  the  decrepitude  of  disease,  withheld  him  from  the  service 
of  the  republic. 

His  exertions  were  employed,  it  should  also  be  remembered,  not 
only  without  intermission,  but  from  the  minutest  to  the  most  exalted 
duties  of  a  statesman;  from  the  humble  debates  of  a  town  meeting, 
to  the  deliberations  of  a  senate.  And  to  have  retained,  for  the  most 
part,  with  a  frank  and  generous  disposition,  with  a  familiarity  of 
intercourse  and  continual  exhibition,  the  evanescent  affections  of 
the  multitude;  and  this,  too,  amidst  the  factious  passions  of  a  revo- 
lution, implies  no  ordinary  dexterity  and  address.  For  what  is  there 
in  moral  or  physical  excellence  that  does  not  lose,  by  frequency,  the 
admiration  of  mortals? — Genius  is  divested  of  her  sublimity,  Wit 
of  her  ornaments,  and  even  Virtue  is  disrobed  of  her  majesty  by 
exposure  to  the  capricious  observation  of  man. 


SAMU  EL    ADAMS 


SAMUEL  ADAMS/ 


Samuel  Adams,  whose  name  as  a  delegate  from  Massachusetts, 
immediately  follows  that  of  Hancock  on  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence, was,  without  doubt,  one  of  the  most  remarkable  among 
those  men,  whose  lives  we  are  recording;  and  we  shall  scarcely  find 
a  great  event  in  the  history  of  the  revolution  with  which  he  was  not 
in  some  way  connected.  He  was  born  at  Quincy,  near  Boston,  on 
the  twenty-second  of  September,  1722,  and  was  descended  from  a 
family  of  much  respectability,  that  had  settled  in  New  England  at 
a  very  early  period.  His  father  was  for  many  years  a  represent- 
ative for  the  town  of  Boston,  in  the  colonial  house  of  assembly,  to 
which  he  was  annually  elected  till  his  death.  He  was  long  a  justice 
of  the  peace  and  a  selectman  of  the  town;  possessing  considerable 
wealth,  and  much  respected  and  esteemed.* 

Samuel  Adams  acquired  his  preparatory  knowledge  at  the  well 
known  Latin  grammar  school  of  Mr.  Lovell,  where  he  was  remark- 
ably attentive  to  his  studies.  His  conduct  was  similar  while  at  col- 
lege; during  the  whole  term  he  had  to  pay  but  one  fine,  and  that 
for  not  attending  morning  prayers,  in  consequence  of  having  over- 
slept himself.  By  a  close  and  steady  application,  he  acquired  much 
classical  and  scientific  knowledge. 

At  an  early  age,  he  was  admitted  a  student  at  Harvard  Univer- 
sity, and  in  1740,  and  1743,  the  respective  degrees  of  bachelor  and 
master  of  arts  were  conferred  upon  him.  On  the  latter  occasion, 
he  proposed  the  following  question  for  discussion,  "Whether  it  be 
lawful  to  resist  the  supreme  magistrate,  if  the  commonwealth  can- 
not be  otherwise  preserved?"  He  maintained  the  affirmative  of 
the  proposition,  and  thus  evinced,  at  this  early  period  of  life,  his 
attachment  to  the  liberties  of  the  people.     While  he  was  a  student, 

*  It  may  be  remarked,  as  an  incentive  to  virtue  in  fathers,  that  almost  every  dis- 
tinguished man  of  the  revolution  derived  his  being  from  parents  remarkable  for  the 
purity  of  their  character.  The  fact  conveys  a  lesson  to  which  no  republican  parent 
should  be  indifferent. 

B  67 


(58  SAMUEL    ADAMS. 

his  father  allowed  him  a  regular  and  fixed  stipend.  Of  this,  he 
saved  a  sufficient  sum  to  publish,  at  his  own  expense,  a  pamphlet, 
called  ■'  Englishmen's  Rights." 

His  father  intended  him  for  the  bar;  but  this  determination,  at  the 
solicitation  of  his  mother,  was  altered,  and  he  was  placed  as  an 
apprentice  with  Thomas  dishing,  an  eminent  merchant.  For  this 
occupation  he  was  ill  adapted,  and  it  received  but  a  small  share  of 
his  attention.  The  study  of  politics  was  his  chief  delight,  and  about 
this  time  he  formed  a  club,  each  member  of  which  agreed  to  fur- 
nish a  political  essay  for  a  newspaper  called  the  Independent  Ad- 
vertiser. These  essays  brought  the  writers  into  notice,  who  were 
called,  in  derision,  "the  whipping  post  club." 

His  limited  knowledge  of  commerce  rendered  him  incompetent 
to  support  himself  by  that  pursuit.  His  father,  however,  gave  him 
a  considerable  capital,  with  which  he  commenced  business.  He  had 
not  been  long  in  trade  when  he  lent  one  of  his  countrymen  a  large 
sum  of  money.  This  person,  soon  after,  met  with  heavy  calamities, 
which  he  represented  to  Mr.  Adams,  who  never  demanded  the 
amount,  although  it  was  nearly  half  the  value  of  his  original  stock. 
This  and  other  losses  soon  consumed  all  he  had. 

At  the  age  of  twenty-five,  his  father  died,  and  as  he  was  the  eldest 
son,  the  care  of  the  family  and  management  of  the  estate  devolved 
upon  him. 

Notwithstanding  this  circumstance,  however,  he  still  was  unable 
to  resist  the  strong  inclination  for  political  affairs,  which  he  had  felt 
from  his  earliest  youth;  and  instead  of  devoting  himself  to  his  busi- 
ness, occupied  much  of  his  time  both  in  conversation  and  writing, 
on  the  political  concerns  of  the  day.  He  was  strongly  opposed  to 
Governor  Shirley,  because  he  thought  the  union  of  so  much  civil 
and  military  power  in  one  man,  dangerous  to  the  liberties  of  the 
province,  but  he  was  the  friend  of  his  successor  Pownall,  who  as- 
sumed the  popular  side. 

In  1763,  the  Massachusetts  agent  in  London  transmitted  intel- 
ligence, that  it  was  contemplated  by  the  ministry,  to  "tax  the 
colonies  for  the  purpose  of  raising  a  revenue,  which  was  to  be 
placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  crown."  In  May  of  the  following  year, 
Mr.  Adams  being  appointed  by  the  citizens  of  Boston  to  draw  up 
the  instructions  of  their  representatives,  which  it  was  then  the  cus- 
tom to  give  in  writing,  he  did  so ;  and,  what  is  the  most  material  fact, 
it  was  the  first  public  document  which  denied  the  supremacy  of  the 
British  parliament,  and  their  right  to  tax  the  colonists  without  their 


SAMUEL    ADAMS.  C9 

own  consent ;  anil  which  contained  a  direct  suggestion  of  the  neces- 
sity of  a  united  effort  on  the  part  of  all  the  provinces. 

In  the  year  1764,  there  was  a  private  political  club  in  Boston,  in 
which  decisive  measures  were  originated,  that  gave  a  secret  spring 
and  impulse  to  the  motions  of  the  public  body.  Mr.  Adams  was 
one  of  the  patriotic  conclave.  It  was  the  determination  of  this  little 
body  to  exercise  all  their  influence  in  resisting  every  infringement 
of  the  rights  of  the  colonies ;  and  the  Stamp  Act  was  so  flagrant  a 
violation  of  them,  that  to  suffer  it  quietly  to  be  carried  into  effect, 
would  establish  a  precedent,  and  encourage  further  proceedings  of 
a  similar  nature.  Mr.  Adams  was  not  averse  to  the  manner  in 
which  the  people  evinced  their  determinate  opposition,  by  destroy- 
ing the  stamped  papers  and  office  in  Boston ;  but  he  highly  disap- 
proved the  riots  and  disorders  which  followed,  and  personally  aided 
the  civil  power  to  put  a  stop  to  them. 

Indeed,  even  at  this  early  period,  so  entirely  had  he  become  a 
public  man,  and  discovered  such  a  zealous,  watchful,  and  unyielding 
regard  for  popular  rights,  that  he  excited  the  general  attention  of 
the  patriotic  party.  He  became  a  conspicuous  favourite  of  the  peo- 
ple, and  the  leader  in  all  the  popular  proceedings  of  the  day  ;  and 
as  a  further  proof  of  their  confidence,  he  was  elected,  in  the  year 
1765,  a  representative  of  the  town  of  Boston,  in  the  general  court 
or  house  of  assembly  of  Massachusetts.  From  that  period,  through- 
out the  whole  revolutionary  struggle,  he  was  one  of  the  most  un- 
wearied, efficient,  and  disinterested  supporters  of  American  rights 
and  independence. 

Nor  was  it  in  his  legislative  capacity  alone  that  he  showed  him- 
self to  be  so.  He  wrote  a  number  of  able  essays  on  the  subject  of 
the  disputes  between  Great  Britain  and  her  colonies,  and  he  sug- 
gested several  plans  for  more  effectually  opposing  her  arbitrary  de- 
signs. To  him  is  the  nation  indebted  for  the  idea  of  assembling  the 
first  congress  at  New  York,  which  led,  ten  years  after,  to  the  conti- 
nental congress,  and  finally  to  the  union  and  confederation  of  the 
provinces.  And  to  him  also  is  to  be  attributed  the  design  of  the 
non-importation  system,  which  he  persuaded  nearly  all  the  mer- 
chants in  the  colony  to  adopt  and  adhere  to. 

As  a  delegate,  he  became  conspicuous  very  soon  after  his  admis- 
sion into  the  house,  and  as  it  was  then  the  practice  to  choose  the 
clerk  from  among  the  members,  he  was  early  honoured  with  the 
election  to  that  office.  He  was  upon  every  committee,  had  a  hand 
in  writing  or  revising  every  report,  a  share  in  the   management  of 


70  SAMUEL    ADAMS. 

every  political  meeting,  private  or  public,  and  a  voice  in  all  the 
measures  that  were  proposed  to  counteract  the  tyrannical  plans  ot 
the  administration.  The  people  soon  found  him  to  be  one  of  the 
steadiest  of  their  supporters,  and  the  government  was  convinced 
that  he  was  one  of  the  most  inveterate  of  their  opponents. 

When  his  character  was  known  in  England,  and  it  was  also  un- 
derstood that  he  was  poor,  the  partisans  of  the  ministry  proposed 
that  he  should  be  quieted  by  a  participation  in  some  of  the  good 
things  which  they  were  enjoying.  Governor  Hutchinson,  in  answer- 
ing the  inquiry  why  he  was  not  silenced  in  this  manner,  wrote  with 
an  expression  of  impatient  vexation — "  Such  is  the  obstinacy  and 
inflexible  disposition  of  the  man,  that  he  never  can  be  conciliated 
by  any  office  or  gift  whatever." 

It  is  reported,  however,  and  generally  believed,  that  the  proposal 
was  actually  made  to  Mr.  Adams  ;  and  that,  in  consequence,  he  was 
deprived  of  a  stipend  allowed  to  him  by  the  representatives,  as  the 
clerk  of  the  house,  which,  though  small,  was  still  a  great  part  of  his 
support.  But  yet,  in  this  critical  condition,  he  reprobated  the  offer, 
choosing  rather  to  subsist  by  individual  or  common  beneficence,  or 
even  perish,  than  sacrifice  the  cause  of  truth,  and  betray  the  liberty  ■ 
of  the  people. 

In  the  year  1770,  the  feelings  of  the  people  were  aroused  by  an 
event  which  will  ever  remain  prominent  in  the  annals  of  the  revolu- 
tion, as  the  first  instance  of  bloodshed  that  occurred  between  the 
British  troops  and  the  colonists.  In  the  life  of  Mr.  Hancock,  we 
have  already  alluded  to  it,  and  related  the  zealous  part  that  he  took 
in  the  subsequent  proceedings  of  the  indignant  and  outraged  com 
munity.  The  participation  of  Mr.  Adams  in  them  was  equally,  per- 
haps still  more,  active. 

The  excitement  produced  by  the  rashness  of  the  English  soldiery 
in  firing  upon  the  mob  which  they  had,  by  a  long  series  of  provoca- 
tions, aroused  to  resentment,  was  intense  and  universal.  The  blood 
of  their  fellow  citizens  had  been  shed  by  the  armed  and  hired  myr- 
midons of  what  was  deemed  a  tyranny,  and  the  unwonted  spectacle 
of  the  bleeding  victims  of  lawless  power  fired  the  people  to  mad- 
ness. The  excitement  was  propitious  for  the  purposes  of  the  pa- 
triots of  the  day,  and  it  was  improved. 

On  the  following  morning,  a  public  meeting  of  the  citizens  of 
Boston  was  called,  and  Mr.  Adams  addressed  the  assembly  with  that 
impressive  eloquence  which  was  so  peculiar  to  himself.  The  peo- 
ple, on  this  occasion,  chose  a  committee  to  wait  upon  the  lieutenant 


SAMUEL    ADAMS.  71 

governor,  to  require  that  the  troops  be  immediately  withdrawn  from 
the  town.  The  mission,  however,  proved  unsuccessful ;  and  another 
resolution  was  immediately  adopted,  that  a  new  committee  be  chosen 
to  wait  a  second  time  upon  Governor  Hutchinson,  for  the  purpose  of 
conveying  the  sense  of  the  meeting  in  a  more  peremptory  manner. 
They  waited  on  the  lieutenant  governor,  and  communicated  this 
last  vote  of  the  town.  In  a  speech  of  some  length,  Mr.  Adams  stated 
the  danger  of  keeping  the  troops  longer  in  the  capital,  fully  proving 
the  illegality  of  the  act  itself;  and  enumerated  the  fatal  conse- 
quences that  would  ensue,  if  an  immediate  compliance  with  the  vote 
should  be  refused.  Lieutenant  Governor  Hutchinson,  with  his  usual 
prevarication,  replied  by  roundly  asserting,  that  there  was  no  ille- 
gality in  the  measure  ;  and  repeated,  that  the  troops  were  not  sub- 
ject to  his  authority,  but  that  he  would  direct  the  removal  of  the 
twenty-ninth  regiment.  Mr.  Adams  again  rose.  The  importance 
of  the  subject,  and  the  manner  in  which  it  was  treated  by  the  lieu- 
tenant governor,  had  now  roused  his  feelings  and  excited  all  the 
ardour  of  his  patriotism.  With  indignation  strongly  expressed  in 
his  countenance,  and  in  a  firm,  resolute,  and  commanding  manner, 
he  replied,  "  That  it  was  well  known,  that,  acting  as  a  governor  of 
the  province,  he  was,  by  its  charter,  the  commander  in  chief  of  his 
majesty's  military  and  naval  forces,  and  as  such,  the  troops  were 
subject  to  his  orders;  if  he  had  the  power  to  remove  one  regiment, 
he  had  the  power  to  remove  both,  and  nothing  short  of  this  would 
satisfy  the  people ;  it  was  at  his  peril,  therefore,  if  the  vote  of  the 
town  was  not  immediately  complied  with,  and  if  it  were  longer  de- 
layed, he,  alone,  must  be  answerable  for  the  fatal  consequences  that 
would  ensue."  This  produced  a  momentary  silence.  It  was  now 
dark,  and  the  people  were  waiting  in  anxious  suspense  for  the  re- 
port of  their  committee.  A  conference  in  whispers  followed  between 
Lieutenant  Governor  Hutchinson  and  Colonel  Dalrymple.  The  for- 
mer, finding  himself  so  closely  pressed,  and  the  fallacy  and  absurdity 
of  his  arguments  thus  glaringly  exposed,  yielded  up  his  positions, 
and  gave  his  consent  to  the  removal  of  both  regiments ;  Colonel 
Dalrymple  too  pledged  his  word  of  honour,  that  he  would  begin  his 
preparations  in  the  morning,  and  that  there  should  be  no  unnecessary 
delay,  until  the  whole  of  both  regiments  were  removed  to  the  castle. 
The  formation  of  committees  of  correspondence  between  the  dif- 
ferent colonies,  has  always  been  looked  upon  as  one  of  the  leading 
and  most  important  causes  of  the  revolution,  at  least  of  that  union 
of  feeling  and  action  which  gave  rise  to  it,  and  insured  eventual 
3  b  2 


7'2  SAMUEL    ADAMS. 

success.  Virginia  asserts  the  design  to  have  first  arisen  with  her 
truly  great  statesman,  Richard  Henry  Lee  ;  while  Massachusetts, 
with  equal  confidence,  sees  its  origin  in  the  efforts  and  intelligence 
of  Samuel  Adams.  Perhaps — and  indeed  private  correspondence 
of  both,  which  has  come  to  light,  seems  to  establish  the  fact — the 
idea  may  have  arisen  with  each  of  these  patriotic  statesmen,  who 
had  long  been  reflecting  on  the  aspect  of  tilings  and  probable  events, 
"and  anxiously  considering  the  course  which  their  country  might  be 
called  on  to  pursue.  It  was  adopted  in  Massachusetts,  at  a  town- 
meeting  held  in  Boston,  at  the  close  of  the  year  1772,  where  it  was 
suggested  by  Mr.  Adams. 

The  rapid  increase  of  Mr.  Adams'  popularity  and  influence  ren- 
dered it  every  day  more  desirable  to  the  royal  party,  that  he  should 
be  detached  from  the  popular  cause.  Hutchinson  knew  him  too 
well  to  make  the  attempt;  but  Governor  Gage  was  empowered  to 
try  the  experiment.  He  sent  to  him  a  confidential  and  verbal  mes- 
sage by  Colonel  Fenton,  who  waited  upon  Mr.  Adams,  and  stated 
the  object  of  his  visit.  He  said,  that  he  was  authorized  from  Go- 
vernor Gage  to  assure  him,  that  he  had  been  empowered  to  confer 
upon  him  such  benefits  as  would  be  satisfactory,  upon  the  condition, 
that  he  would  engage  to  cease  in  his  opposition  to  the  measures  of 
government.  He  also  observed,  that  it  was  the  advice  of  Governor 
Gage  to  him,  not  to  incur  the  further  displeasure  of  his  majesty; 
that  his  conduct  had  been  such  as  made  him  liable  to  the  penalties 
of  an  act  of  Henry  VIII.  by  which  persons  could  be  sent  to  England 
for  trial  of  treason,  or  misprison  of  treason,  at  the  discretion  of  a 
governor  of  a  province;  but  by  changing  his  political  course,  lie 
would  not  only  receive  great  personal  advantages,  but  would  thereby 
make  his  peace  with  the  king.  Mr.  Adams  listened  with  apparent 
interest  to  this  recital.  He  asked  Colonel  Fenton  if  he  would  truly 
deliver  his  reply,  as  it  should  be  given.  After  some  hesitation  he 
assented.  Mr.  Adams  required  his  word  of  honour,  which  he  pledged. 
Then  rising  from  his  chair,  and  assuming  a  determined  manner,  he 
replied,  "I  trust  I  have  long  since  made  my  peace  with  the  King 
of  Kings.  No  personal  consideration  shall  induce  me  to  abandon 
the  righteous  cause  of  my  country.  Tell  Governor  Gage,  IT  is  the 
advice  of  Samuel  Adams  to  him,  no  longer  to  insult  the  feelings 
of  an  exasperated  people." 

Irritated  at  this  failure  of  his  plans,  Governor  Gage,  in  a  moment 
of  indignation,  issued  the  celebrated  proclamation,  which,  had  no- 
thing else  done  it,  would  have  immortalized  those  against  whom  it 


SAMUEL    ADAMS.  73 

was  directed,  while  it  only  bound  them  more  firmly  to  the  cause  they 
had  adopted,  and  rallied  all  around  them  as  devoted  champions. 
"I  do  hereby,"  he  said,  "in  his  majesty's  name,  offer  and  promise 
his  most  gracious  pardon  to  all  persons  who  shall  forthwith  lay 
down  their  arms,  and  return  to  the  duties  of  peaceable  subjects,  ex- 
cepting only  from  the  benefit  of  such  pardon,  Samuel  Adams  and 
John  Hancock,  whose  offences  are  of  too  flagitious  a  nature  to 
admit  of  any  other  consideration  but  that  of  condign  punishment." 
The  persecutions  of  the  royalists  only  strengthened  the  efforts  of 
the  patriots.  They  encouraged  the  ardour  of  the  resolute,  and  they 
gave  spirit  and  determination  to  the  timid.  Whenever  Mr.  Adams 
perceived  a  disposition  to  yield,  or  to  adopt  measures  unsuited  to 
the  emergency,  he  exerted  all  his  influence  and  talents,  and  usually 
succeeded  in  his  views.  When  he,  on  one  occasion,  found  the  house 
of  assembly  less  resolute  than  usual,  he  thus  addressed  his  friend, 
Mr.  Warren, -of  Plymouth:  "Do  you  keep  the  committee  in  play, 
and  I  will  go  and  make  a  caucus  by  the  time  the  evening  arrives, 
and  do  you  meet  me."  Mr.  Adams  secured  a  meeting  of  about  five 
principal  members  of  the  house  at  the  time  specified,  and  repeated 
his  endeavours  for  the  second  and  third  nights,  when  the  number 
amounted  to  more  than  thirty.  The  friends  of  the  administration 
knew  nothing  of  the  matter.  The  popular  leaders  took  the  sense 
of  the  members  in  a  private  way,  and  found  that  they  would  be  able 
to  carry  their  scheme  by  a  sufficient  majority.  They  had  their  whole 
plan  completed,  prepared  their  resolutions,  and  then  determined  to 
bring  the  business  forward;  but  before  they  commenced,  the  door- 
keeper was  ordered  to  let  no  person  in,  or  suffer  any  one  to  depart. 
The  subjects  for  discussion  were  then  introduced  by  Mr.  Adams, 
with  his  usual  eloquence  on  such  great  occasions.  He  was  chairman 
of  the  committee,  and  reported  resolutions,  for  the  appointment  of 
delegates  to  a  general  congress  to  be  convened  at  Philadelphia,  to 
consult  on  the  general  safety  of  America.  This  report  was  received 
with  surprise  and  astonishment  by  the  administration  party.  Such 
was  the  apprehension  of  some,  that  they  were  apparently  desirous 
to  desert  the  question.  The  door-keeper  seemed  uneasy  at  his 
charge,  and  wavering  with  regard  to  the  performance  of  the  duty 
assigned  to  him.  At  this  critical  juncture,  Mr.  Adams  relieved  him, 
by  taking  the  key  and  keeping  it  himself.  The  resolutions  were 
passed;  five  delegates,  consisting  of  Samuel  Adams,  Thomas  dish- 
ing, Robert  Treat  Paine,  John  Adams,  and  James  Bowdoin,  were 
appointed;  the  expense  was  estimated,  and  funds  were  voted  for 


74  SAMUEL    ADAMS. 

the  payment.  Before  the  business  was  finally  closed,  a  member 
made  a  plea  of  indisposition,  and  was  allowed  to  leave  the  house. 
This  person  went  directly  to  the  governor,  and  informed  him  of  their 
high-handed  proceedings.  The  governor  immediately  sent  his  secre- 
tary to  dissolve  the  assembly,  who  found  the  door  locked.  He  de- 
manded entrance,  but  was  answered,  that  his  desire  could  not  be 
complied  with,  until  some  important  business,  then  before  the  house, 
was  concluded.  Finding  every  method  to  gain  admission  ineffectual, 
he  read  the  order  on  the  stairs  for  an  immediate  dissolution  of  the 
assembly.  The  order,  however,  was  disregarded  by  the  house. 
They  continued  their  deliberations,  passed  all  their  intended  mea- 
sures, and  then  obeyed  the  mandate  for  dissolution. 

Mr.  Adams  took  his  seat  in  the  first  continental  congress  at  Phila 
delphia,  on  the  fifth  of  September,  1774,  and  continued  a  member 
of  that  body  until  the  year  1781.  To  trace  him  through  the  various 
important  duties  which  he  performed  in  that  long  interval,  would  be 
to  write  the  history  of  congress.  Assuming,  from  his  unwearied 
zeal  and  firm  tone  of  character,  much  of  the  same  prominence 
which  he  had  displayed  at  home,  he  became  a  mover,  or  important 
coadjutor,  in  almost  all  the  business  of  the  time.  It  is  incredible, 
indeed,  if  the  journals  of  congress  be  any  guide,  how  various  and 
how  numerous  were  his  services,  and  with  what  unabated  ardour 
he  continued  to  bestow  them  to  the  last.  He  reminds  us  of  the  inde- 
fatigable Puritans  of  early  days,  and  indeed  in  many  traits  of  cha- 
racter he  strongly  resembled  them,  who  could  devote  an  attention 
and  length  of  time  to  the  pursuit  of  their  favourite  schemes,  which 
seems  beyond  probability  to  the  less  enthusiastic  tempers  of  the  pre- 
sent age. 

His  letters  at  this  period,  especially  those  to  his  friend  Richard 
Henry  Lee,  exhibit  the  iron  in  his  character  at  its  white  heat.  He 
anticipated  the  struggle  as  necessary  for  the  high  interests  of  liberty 
and  the  country,  and  therefore  desired  it.  He  was  one  of  those  who 
saw,  very  early,  that,  "after  all,  we  must  fight" — and  having  come 
to  that  conclusion,  there  was  no  citizen  more  prepared  for  the  ex 
tremity,  or  who  would  have  been  more  reluctant  to  enter  into  any 
kind  of  compromise.  After  he  had  received  warning  at  Lexington, 
in  the  night  of  the  eighteenth  of  April,  of  the  intended  British  expe- 
dition, as  he  proceeded  to  make  his  escape  through  the  fields  with 
some  friends,  soon  after  the  dawn  of  day,  he  exclaimed,  "this  is  a 
fine  day!"  "Very  pleasant,  indeed,"  answered  one  of  his  com- 
panions, supposing  he   alluded   to  the   beauty  of  the   sky  and  at 


SAMUEL    ADAMS.  75 

mosphere — "I  mean,"  he  replied,  "this  day  is  a  glorious  day  for 
America!" 

Impressed  with  such  feelings,  and  acting  under  them,  he  soon  per- 
ceived the  necessity  of  breaking  off  all  connection  with  the  mother 
country,  and  determining  resolutely  to  support  the  principles  he  had 
adopted.  "  I  am  perfectly  satisfied,"  he  says,  in  a  letter  written  in 
April  1776,  from  Philadelphia  to  a  friend  in  Massachusetts — "  I  am 
perfectly  satisfied  of  the  necessity  of  a  public  and  explicit  declara- 
tion of  independence.  I  cannot  conceive  what  good  reason  can  be 
assigned  against  it.  Will  it  widen  the  breach?  This  would  be  a 
strange  question  after  we  have  raised  armies  and  fought  battles 
with  the  British  troops; — set  up  an  American  navy,  permitted  the 
inhabitants  of  these  colonies  to  fit  out  armed  vessels  to  capture  the 
ships,  &c.  belonging  to  any  of  the  inhabitants  of  Great  Britain; 
declaring  them  the  enemies  of  the  United  Colonies,  and  torn  into 
shivers  their  acts  of  trade,  by  allowing  commerce,  subject  to  regu- 
lations to  be  made  by  ourselves,  with  the  people  of  all  countries, 
except  such  as  are  subject  to  the  British  king.  It  cannot,  surely, 
after  all  this,  be  imagined,  that  we  consider  ourselves,  or  mean  to 
be  considered  by  others,  in  any  other  state  than  that  of  independ- 
ence. But  moderate  whigs  are  disgusted  with  our  mentioning  the 
word!  Sensible  tories  are  better  politicians.  They  know,  that  no 
foreign  power  can  consistently  yield  comfort  to  rebels,  or  enter  into 
any  kind  of  treaty  with  these  colonies,  till  they  declare  themselves 
free  and  independent.  They  are  in  hopes,  by  our  protracting  this 
decisive  step,  we  shall  grow  weary  of  the  war,  and  that  for  want  of 
foreign  connections  and  assistance,  we  shall  be  driven  to  the  neces- 
sity of  acknowledging  the  tyrant,  and  submitting  to  the  tyranny. 
These  are  the  hopes  and  expectations  of  the  tories,  while  moderate 
gentlemen  are  flattering  themselves  with  the  prospect  of  reconcilia- 
tion, when  the  commissioners  that  are  talked  of  shall  arrive.  A  mere 
amusement,  indeed!  What  terms  of  reconciliation  are  we  to  expect 
from  them,  that  will  be  acceptable  to  the  people  of  America?  Will 
the  king  of  Great  Britain  empower  his  commissioners  even  to  pro- 
mise the  repeal  of  all,  or  any  of  his  obnoxious  and  oppressive  acts? 
Can  he  do  it?  or  if  he  could,  has  he  even  yet  discovered  a  disposition 
which  evinced  the  least  degree  of  that  princely  virtue— clemency?" 

In  the  year  that  succeeded  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  how- 
ever, the  prospects  of  the  country  became  exceedingly  gloomy,  and 
even  the  boldest  were  sometimes  led  to  fear  they  had  gone  farther 
than  their  resources  authorized  them  to  do.     It  was  at  this  critical 


76  SAMUEL    ADAMS. 

juncture,  after  congress,  whose  members  were  reduced  to  twenty- 
eight  individuals,  had  resolved  to  adjourn  to  Lancaster,  that  some 
of  the  leading  gentlemen  accidentally  met  in  company  with  each 
other.  A  conversation  in  mutual  confidence  ensued.  Mr.  Adams, 
who  was  one  of  the  number,  was  cheerful  and  undismayed  at  the 
aspect  of  affairs,  while  the  countenances  of  his  friends  were  strongly 
marked  with  the  desponding  feelings  of  their  hearts.  The  conver- 
sation naturally  turned  upon  the  subject  which  most  engaged  their 
thoughts.  Each  took  occasion  to  express  his  opinions  on  the  situa- 
tion of  the  public  cause,  and  all  were  gloomy  and  sad.  Mr.  Adams 
listened  in  silence  till  they  had  finished.  He  then  said,  "  Gentle- 
men, your  spirits  appear  to  be  heavily  oppressed  with  our  public 
calamities.  I  hope  you  do  not  despair  of  our  final  success  ?"  It  was 
answered,  "  That  the  chance  was  desperate."  Mr.  Adams  replied, 
"  If  this  be  our  language,  it  is  so,  indeed.  If  we  wear  long  faces, 
they  will  become  fashionable.  The  people  take  their  tone  from  ours, 
and  if  we  despair,  can  it  be  expected  that  they  will  continue  their 
efforts  in  what  we  conceive  to  be  a  hopeless  cause?  Let  us  banish 
such  feelings,  and  show  a  spirit  that  will  keep  alive  the  confidence 
of  the  people,  rather  than  damp  their  courage.  Better  tidings  will 
soon  arrive.  Our  cause  is  just  and  righteous,  and  we  shall  never  be 
abandoned  by  Heaven  while  we  show  ourselves  worthy  of  its  aid  and 
protection."  His  words  were  almost  prophetic.  Within  a  few  days, 
the  news  arrived  of  the  glorious  success  of  our  cause  at  Saratoga, 
which  gave  brightness  to  our  prospects  and  confidence  to  our  hopes. 

The  year  1778  produced  the  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  British 
government,  to  divide  or  distract  the  colonies  by  their  pretended 
offers  of  conciliation.  Their  drift  was  immediately  perceived  by  Mr. 
Adams,  and  he  immediately  adopted  measures  to  arouse  the  con- 
gress and  the  country  to  a  sense  of  the  danger.  The  exertions 
made  to  defeat,  in  anticipation,  this  effort  of  the  enemy  to  distract, 
deceive,  and  divide  the  country,  were  successful,  and  the  cause  was 
saved  from  one  of  the  most  imminent  dangers  of  the  contest. 

In  the  year  1781,  with  the  prospects  of  peace,  Mr.  Adams  began 
to  turn  his  attention  to  the  objects  which  ought  to  be  secured  by  the 
United  States,  on  an  event  to  attain  which  she  had  suffered  so  much 
and  so  long  ;  and  with  all  the  peculiar  tenaciousness  of  his  charac- 
ter, he  determined  that  those  privileges  and  rights  should  be  expli- 
citly secured,  on  which  the  respective  interests  of  various  portions 
of  the  country  depended.  He  saw  clearly,  too,  the  necessity  of  en- 
tering upon  the  world  with  those  broad  views  of  policy  which  would 


SAMUEL    ADAMS.  77 

enable  us  to  maintain  our  rights.  His  correspondence  on  tins  sub- 
ject, particularly  his  letter  to  Mr.  M'Kean,  manifests  the  enlarged 
views  of  the  statesman,  and  the  fervour  of  the  patriot.  "Are  we 
soon  to  have  peace?"  he  writes,  in  the  summer  of  1781,  to  Mr. 
M'Kean,  at  that  time  president  of  congress;  "  however  desirable 
this  may  be,  we  must  not  wish  for  it  on  any  terms  but  such  as  shall 
be  honourable  and  safe  to  our  country.  Let  us  not  disgrace  our- 
selves by  giving  just  occasion  for  it  to  be  said  hereafter,  that  we 
finished  this  great  contest  with  an  inglorious  accommodation." 

After  Mr.  Adams  retired  from  congress,  he  continued  to  receive 
from  his  native  state,  new  proofs  of  her  sense  of  his  services,  in  his 
appointment  to  offices  of  the  highest  trust.  He  had  already  been  a 
member  of  the  convention  which  formed  her  constitution,  being  on 
the  committee  which  draughted  it,  and  on  that  which  framed  the 
address  with  which  it  was  presented  to  the  people.  He  afterwards 
became,  successively,  a  member  of  the  senate,  president  of  that 
body,  and  a  member  of  the  convention  assembled  for  the  ratification 
of  the  federal  constitution.  To  this  instrument,  in  its  reported  form, 
he  had  some  objections ;  the  principal  of  which  were  to  those  parts 
that  lessened,  as  he  conceived,  injudiciously,  the  powers  of  the  sepa- 
rate states;  and  he  prepared  several  amendments,  that  met  with 
the  approbation  of  the  convention,  and  some  of  which  were  after- 
wards incorporated  in  the  constitution  itself.  His  particular  speeches 
have  not,  unfortunately,  been  preserved,  or  we  should  have  had  the 
valuable  comment  of  a  strong  mind,  improved  by  great  experience, 
on  questions  deeply  interesting  to  us.  His  letters,  however,  occa- 
sionally contain  remarks  illustrating  his  sentiments,  and  are  well 
worthy  the  attention  of  politicians  in  our  own  times. 

"  I  hope  the  federal  congress  is  vested  with  powers,  adequate  to 
all  the  great  purposes  of  the  federal  union  ;  and,  if  they  have  such 
adequate  powers,  no  true  and  understanding  federalist  would  con- 
sent, that  they  should  be  trusted  with  more  ;  for  more  would  discover 
the  folly  of  the  people  in  their  wanton  grant  of  power;  because  it 
might,  and  considering  the  disposition  of  the  human  mind,  without 
doubt  would,  be  wantonly  extended  to  their  injury  and  ruin.  The 
powers  vested  in  government  by  the  people,  the  only  just  source  of 
such  powers,  ought  to  be  critically  defined,  and  well  understood; 
lest,  by  a  misconstruction  of  ambiguous  expressions,  and  by  inter- 
ested judges  too,  more  power  might  be  assumed  by  the  government 
than  the  people  ever  intended  they  should  possess.  Few  men  are 
contented  with  less  power  than  they  have  a  right  to  exercise  :  the 


78  SAMUEL    ADAMS. 

ambition  of  the  human  heart  grasps  at  more :  this  is  evinced  by  the 
experience  of  all  ages." 

Mr.  Adams  was  destined  to  receive  still  further  proofs  of  the  at- 
tachment of  his  fellow  citizens,  by  being  successively  raised  to  the 
highest  honors  they  could  bestow,  as  lieutenant  governor,  and  gov- 
ernor of  the  state.  In  these  high  offices  he  preserved  and  displayed 
the  same  manly  and  firm  principles  which  he  had  always  expressed; 
and  he  especially  called  to  the  attention  of  the  people,  the  careful 
preservation  of  those  mutual  rights  which  they  had  yielded  and  re- 
tained at  the  formation  of  the  federal  government.  "  I  shall  pre- 
sently be  called  upon,"  he  observes,  in  one  of  his  inaugural  address- 
es, "  as  it  is  enjoined  by  the  constitution,  to  make  a  declaration 
upon  oath,  and  I  shall  do  it  with  cheerfulness,  because  the  injunction 
accords  with  my  own  judgment  and  conscience,  '  that  the  common- 
wealth of  Massachusetts,  is  and  of  right  ought  to  be  a  free,  sovereign, 
and  independent  state.'  I  shall  also  be  called  upon,  to  make  another 
declaration  with  the  same  solemnity,  'to  support  the  constitution  of 
the  United  States.'  I  see  the  consistency  of  this,  for  it  cannot  but 
have  been  intended  that  these  constitutions  should  mutually  aid  and 
support  each  other.  It  is  my  humble  opinion,  that,  while  the  com- 
monwealth of  Massachusetts  maintains  her  own  just  authority, 
weight,  and  dignity,  she  will  be  among  the  firmest  pillars  of  the 
federal  union.  May  the  administration  of  the  federal  government, 
and  those  of  the  several  states  of  the  union,  be  guided  by  the  uner- 
ring finger  of  Heaven  !  Each  of  them,  and  all  of  them,  united,  will 
then,  if  the  people  are  wise,  be  as  prosperous  as  the  wisdom  of  human 
institutions,  and  the  circumstances  of  human  society  will  admit." 

The  limits  of  this  sketch  will  not  permit  us  to  enter  into  a  detail 
of  the  public  measures  of  Mr.  Adams,  while  he  presided  over  the 
government  of  Massachusetts,  nor  to  lay  before  the  reader,  those  of 
his  public  writings  which  would  throw  light  on  his  peculiar  senti- 
ments, as  well  as  on  the  general  history  of  the  country.  He  con- 
tinued to  serve  her  with  undiminished  zeal;  and  it  was  not  until  age 
and  bodily  infirmities  rendered  him  unfit  for  service,  that  he  retired 
to  a  private  life.  This  retirement,  however,  he  did  not  long  enjoy, 
but  within  a  few  years  passed  quietly  to  his  grave.  He  expired  on 
the  third  of  October,  1803,  in  the  eighty-second  year  of  his  age. 

Of  the  peculiar  character  and  dispositions  of  Mr.  Adams,  the 
reader  will  have  formed  a  tolerably  correct  opinion  from  what  has 
been  recorded  in  the  preceding  pages ;  and  it  only  remains  for  us 
briefly  to  sum  up  that  of  which  he  has  already  a  general  idea.     In 


SAMUEL    ADAMS.  79 

person  he  was  of  the  middle  size,  with  a  countenance  full  of  expres- 
sion, and  showing  the  remarkable  firmness  of  his  character;  in 
manners  and  deportment,  he  was  sincere  and  unaffected;  in  con- 
versation, pleasing  and  instructive  ;  and  in  friendship,  steadfast  and 
affectionate.  As  a  writer,  he  was  indefatigable  when  he  thought 
his  literary  efforts  could  tend  to  promote  his  liberal  and  patriotic 
views;  and  although  most  of  his  productions  have  suffered  that  ob- 
livion, to  which  the  best  efforts  of  temporary  politics  are  generally 
destined,  those  which  remain,  or  of  which  a  knowledge  is  yet  pre- 
served, give  abundant  proof  of  the  strength  and  fervour  of  his  dic- 
tion, the  soundness  of  his  politics,  the  warmth  of  his  heart,  and  the 
piety  and  sincerity  of  his  devotion.  As  an  orator,  he  was  peculiarly 
fitted  for  the  times  and  circumstances  on  which  he  had  fallen.  His 
language  was  pure,  concise,  and  impressive  ;  he  was  more  logical 
than  figurative  ;  and  his  arguments  were  addressed  rather  to  the 
understanding  than  the  feelings  :  yet  these  he  could  often  deeply 
interest,  when  the  importance  and  dignity  of  his  subject  led  him  to 
give  free  vent  to  the  enthusiasm  and  patriotic  ardour,  of  which  his 
heart  was  always  full ;  and  if  we  are  to  judge  by  the  fairest  of  all 
tests,  the  effect  upon  his  hearers,  few  speakers  of  ancient  or  modern 
times,  could  be  named  as  superior  to  him.  As  a  statesman,  the 
great  trait  in  the  character  of  Mr.  Adams,  was  the  unyielding  firm- 
ness with  which  he  pursued  the  course  which  his  judgment  had  de- 
termined to  be  the  correct  one.  He  possessed  an  energy  of  will, 
that  never  faltered.  Every  part  of  his  character  conduced  to  this 
determination.  His  private  habits,  which  were  simple,  frugal,  and 
unostentatious,  led  him  to  despise  the  luxury  and  parade  affected  by 
the  crown  officers;  his  religious  tenets,  which  made  him  loathe  the 
very  name  of  the  English  church,  preserved  in  his  mind  the  memory 
of  ancient  persecutions,  as  vividly  as  if  they  had  happened  yester- 
day, and  as  anxiously  as  if  they  might  be  repeated  to-morrow  ;  his 
detestation  of  royalty,  and  privileged  classes,  which  no  man  could 
have  felt  more  deeply — all  these  circumstances  stimulated  him  to 
persevere  in  a  course,  which  he  conscientiously  believed  it  to  be  his 
duty  to  pursue,  for  the  welfare  of  his  country.  The  motives  by 
which  he  was  actuated,  were  not  a  sudden  ebullition  of  temper,  nor 
a  transient  impulse  of  resentment;  but  they  were  deliberate,  me- 
thodical, and  unyielding.  There  was  no  pause,  no  despondency  ; 
every  day  and  every  hour  were  employed  in  some  contribution  to- 
wards the  main  design;  if  not  in  action,  in  writing;  if  not  with  the 
pen,  in  conversation  ;  if  not  in  talking,  in  meditation.  The  means 
4  C 


80  SAMUEL    ADAMS. 

he  advised  were  persuasion,  petition,  remonstrance,  resolutions;  and, 
when  all  failed,  defiance  and  extermination,  sooner  than  submission. 
His  measures  for  redress  were  all  legitimate;  and  where  the  ex- 
tremity of  the  case,  as  in  the  destruction  of  the  tea,  absolutely  re- 
quired an  irregularity,  a  vigour  beyond  the  law,  he  was  desirous  it 
might  be  redeemed  by  the  discipline,  good  order,  and  scrupulous 
integrity,  with  which  it  should  be  effected. 

The  very  faults  of  his  character  tended,  in  some  degree,  to  render 
his  services  more  useful,  by  converging  his  exertions  to  one  point, 
and  preventing  their  being  weakened  by  indulgence  or  liberality 
towards  different  opinions.  There  was  some  tinge  of  bigotry  and 
narrowness  both  in  his  religion  and  politics.  He  was  a  strict  Calvin- 
ist ;  and  probably,  no  individual  of  his  day  had  so  much  of  the  feel- 
ings of  the  ancient  Puritans  as  he  possessed.  In  politics,  he  was  so 
jealous  of  delegated  power,  that  he  would  not  have  given  our  con- 
stitutions inherent  force  enough  for  their  own  preservation.  He  at- 
tached an  exclusive  value  to  the  habits  and  principles  in  which  he 
had  been  educated,  and  wished  to  adjust  wide  concerns  too  closely 
after  a  particular  model.  One  of  his  colleagues,  who  knew  him 
well,  and  estimated  him  highly,  described  him,  with  good-natured 
exaggeration,  in  the  following  manner :  "  Samuel  Adams  would 
have  the  state  of  Massachusetts  govern  the  union,  the  town  of  Bos- 
ton govern  Massachusetts,  and  that  he  should  govern  the  town  of 
Boston,  and  then  the  whole  would  not  be  intentionally  ill-governed." 

With  this  somewhat  austere  spirit,  however,  there  was  nothing 
ferocious,  nor  gloomy,  nor  arrogant  in  his  demeanour.  His  aspect 
was  mild,  dignified,  and  gentlemanly.  In  his  own  state,  or  in  the 
congress  of  the  union,  he  was  always  the  advocate  of  the  strongest 
measures ;  and  in  the  darkest  hour,  he  never  wavered  nor  desponded. 
He  engaged  in  the  cause  with  all  the  zeal  of  a  reformer,  the  confi- 
dence of  an  enthusiast,  and  the  cheerfulness  of  a  voluntary  martyr. 
It  was  not  by  brilliancy  of  talents,  nor  profoundness  of  learning,  that 
he  rendered  such  essential  service  to  the  cause  of  the  revolution ; 
but  by  his  resolute  decision,  his  unceasing  watchfulness,  and  his  he- 
roic perseverance.  In  addition  to  these  qualities,  his  efforts  were 
consecrated  by  his  entire  superiority  to  pecuniary  considerations  ; 
he,  like  most  of  his  colleagues,  proved  the  nobleness  of  the  cause, 
by  the  virtue  of  his  conduct :  and  Samuel  Adams,  after  being  so 
many  years  in  the  public  service,  and  having  filled  so  many  eminent 
stations,  must  have  been  buried  at  the  public  expense,  if  the  afflict- 
ing death  of  an  only  son  had  not  remedied  this  honourable  poverty. 


THE    B.RTH    PLACES    OF    JOHN      AND     JOHN     QU,N 


CY      ADAMS 


JOHN   ADAMS. 


John  Adams  was  engaged,  during  the  greater  part  of  his  life,  so 
actively  in  public  affairs,  that  the  incidents  of  his  career  are  insepa- 
rably blended  with  the  history  of  the  colony  which  claimed  him  for 
her  son,  and  of  the  nation  which  honoured  him  as  a  father.  He 
was  fourth  in  descent  from  Henry  Adams,  who,  according  to  the 
quaint  inscription  on  his  tomb  at  Quincy,  "  Took  his  flight  from  the 
dragon  Persecution  in  Devonshire,  England,  and  alighted  with  eight 
sons  near  Mount  Wollaston  ;"  and  he  was  also  descended  from  John 
Alden,  one  of  that  pilgrim-band  who  first  landed  on  Plymouth  Rock, 
seeking  an  asylum  for  religious  and  civil  freedom  among  the  forests 
of  the  new  world. 

John  Adams  was  born  at  Quincy,  near  Boston,  on  the  nineteenth 
of  October,  (O.  S.,)  1735.  His  worthy  father  very  soon  perceiving. 
in  his  boy,  a  strong  love  of  reading  and  of  knowledge,  and  marks 
of  great  strength  and  activity  of  intellect,  took  proper  care  to  give 
him  every  attainable  advantage  of  education. 

His  boyish  studies  were  prosecuted  in  Braintree.  In  1751,  he 
was  admitted  a  member  of  Harvard  College  at  Cambridge,  where 
he  was  regularly  graduated,  four  years  afterwards.  Of  his  colle- 
giate reputation  little  is  known  at  present,  most  of  his  classmates 
having  preceded  him  to  the  grave ;  but  one  of  them,  the  pious  and 
learned  Dr.  Hemmenway,  often  spoke  of  the  honesty,  openness,  and 
decision  of  character  that  distinguished  him,  of  which  he  told  many 
characteristic  anecdotes. 

After  completing  his  academic  course,  he  repaired  to  Worcester 
for  the  purpose  of  studying  the  law,  and  according  to  the  established 
usage  of  New  England,  began  at  once  to  support  himself  by  his  own 
exertions.  He  taught  in  the  grammar  school  of  that  town,  and  pur- 
sued his  legal  studies  at  the  same  time  under  the  direction  of  Mr 
Putnam,  a  barrister  of  eminence. 

It  was  certainly  as  early  in  his  life  as  this  residence  at  Worces- 
ter, when  his  thoughts  began  to  turn  on  general  politics,  and  the 

83 


84  JOHN    ADAMS. 

prospects  of  his  country  occupied  his  attention.  A  letter  that  he 
wrote  very  soon  after  leaving  college  has  been  preserved ;  and 
evinces  so  remarkable  a  forecast,  and  such  a  comprehensive  range 
of  speculation,  that  it  deserves  an  attentive  perusal.  It  was  dated 
at  Worcester,  on  the  twelfth  of  October,  1755,  and  is  in  these  words : 
"  Soon  after  the  reformation,  a  few  people  came  over  into  this  new 
world  for  conscience  sake.  Perhaps  this  apparently  trivial  incident 
may  transfer  the  great  seat  of  empire  into  America.  It  looks  likely 
to  me  if  we  can  remove  the  turbulent  Gallics,  our  people,  accord- 
ing to  the  exactest  computations,  will  in  another  century  become 
more  numerous  than  England  herself.  Should  this  be  the  case, 
since  we  have,  I  may  say,  all  the  naval  stores  of  the  nation  in  our 
hands,  it  will  be  easy  to  obtain  the  mastery  of  the  seas;  and  then 
the  united  force  of  all  Europe  will  not  be  able  to  subdue  us.  The 
only  way  to  keep  us  from  setting  up  for  ourselves,  is  to  disunite  us. 
Divide  et  impera.  Keep  us  in  distinct  colonies,  and  then  some  great 
men  in  each  colony  desiring  the  monarchy  of  the  whole,  they  will 
destroy  each  other's  influence,  and  keep  the  country  in  equilibrio." 

In  1758  he  was  admitted  to  the  bar,  and  commenced  practice  in 
Braintree  ;  but  his  first  considerable  effort,  which  was  encouraging 
and  successful,  was  made  at  Plymouth,  in  a  jury  trial  and  a  criminal 
cause. 

In  1761,  Mr.  Adams  was  admitted  to  the  rank  of  a  barrister,  and 
continued  to  advance  in  professional  reputation.  In  Boston  and  its 
vicinity,  the  attention  of  all  men  possessed  of  public  spirit  and  en- 
larged views  was,  however,  now  very  much  engrossed  by  the  con- 
tentions between  the  provincial  assembly  and  the  royal  governor, 
which  assumed  a  shape  and  importance  more  alarming  than  before. 

The  year  1764  was  attended  with  the  excitement  produced  by 
the  act  imposing  duties  of  export  and  import,  and  the  announcement 
of  an  intention  to  impose  stamp  duties  upon  the  colonies. 

Mr.  Adams  was  occupied,  during  a  part  of  this  year  of  alarm  and 
ferment,  in  gentler  cares  than  political  controversy,  for  it  was  at 
this  period  that  he  was  united  to  Abigail,  the  daughter  of  the  Rev. 
William  Smith,  his  faithful  and  most  amiable  partner  during  fifty- 
four  years  of  conjugal  union.  To  this  accomplished  and  excellent 
lady  he  owed  much  of  the  felicity  of  his  life  ;  with  true  sympathy  in 
his  feelings  she  unrepiningly  submitted  to  the  frequent  separations 
which  his  devotion  to  the  general  cause  occasioned ;  and  he  fully 
appreciated  her  worth,  and  could  never,  in  the  heaviest  trials  of  his 
life,  speak  of  her  without  emotions  of  tenderness  and  gratitude,  that 


JOHN   ADAMS.  85 

would  suffuse  his  eyes  and  impede  his  utterance.  There  has  been 
preserved  a  letter  written  by  her  to  a  friend,  at  one  of  the  most 
gloomy  periods  of  the  war,  in  which  she  thus  expresses  the  noble 
patriotism  which  she  cherished  in  common  with  her  husband.  "  Hea- 
ven is  our  witness,  that  we  do  not  rejoice  in  the  effusion  of  blood  or 
the  carnage  of  the  human  species ;  but  having  been  forced  to  draw 
the  sword,  we  are  determined  never  to  sheathe  it  slaves  of  Britain. 
Our  cause,  sir,  is,  I  trust,  the  cause  of  truth  and  justice,  and  will 
finally  prevail,  though  the  combined  force  of  earth  and  hell  shall  rise 
against  it.  To  this  cause  I  have  sacrificed  much  of  my  own  per- 
sonal happiness,  by  giving  up  to  the  councils  of  America  one  of  my 
nearest  connections,  and  living  for  more  than  three  years  in  a  state 
of  widowhood." 

In  1764,  a  town  meeting  at  Boston  suggested  the  plan  of  a  con- 
vention of  the  colonies,  but  nothing  more  was  at  that  time  done 
towards,  such  a  measure.  Petitions  and  remonstrances  were  sent 
to  England,  and  great  confidence  was  entertained  that  the  parlia- 
ment would  be  convinced,  as  the  colonists  were,  that  the  power 
of  taxing  resided  constitutionally  in  the  colonial  assembly,  and  no 
where  else.  In  these  fond  hopes  they  were  however  destined  to  be 
disappointed;  for  in  February  1765,  the  stamp  act,  proposed  at  a 
former  session  of  parliament,  was  passed. 

Mr.  Adams  now  appeared  before  the  public  by  publishing  his 
"  Essay  on  the  Canon  and  Feudal  Law,"  a  performance  of  very 
remarkable  power  and  eloquence,  in  which  he  made  a  bold  and  un- 
disguised appeal  to  the  spirit  of  the  people,  against  the  attempt  to 
establish  the  unlimited  control  of  the  parliament. 

This  composition,  written  in  a  style  of  uncommon  nervousness 
and  vivacity,  is  an  argument  founded  on  the  assertion  that  mo- 
narchy, in  the  earliest  and  most  ignorant  ages,  was  the  universal 
form  of  government;  but  as  the  people  became  more  enlightened, 
they  in  the  same  proportion  became  more  free  :  the  love  of  power 
has  been  often  the  cause  of  slavery,  but  sometimes  the  cause  of 
freedom.  "  If  it  is  this  principle,  that  has  always  prompted  the 
princes  and  nobles  of  the  earth,  by  every  species  of  fraud  and  vio- 
lence, to  shake  off  all  the  limitations  of  their  power  ;  it  is  the  same 
that  has  always  stimulated  the  common  people  to  aspire  at  inde- 
pendency, and  to  endeavour  at  confining  the  power  of  the  great 
within  the  limits  of  equity  and  reason." 

The  publication  of  this  admirable  work  brought  him  rapidly  for- 
ward into  general  notice,  and  in  the  same  year  he  was  associated 
c  2 


jtfj  JOHN    ADAMS. 

with  Otis  and  other  master  spirits  in  appearing  before  the  governor 
and  council,  and  arguing  there  that  the  courts  should  administer 
justice  without  stamped  paper. 

He  was  not  a  member  of  the  congress  which  met  at  New  York, 
in  October  1765,  to  consult  and  prepare  new  petitions,  and  adjourn. 
But  he  had  now  become  a  public  man,  and  was  associated  with 
Robert  Treat  Paine,  Otis,  Quincy,  Samuel  Adams,  and  other  dis- 
tinguished patriots,  all  older  than  himself,  in  every  endeavour  to 
counteract  the  schemes  of  the  ministry. 

Under  the  influence  of  such  men,  the  general  assembly  would 
probably  have  been  impelled  into  very  bold  and  perhaps  very  rash 
measures  ;  if  the  news  of  George  Greenville's  dismissal,  and  the  re- 
peal of  the  stamp  act,  had  not  for  the  time  removed  the  necessity 
of  immediate  decision. 

In  1766,  he  removed  his  residence  to  the  town  of  Boston,  still 
continuing  his  attendance  on  the  neigbouring  circuits,  and  not  un- 
frequently  called  to  remote  parts  of  the  province. 

The  repeal  of  the  stamp  act,  and  the  accession  of  Lord  Chatham 
to  the  ministry,  would  perhaps  have  quieted  the  discontents  in  Mas- 
sachusetts ;  had  it  not  been  for  the  declaratory  act  that  parliament 
had  been  induced  by  a  false  pride  to  attach  to  the  repeal,  claiming 
the  right  to  tax  the  colonies,  although  for  the  present  they  chose  to 
postpone  its  exercise. 

There  were,  however,  abundant  sources  of  controversy  between 
Governor  Bernard  and  the  people,  among  which  the  introduction  of 
two  regiments  of  king's  troops  into  the  town  of  Boston,  was  not  the 
least  irritating. 

Mr.  Adams  persevered  with  his  friends  Warren,  Otis,  Thatcher 
and  others,  as  well  as  his  distinguished  namesake  Samuel  Adams, 
in  their  labours,  such  as  he  bad  proposed  in  his  Essay  on  the  Canon 
and  Feudal  Law.  In  the  year  1768  the  importance  of  his  services, 
and  the  influence  of  his  writings  had  become  so  well  known  and  ap- 
preciated, as  to  induce  Governor  Bernard  to  think  him  worth  buy- 
ing over  ;  and  to  make  the  same  attempt  with  him,  which  we  have 
already  seen  was  tried  without  success  on  Hancock  and  Samuel 
Adams.  For  this  purpose  his  intimate  personal  friend  Sewall,  the 
recently  appointed  attorney  general,  was  commissioned  by  the  gov- 
ernor to  offer  him  the  appointment  of  advocate  general  in  the  court 
of  admiralty,  a  very  lucrative  office  at  that  period.  He  was  then 
but  in  his  thirty-third  year,  with  an  increasing  family  to  support ; 
the  office  tendered  to  his  acceptance  would  have  been  a  promotion 


JOHN    ADAMS.  87 

in  the  line  of  his  profession,  would  have  insured  him  a  considerable 
income,  and  required  no  direct  abandonment  of  his  friends  or  his 
principles;  but  he  could  not  bear  to  be  put  in  any  sort  of  trammels, 
he  considered  the  offer  as  merely  insidious,  and  peremptorily  de- 
clined it. 

He  was  chosen  by  the  citizens  of  Boston,  in  17G9,  one  of  a  com- 
mittee, which  was  appointed,  according  to  a  custom  of  the  time, 
before  alluded  to,  to  prepare  instructions  to  their  representatives; 
and  the  instructions  drawn  up  accordingly,  were  full  of  opposition 
to  the  measures  of  the  governor,  and  particularly  were  aimed 
against  allowing  the  troops  to  remain  in  the  town. 

The  soldiers  were  not  removed,  however,  and  a  series  of  squab- 
bles between  them  and  the  towns-people  led  finally  to  the  bloody 
affray,  on  the  fifth  of  March,  1770,  commonly  designated  as  "the 
massacre."  The  principal  circumstances  which  caused  and  attended 
this  event,  have  been  already  described  with  sufficient  minuteness 
in  a  previous  biography. 

In  consequence  of  the  spirited  and  determined  remonstrance  of 
the  committee  appointed  by  the  citizens  of  Boston,  by  their  chair- 
man, the  Aristides  of  the  revolution,  Samuel  Adams, — not  only 
were  the  soldiers  removed  from  the  town,  but  the  supremacy  of  the 
civil  power  was  maintained  by  the  arrest,  indictment,  and  trial  of 
the  actual  offenders.  Mr.  Adams  was  applied  to  on  behalf  of  Cap- 
tain Preston,  the  officer  who  was  charged  with  giving  the  fatal  order 
to  fire  upon  the  people,  and  the  private  soldiers  who  were  indicted 
with  him,  to  undertake  their  defence.  It  was  a  touchstone  applied 
to  his  firmness  and  his  professional  pride.  The  people  were  still 
clamorous  against  the  soldiers,  and  he  was  a  man  of  the  people, 
living  for  them  and  among  them.  The  governor's  party  anxiously 
desired  to  screen  the  offenders  from  punishment ;  would  not  a  lawyer 
appearing  for  such  a  defence,  be  suspected  of  deserting  the  popular 
cause?  Such  considerations  might  have  deterred  a  man  of  less 
moral  courage,  but  Mr.  Adams  was  above  their  influence.  He  could 
afford  to  perform  a  professional  duty  without  endangering  his  politi- 
cal standing.  Two  years  only  had  elapsed  since  he  rejected  the 
offer  of  a  lucrative  and  distinguished  governmental  appointment; 
he  could  not  be  suspected,  after  that,  of  wishing  to  truckle  to  the 
men  in  power.  The  main  point  heing  gained  by  the  removal  of  the 
troops  out  of  the  town,  men  of  liberal  feelings  could  have  no  desire 
to  visit  the  sins  of  the  commanders  upon  the  ignorant  soldiers,  by 
any  vindictive  exercise  of  the  civil  power.     The  great  offence  had 


88  JOHN    ADAMS. 

been  the  presence  of  the  military  in  the  town,  for  which  the  author- 
ities alone  were  answerable;  that  soldiers,  being  there,  should  be 
dissolute,  insolent  and  quarrelsome,  was  to  be  expected.  Mr.  Adams, 
therefore,  thwarted  no  secret  wishes  of  his  own,  in  contributing  to 
the  defence  of  the  accused.  He  conducted  it  with  the  zeal  and 
vigour  that  marked  all  his  actions,  and  with  an  ability  and  eloquence 
that  elicited  universal  applause. 

Notwithstanding  the  exasperation  of  feeling  among  the  towns- 
people, from  whom  the  jury  was  to  be  taken,  Captain  Preston  was 
acquitted,  on  account  of  a  want  of  positive  evidence  to  criminate 
him  as  the  author  of  the  mischief;  and  two  only  of  the  soldiers,  upon 
whom  the  act  of  firing,  after  much  provocation,  was  proved,  were 
convicted  of  manslaughter,  and  praying  the  benefit  of  clergy,  were 
branded  with  a  hot  iron  and  dismissed. 

That  Mr.  Adams  lost  no  favour  with  his  fellow-citizens  by  en 
gaging  in  this  trial,  is  proved  by  the  circumstance  of  his  being,  in 
the  same  year,  elected  one  of  the  representatives  in  the  general 
assembly. 

The  session  of  the  assembly  which  ensued  was  marked  by  a  per- 
tinacious contest  between  the  house  and  the  acting  governor,  Hutch- 
inson, on  the  subject  of  holding  the  "General  Court,"  as  it  was 
called,  in  Cambridge  instead  of  Boston.  The  assembly  insisted  or 
returning  to  Boston,  from  which  the  sessions  had  been  removed  bj 
Governor  Bernard;  and  refused  to  proceed  in  any  business  untf 
their  return  to  the  ancient  place  of  meeting  should  be  agreed  to 
The  lieutenant  governor  pleaded  his  instructions ;  but  was  attacked 
irresistibly  on  that  ground,  with  the  argument  that  no  instructions 
from  England  could  countervail  the  charter.  He  hinted  at  his  power 
as  commander-in-chief,  but  then  laid  himself  open  to  the  whole 
odium  of  an  arbitrary  act.  Finally,  he  refused  to  adjourn  to  Bos- 
ton, "without  permission  of  his  majesty's  ministers."  A  committee 
of  leading  men,  the  elder  and  younger  Adams,  Hancock  and  Haw- 
ley,  were  appointed  to  prepare  a  reply  to  this  undisguised  avowal 
of  subserviency  to  ministerial  views.  The  reply  is  elaborate  and 
eloquent,  and  seems  to  bear  the  impress  of  the  same  mind  from 
which  the  "Essay  on  the  Canon  and  Feudal  Law"  had  proceeded. 
The  conclusion  is  a  very  intelligible  warning  of  what  the  ministry 
had  to  expect  if  they  should  persevere  in  their  oppressive  conduct. 

"We  are  obliged,  at  this  time,  to  struggle,  with  all  the  powers 
the  constitution  has  furnished  us,  in  defence  of  our  rights;  to  pre- 
vent the  most  valuable  of  our  liberties  from  being  wrested  from  us 


JOHN    ADAMS.  89 

by  the  subtle  machinations  and  daring  encroachments  of  wicked 
ministers.  We  have  seen,  of  late,  innumerable  encroachments  on 
our  charter;  courts  of  admiralty  extended  from  the  high  seas, 
where,  by  the  compact  in  the  charter  they  are  confined,  to  number- 
less important  causes  upon  land;  multitudes  of  civil  officers,  the 
appointment  of  whom  is,  by  charter,  confined  to  the  governor  and 
council,  sent  here  from  abroad  by  the  ministry;  a  revenue,  not 
granted  by  us,  but  torn  from  us;  armies  stationed  here  without  our 
consent;  and  the  streets  of  our  metropolis  crimsoned  with  the  blood 
of  our  fellow-subjects.  These,  and  other  grievances  and  cruelties, 
too  many  to  be  here  enumerated,  and  too  melancholy  to  be  much 
longer  borne  by  this  injured  people,  we  have  seen  brought  upon  us, 
by  the  devices  of  ministers  of  state.  And  we  have,  of  late,  seen 
and  heard  of  instructions  to  governors,  which  threaten  to  destroy  all 
the  remaining  privileges  of  our  charter.  Should  these  struggles  of 
the  house  prove  unfortunate  and  ineffectual,  this  province  will  sub- 
mit, with  pious  resignation,  to  the  will  of  Providence ;  but  it  would 
be  a  kind  of  suicide,  of  which  we  have  the  utmost  horror,  to  be  in- 
strumental in  our  own  servitude." 

The  lieutenant  governor's  office  was  certainly  no  bed  of  roses  at 
this  time;  he  and  his  coadjutors  were  overmatched  in  talent,  reso- 
lution and  management,  by  "Adams  and  the  rest;"  and  the  pertur- 
bation of  his  mind  was  excessive.  At  times  he  advised  the  use  of 
force,  then  recommended  a  course  of  cunning  expedients,  which  he 
designated  as  "  Machiavelian  policy  ;"  imputed  to  the  colonists  a 
determination  to  have  a  lord  lieutenant  and  an  American  parlia- 
ment; and  suggested  a  variety  of  projects  for  curbing  their  spirit. 

A  new  grievance  appeared  in  the  dismissal  of  the  troops  at  "the 
castle,"  who  were  under  the  control  and  pay  of  the  province,  and  the 
transfer  of  that  fortress  to  the  custody  of  the  king's  forces.  This  was 
an  evil  that  admitted  of  no  present  remedy,  but  it  stimulated  to  more 
active  preparations  for  resistance,  and  mainly  induced  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  committee,  of  which  Mr.  Adams  was  a  member,  to  corres- 
pond with  the  agents  in  England,  with  the  speakers  of  assemblies  in 
other  colonies,  and  with  committees  chosen  for  a  similar  purpose. 

In  the  following  year,  1771,  Mr.  Hutchinson  received  the  appoint- 
ment of  governor  of  Massachusetts,  and  made  some  efforts  towards 
conciliation ;  the  Duke  of  Grafton  had  resigned,  and  Lord  North 
had  rescinded  all  the  obnoxious  duties  except  that  on  tea.  A  com- 
parative calm  ensued  for  a  short  season,  and  the  letters  from  Frank- 
lin and  other  Americans  in  England,  held  out  encouragement  to 
5 


90  JOHN    ADAMS. 

hope  for  the  removal  of  all  causes  of  complaint.  The  same  obsti- 
nate dispute  as  to  the  place  of  holding  the  sessions  of  the  assembly 
continued,  and  little  public  business  was  transacted  in  consequence. 
But  in  1772,  the  governor  gave  up  this  point,  and  ordered  the  long- 
dcsircd  return  to  the  town  house  at  Boston. 

He  had  accepted  a  provision  for  the  payment  of  his  salary  by  the 
crown,  instead  of  the  province,  and  nothing  could  have  given  greater 
offence.  There  was  also  a  project,  afterwards  executed,  of  pro- 
viding in  the  same  way  for  the  salaries  of  the  judges;  and  upon 
these  two  grievances  a  large  town  meeting  was  held,  early  in  1772, 
at  Boston,  and  very  spirited  resolutions  adopted. 

This  ministerial  regulation  for  paying  the  salaries  of  the  judges, 
which  rendered  them  wholly  dependent  on  the  crown,  was  the  occa- 
sion of  a  discussion  in  the  public  papers,  between  William  Brattle, 
senior  member  of  the  council,  on  the  one  side,  and  Mr.  John  Adams 
on  the  other;  written,  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Adams,  according  to  the 
history  of  the  period,  "with  great  learning  and  ability;"  and  had  a 
happy  effect  in  enlightening  the  public  mind  on  a  question  of  very 
great  importance. 

When  the  general  court  met  in  January,  1773,  the  new  governor 
made  an  elaborate  speech  to  them  in  support  of  the  supremacy  of 
parliament,  and  threw  out,  as  the  two  houses  thought,  a  challenge 
to  answer  him.  This  they  did  forthwith,  but  he  replied  in  the  same 
strain,  and  put  forth  so  ingenious  an  argument,  that  their  committee 
thought  it  necessary  to  invoke  the  aid  of  Mr.  John  Adams,  who  was 
not  then  a  member,  in  preparing  a  rejoinder.  A  very  eloquent  and 
argumentative  disquisition  was  immediately  drawn  up  by  him  for 
their  use,  which  they  adopted  at  once  without  alteration;  and  so 
powerful  was'it  considered  by  Dr.  Franklin,  as  an  exposition  of  the 
claims  and  wrongs  of  the  colonies,  that  he  caused  it  to  be  repub- 
lished in  England,  and  distributed  there. 

Very  shortly  after  this  circumstance  he  was  elected  a  member  of 
the  assembly,  and  being  placed  by  their  vote  on  the  list  of  coun- 
cillors, the  governor  erased  his  name,  by  a  vindictive  exercise  of  a 
right  incident  to  his  office,  but  never  exercised  unless  as  an  expres- 
sion of  strong  dislike  and  hostility. 

Early  in  1774,  Governor  Hutchinson  resigned  his  office,  and  de- 
parted for  England.  And  at  the  same  time  his  successor,  and  the 
intelligence  of  the  act  of  parliament  closing  the  port  of  73oston, 
were  received,  the  one  with  outward  civility  but  universal  distrust, 
the  othe*  with  unbounded  indignation  and  alarm. 


JOHN   ADAMS.  91 

The  inhabitants  of  Boston  were  called  together,  to  consider  this 
new  and  unexampled  aggression.  It  was  there  voted  to  make  ap- 
plication to  the  other  colonies  to  refuse  all  importations  from  Great 
Britain,  and  withhold  all  commercial  intercourse,  as  the  most  pro- 
bable and  effectual  mode  to  procure  the  repeal  of  this  oppressive 
law.  One  of  the  citizens  was  despatched  to  New  York  and  Phila- 
delphia, for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  the  views  of  the  people  at 
those  places,  and  in  the  colonies  farther  south.  A  committee,  com- 
prising Samuel  Adams,  Dr.  Warren,  afterwards  General  Warren, 
the  hero  and  martyr  of  Bunker's  hill,  with  John  Adams  and  others 
of  the  same  high  character,  was  appointed  to  consider  what  further 
measures  ought  to  be  adopted. 

Mr.  Adams  being  again  a  member  of  assembly,  was  put  on  the 
list  for  the  council,  but  Governor  Gage  knew  his  character  well  from 
the  report  of  his  past  conduct,  and  erased  his  name,  as  Hutchinson 
had  done  before. 

The  governor  obliged  the  general  court  to  meet  at  Salem,  instead 
of  Boston,  where  they  proceeded,  after  a  very  civil  address  to  him, 
to  ask  for  a  day  of  general  fast  and  prayer.  This  his  excellency 
refused.  But  although  he  would  not  let  them  pray,  he  could  not " 
prevent  them  from  adopting  a  most  important  measure,  namely, 
that  of  choosing  five  delegates  to  a  general  and  continental  congress ; 
and  of  giving  immediate  information  thereof  to  all  the  other  colo- 
nies, with  a  request,  that  they  would  appoint  deputies  for  the  same 
purpose.  The  preamble  to  the  resolutions  for  choosing  delegates 
to  meet  in  a  general  congress,  states  the  object  to  be,  "  the  recovery 
and  establishment  of  our  just  rights  and  liberties,  civil  and  religious ; 
and  the  restoration  of  union  and  harmony  between  Great  Britain 
and  America,  which  is  most  ardently  desired  by  all  good  men." 

It  was  during  the  consideration  of  these  resolutions,  that  Samuel 
Adams  displayed  that  firmness  of  manner,  and  adopted  the  bold 
measures  to  prevent  the  interference  of  the  governor,  which  have 
been  detailed  in  the  preceding  sketch.  On  all  points  he  was  nobly 
supported  by  the  influence,  eloquence  and  energy  of  his  namesake, 
who  received  with  him  the  fair  reward  of  his  fearless  patriotism  in 
being  also  elected  one  of  the  delegates  to  the  congress. 

It  was  a  noble  trust,  and  one  of  awful  responsibility ;  so  much  so, 
that  Mr.  Sewall,  an  old  and  respectable  friend  of  Mr.  Adams,  to 
whose  advice  he  had  been  accustomed  to  listen  with  great  deference, 
was  alarmed  on  his  account,  and  seeking  an  interview,  endeavoured 
to  persuade  him  to  relinquish  the  appointment.     Great  Britain,  he 


92  JOHN    ADAMS. 

represented,  was  evidently  determined  to  enforce  her  system ;  her 
power  was  irresistible,  and  would  bring  destruction  on  him  and  all 
who  should  persevere  in  opposition  to  her  designs.  Mr.  Adams' 
reply  was,  that  he  was  well  convinced  of  such  a  determination  on 
the  part  of  the  British  government,  and  that  his  course  was  fixed  by 
that  very  belief;  that  he  had  been  uniform  and  constant  in  opposi- 
tion; as  to  his  fate  the  die  was  cast,  the  Rubicon  was  passed — and 
sink  or  swim,  live  or  die,  to  survive  or  perish  with  his  country  was 
his  unalterable  resolution. 

He  had  now  to  act  on  quite  a  different  stage;  hitherto  he  had 
been  among  friends  and  neighbours,  whose  sentiments  were  fami- 
liarly known  to  him,  and  whose  firmness  he  could  estimate  justly. 
But  in  meeting  with  delegates  from  other  and  distant  colonies,  not 
only  new  acquaintances  were  to  be  made,  but  the  extent  of  their 
public  spirit  was  yet  to  be  ascertained.  Boston  having  been  the 
focus  of  opposition,  the  politicians  of  that  place  were  generally  sup- 
posed to  be  more  disposed  towards  extreme  and  violent  measures, 
than  those  whose  situation  had  been  more  remote.  It  was  rumoured 
concerning  Mr.  Adams,  as  a  suspicion  unfavourable  to  his  character 
•  for  discretion  and  judgment,  that  he  sought  to  produce  a  separation 
of  the  colonies  from  England,  and  the  establishment  of  an  indepen- 
dent government;  a  plan  that  had  seemed  in  the  eyes  of  most  of  his 
co-patriots  excessively  rash  and  inexpedient.  He  received  various 
hints  on  this  subject,  and  was  warned  during  his  journey  to  Phila- 
delphia in  September,  by  several  friendly  advisers,  that  he  and  his 
colleagues  should  be  careful  not  to  utter  a  word  in  favour  of  inde- 
pendence ;  and  being  already  seriously  suspected  of  such  designs, 
they  should,  in  prudence,  avoid  all  appearance  of  taking  a  lead  in 
the  proceedings  of  the  congress;  but  ought  rather  to  yield  prece- 
dence to  the  Virginia  gentlemen  who  represented  the  largest  colony, 
and  were  not  infected  with  any  such  wild  notions. 

Mr.  Adams  found  the  inhabitants  of  Philadelphia  generally  pre- 
pared to  look  upon  him  as  an  over  zealous  enthusiast,  rather  to  be 
admired  for  his  generous  ardour,  than  trusted  for  political  wisdom. 
If  such  was  the  light  in  which  he  appeared  to  most  of  the  delegates 
to  whom  he  was  yet  personally  a  stranger,  he  found  at  least  in 
Patrick  Henry,  and  Thomas  M'Kean,  if  in  no  others,  a  congeniality 
of  feeling  as  complete  as  had  existed  between  him  and  any  one  of 
his  colleagues,  or  the  exasperated  patriots  that  he  had  left  in  Boston. 

The  proceedings  of  this  congress  are  well  known,  and  their  cha- 
racter has  been  the  theme  of  well  deserved  eulogy  from  many  elo- 


JOHN    ADAMS.  93 

quent  writers  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic.  The  public  papers  that 
were  issued  by  them,  drew  from  Lord  Chatham  the  compliment, 
"  that  he  had  studied  and  admired  the  free  states  of  antiquity,  the 
master  spirits  of  the  world ;  but  that  for  solidity  of  reasoning-,  force 
of  sagacity,  and  wisdom  of  conclusion,  no  body  of  men  could  stand 
in  preference  to  this  congress." 

Mr.  Adams  had  the  satisfaction  to  see  the  principle,  for  which 
he  had  been  contending  unremittingly  and  publicly  for  nine  years, 
namely,  that  parliament  possessed  no  right  to  tax  the  colonies,  fully 
adopted  as  the  fundamental  article  of  political  faith  of  all  the  colo- 
nies ;  and  the  most  earnest  attention  paid  by  the  whole  congress,  to 
the  distressful  situation  of  disfranchised  Boston. 

The  association  which  was  formed  by  the  congress  and  signed 
first  by  the  members,  comprising  a  non-importation,  non-exporta- 
tion, and  non-consumption  agreement  was,  Mr.  Adams  thought,  the 
best  measure  that  could  then  be  adopted,  in  conjunction  with  the 
able  and  eloquent  addresses  to  the  king  and  the  British  people;  but 
he  did  not  very  confidently  hope,  that  these  expedients  would  have 
the  desired  effect  on  the  obduracy  of  the  royal  government. 

"When  congress  had  finished  their  business,  as  they  thought," 
said  Mr.  Adams,  on  this  subject,  in  a  letter  written  in  advanced 
age,  "in  the  autumn  of  1774,  I  had  with  Mr.  Henry,  before  we 
took  leave  of  each  other,  some  familiar  conversation,  in  which  ] 
expressed  a  full  conviction  that  our  resolves,  declaration  of  rights, 
enumeration  of  wrongs,  petitions,  remonstrances,  and  addresses, 
associations,  and  non-importation  agreements,  however  they  might 
be  respected  in  America,  and  however  necessary  to  cement  the  union 
of  the  colonies,  would  be  but  waste  water  in  England.  Mr.  Henry 
said,  they  might  make  some  impression  among  the  people  of  Eng- 
land, but  agreed  with  me  that  they  would  be  totally  lost  upon  the 
government.  I  had  but  just  received  a  short  and  hasty  letter,  writ- 
ten to  me  by  Major  Joseph  Hawley  of  Northampton,  containing  '  a 
few  broken  hints,'  as  he  called  them,  of  what  he  thought  was  pro- 
per to  be  done,  and  concluding  with  these  words,  '  after  all  we  must 
fight.'  This  letter  I  read  to  Mr.  Henry,  who  listened  with  great 
attention;  and  as  soon  as  I  had  pronounced  the  words,  'after  all 
we  must  fight,'  he  raised  his  head,  and  with  an  energy  and  vehe- 
mence that  I  can  never  forget,  broke  out  with,  '  By  G — d,  I  am  of 
that  man's  mind.'  I  put  the  letter  into  his  hand,  and  when  he  had 
read  it  he  returned  it  to  me,  with  an  equally  solemn  asseveration 
that  he  agreed  entirely  in  opinion  with  the  writer. 
D 


94  JOHN    ADAMS. 

"  The  other  delegates  from  Virginia  returned  to  their  state  in 
full  confidence,  that  all  our  grievances  would  be  redressed.  The  last 
words  that  Mr.  Richard  Henry  Lee  said  to  me,  when  we  parted, 
were,  '  we  shall  infallibly  carry  all  our  points.  You  will  be  com- 
pletely relieved ;  all  the  offensive  acts  will  be  repealed ;  the  army 
and  fleet  will  be  recalled,  and  Britain  will  give  up  her  foolish  project.' 

"  Washington  only  was  in  doubt.  He  never  spoke  in  public.  In 
private  he  joined  with  those  who  advocated  a  non-exportation,  as 
well  as  a  non-importation  agreement.  With  both  he  thought  we 
should  prevail ;  without  either  he  thought  it  doubtful.  Henry  was 
clear  in  one  opinion,  Richard  Henry  Lee  in  an  opposite  opinion, 
and  Washington  doubted  between  the  two." 

These  were,  doubtless,  generous  anticipations,  founded  on  a 
mistaken  confidence  in  the  magnanimity  and  wisdom  of  the  British 
rulers.  But  they  did  not  deserve  the  compliment ;  the  ministry  were 
at  that  time  more  than  commonly  deficient  in  both  these  qualities  ; 
they  and  the  people  of  England  were  equally  ignorant  of  the  condi- 
tion, the  history,  and  the  feelings  of  America  ;  the  Americans  were 
known  to  the  British  people  only  by  the  transactions  of  commerce. 

A  short  time  dissipated  the  illusion  and  showed  the  necessity  of 
another  session  of  congress,  and  of  more  vigorous  measures. 

The  people  of  Massachusetts  had  at  this  period,  the  proud  satis- 
faction of  being  the  most  immediate  objects  of  ministerial  ven- 
geance. The  former  government  was  by  this  time  dissolved,  and 
a  provincial  congress  had  assembled,  and  in  December  of  the  same 
year,  said,  very  truly,  to  the  inhabitants,  "  you  are  placed  by  Pro- 
vidence in  a  post  of  honour,  because  it  is  a  post  of  danger  ;  and 
while  struggling  for  the  noblest  objects,  the  liberties  of  our  country, 
the  happiness  of  posterity,  and  the  rights  of  human  nature,  the  eyes 
not  only  of  North  America  and  the  whole  British  empire,  but  of  all 
Europe  are  upon  you." 

Perhaps  it  would  be  adopting  too  early  a  date  for  this  revolution, 
in  the  minds  of  the  Americans,  to  place  it  so  soon  as  the  close  of 
the  year  1774  ;  the  ensuing  season  produced  great  events,  which 
materially  advanced  the  cause  of  freedom. 

The  situation  of  Massachusetts  was,  at  this  period,  very  remark- 
able ;  without  government,  and  deprived  of  trade,  die  spirit  which 
the  leading  patriots  had  infused  into  the  people,  sustained  their 
firmness,  and  kept  them  within  the  bounds  of  regularity  and  order 
better  than  the  most  rigid  police  could  have  done.  A  letter  written 
by  an  intelligent  gentleman  of  Boston,  at  this  date,  to  a  friend  in 


JOHN    ADAMS.  95 

England,  contains  the  following  picture.  "  The  state  of  this  pro- 
vince is  a  great  curiosity;  I  wish  the  pen  of  some  able  historian 
may  transmit  it  to  posterity.  Four  hundred  thousand  people  are 
in  a  state  of  nature,  and  yet  as  still  and  peaceable  at  present  as 
ever  they  were  when  government  was  in  full  vigour.  We  have 
neither  legislators  nor  magistrates,  nor  executive  officers.  We 
have  no  officers  but  military  ones.  Of  these  we  have  a  multitude 
chosen  by  the  people,  and  exercising  them  with  more  authority  and 
spirit  than  ever  any  did  who  had  commissions  from  a  governor." 

After  an  active  and  busy  session,  the  first  congress  adjourned  in 
November,  and  Mr.  Adams  returned  to  his  home  and  family. 

The  provincial  congress,  on  the  fifth  of  December,  re-appointed 
him  with  his  colleagues,  except  Bowdoin,  in  whose  place  they  sub- 
stituted John  Hancock,  to  represent  them  at  the  ensuing  session, 
to  be  held  in  the  next  May. 

Mr.  Adams  found  there  was  now  a  new  occasion  for  the  exercise 
of  his  talents  as  a  controversial  writer,  which  had  been  so  signally 
displayed  before  ;  his  friend  Sewall,  who,  being  attorney  general, 
naturally  took  the  ministerial  side  in  the  disputes,  had  been  publish- 
ing a  series  of  very  able  essays  under  the  name  of  Massachusitensis, 
arguing  for  the  supreme  authority  of  the  parliament,  and  against 
the  present  revolutionary  proceedings. 

He  at  once  and  willingly  took  up  the  gauntlet,  and  maintained 
the  justice  and  wisdom  of  the  whig  proceedings  and  doctrine,  in  a 
series  of  answers,  under  the  title  of  "  Novanglus."  These  papers 
are  written  with  so  much  animation,  and  with  such  a  display  of 
minute  knowledge  of  the  colonial  history  and  of  general  erudition, 
that  even  now  they  are  attractive  and  interesting  ;  the  powerful 
influence  which  they  must  have  had  when  the  topics  were  fresh, 
and  the  readers  had  so  much  stake  in  the  question  discussed  in 
them,  cannot  be  estimated  too  highly. 

These  papers  manifest  great  ability ;  but  it  is  curious  to  observe, 
that  even  such  a  writer,  at  such  a  time,  was  obliged  to  disavow  all 
desire  for  independence. 

"  'The  scheme  of  the  whigs  flattered  the  people  with  the  desire 
for  independence  ;  the  tories'  plan  supposed  a  degree  of  subordina- 
tion.' This  is  artful  enough,  as  usual,  not  to  say  Jesuitical.  The 
word  independence  is  one  of  those,  which  this  writer  uses,  as  he 
does  treason  and  rebellion,  to  impose  upon  the  undistinguishing  on 
both  sides  of  the  Atlantic.  But  let  us  take  him  to  pieces.  What 
does  he  mean  by  independence?   Does  he  mean  independent  of  the 


98  JOHN    ADAMS. 

crown  of  Great  Britain,  and  an  independent  republic  in  America, 
or  a  confederation  of  independent  republics  ?  No  doubt  he  intended 
the  undistinguishing  should  understand  him  so.  If  he  did,  nothing 
can  be  more  wicked,  or  a  greater  slander  on  the  whigs  ;  because 
he  knows  there  is  not  a  man  in  the  province,  among  the  whigs,  nor 
ever  was,  who  harbours  a  wish  of  that  sort." 

But  although  he  was  thus  cautious  not  to  injure  the  cause  of 
freedom  by  too  precipitately  urging  that  scheme  of  independence 
which  must  have  been  in  his  own  contemplation,  yet  he  did  not  fear 
to  remind  the  people  of  the  "massacre"  committed  by  those  sol- 
diers whom  he  had  defended  in  1770,  notwithstanding  it  might  have 
been  thought  a  subject  dangerous  to  his  own  personal  popularity. 

Of  all  these  essays,  the  most  ingenious  and  characteristic,  is  one 
which  comprises  a  grave,  elaborate  and  learned  justification  of  the 
destruction  of  the  tea  in  the  year  1773.  This  famous  occurrence 
had  been  generally  allowed  to  be  merely  excusable  as  an  effer- 
vescence of  honest  and  patriotic  feelings,  exhibiting  themselves  in 
a  manner  chargeable  with  some  irregularity.  The  gentlemen  who 
personated  the  Indians  and  made  the  "  oblation  to  Neptune,"  as  it 
is  sometimes  called,  retained  their  disguise  after  all  danger  from 
the  vengeance  of  the  royal  government  had  passed  away.  But 
Mr.  Adams  in  the  paper  referred  to,  far  from  admitting  the  neces- 
sity of  any  concealment,  contended  with  great  eloquence,  minute 
historical  detail,  and  a  display  of  considerable  research,  in  favour 
of  the  absolute  propriety  and  legality  of  the  transaction. 

In  support  of  the  general  position  that  tumultuous  and  violent 
proceedings  were  some  times  lawful  expedients  in  times  of  peace, 
he  cited  the  authority  of  Grotius,  PufFendorf,  Locke,  Barbeyrac  and 
other  philosophers,  and  argued  from  their  opinions,  and  the  peculiar 
circumstances  of  the  case,  that  the  tea  was  thrown  into  the  water 
in  strict  conformity  with  the  most  punctilious  rules  of  propriety.* 

The  publication  of  "Novanglus"  was  interrupted  by  the  un- 
expected skirmish  at  Lexington,  in  which  the  first  blood  was  drawn 
in  the  revolutionary  contest.  There  was  after  this  day  little  oppor- 
tunity to  write,  and  still  less  composure  of  spirits  to  read  elaborate 
disquisitions  upon  historical  or  legal  questions.     Still,  however,  the 


*It  should  be  kept  in  mind,  that  this  justification  of  turbulence  was  an  unneces- 
sary addition  to  the  revolutionary  extremity  which  vindicated  it.  The  position,  that 
"  tumultuous  and  violent  proceedings  are  sometimes  lawful  expedients  in  time  of 
peace,"  will  receive  the  sanction  of  no  well-regulated  mind  in  the  present  age. 


JOHN    ADAMS.  9'/ 

deep-rooted  attachment  to  the  English  constitution  and  the  voyal 
government,  was  not  overcome  ;  independence  was  yet  a  "  word 
unmusical  to  American  ears  ;"  and  it  is  remarkable  that  so  generally 
did  the  people  discriminate  between  the  ministry  whose  designs 
they  intended  to  oppose,  and  the  king  to  whom  they  still  desired 
to  be  faithful,  that  at  Concord  and  Lexington,  the  militia  that  had 
been  engaged  in  an  actual  battle  with  the  royal  forces,  were  called 
"king's  troops,"  and  the  regular  soldiers  were  termed  "Bute's 
men ;"  in  allusion  to  Lord  Bute,  who  was  then  supposed  to  exercise 
a  controlling  and  pernicious  influence  over  the  mind  of  the  monarch. 
Notwithstanding  the  prohibition  contained  in  a  proclamation 
from  Lord  Dartmouth,  the  secretary  of  state  for  American  affairs, 
the  new  congress  assembled  at  Philadelphia  on  the  tenth  of  May, 
and  Mr.  Adams  had  the  pleasure  of  again  meeting  his  southern 
friends,  and  of  forming  some  valuable  acquaintances  among  the 
members  that  had  not  been  there  before. 

The  most  important  step  taken  at  this  session ;  at  least  the 
measure  that  will  appear  the  most  memorable  in  the  eyes  of  pos- 
terity, was  the  appointment  of  George  Washington  as  commander- 
in-chief  of  the  armies  to  be  raised  in  defence  of  American  liberty. 
This  most  felicitous  choice  of  a  leader  was  suggested,  advocated 
and  produced  by  Mr.  Adams ;  and  if  he  had  no  other  claim  to 
national  gratitude,  that  alone  should  be  sufficient.  If  this  appoint- 
ment was  the  consequence  of  a  "  providential  inspiration,"  as  the 
great  and  good  Fayette  has  eloquently  declared,  it  was  through 
Mr.  Adams  the  inspiration  was  received,  to  which  this  nation  owes 
the  blessing  of  having  had,  so  early,  such  a  leader,  and  of  still 
possessing  the  benefit  of  his  example  for  us  and  our  posterity. 

There  are  many  reasons  for  rejoicing  that  this  choice  was  suggest- 
ed, and  that  the  suggestion  was  adopted.  The  tone  and  character 
of  the  revolutionary  struggle,  on  the  part  of  the  Americans,  were 
elevated  and  dignified  by  the  exalted  virtues  that  Washington 
brought  into  association  with  it.  The  world  looked  then  upon  the 
conduct  of  the  rebels  with  more  respect,  as  they  became  acquainted 
with  his  character  ;  and  we,  as  well  as  those  who  shall  come  after 
us,  cannot  but  regard  that  era  with  a  more  intense  interest,  because 
it  is  connected,  besides  its  other  glorious  associations,  with  the  name 
of  him  who  must  continue  to  be  "first  in  the  hearts  of  his  country- 
men." 

And  well  may  Americans  cherish  the  glory  of  that  name;  for  the 
whole  range  of  history  does  not  present  to  our  view  a  character 
6  v  2 


98  JOHN    ADAMS. 

upon  which  we  can  dwell  with  such  entire  and  unmixed  admiration. 
The  long  life  of  Washington  is  not  stained  by  a  single  blot.  He 
was  indeed  a  man  of  such  rare  endowments,  and  such  fortunate 
temperament,  that  every  action  he  performed  was  stamped  with  a 
striking  and  peculiar  propriety.  His  qualities  were  so  happily 
blended,  and  so  nicely  harmonized,  that  the  result  was  a  great  and 
perfect  whole.  The  powers  of  his  mind,  and  the  dispositions  of 
his  heart  were  admirably  suited  to  each  other.  It  was  the  union 
of  the  most  consummate  prudence  with  the  most  perfect  moderation. 
His  views,  though  large  and  liberal,  were  never  extravagant ;  his 
virtues,  though  comprehensive  and  beneficent,  were  discriminating, 
judicious  and  practical.  His  conduct  was,  on  all  occasions,  guided 
by  the  most  pure  disinterestedness.  Far  superior  to  low  and 
grovelling  motives,  he  seemed  to  be  uninfluenced  by  that  ambition, 
which  has  justly  been  called  the  instinct  of  great  souls.  He  acted 
ever  as  if  his  country's  welfare,  and  that  alone,  was  the  moving 
spring.  His  excellent  mind  needed  not  even  the  stimulus  of 
ambition,  or  the  prospect  of  fame.  Glory  was  but  a  secondary 
consideration.  He  performed  great  actions,  he  persevered  in  a 
course  of  laborious  utility,  with  an  equanimity  that  neither  sought 
distinction,  nor  was  flattered  by  it.  His  reward  was  in  the  con- 
sciousness of  his  own  rectitude,  and  in  the  success  of  his  patriotic 
efforts. 

It  is  a  fact  extremely  characteristic  of  the  purity  and  dignity  that 
marked  the  proceedings  of  this  congress,  that  although  the  selection 
of  Washington  for  the  chief  command  was  preconcerted,  at  the 
suggestion  of  Mr.  Adams,  the  object  of  their  choice  knew  nothing 
of  it  until  he  was  actually  nominated  in  formal  session,  and  elected 
by  an  unanimous  ballot.  The  motive  and  the  manner  of  this  elec- 
tion, the  suggestion,  the  preconcert,  the  nomination,  the  unanimous 
ballot  and  the  modest  acceptance  of  it,  were  all  consistent  with  the 
virtuous  aim  and  elevated  character  of  the  public  body  that  con- 
ferred, and  the  individual  that  received  this  high,  sacred  and  un- 
exampled trust. 

The  only  army  that  the  united  colonies  had  at  this  time,  was 
the  collection  of  New  England  militia  hastily  drawn  together  near 
Boston,  in  consequence  of  the  aggressions  committed  by  the  British 
troops  in  Concord  and  Lexington.  These  raw  and  yet  unorganized 
levies  were  commanded  by  the  militia  general  officers  of  Massachu- 
setts, and  the  neighbouring  colonies.  The  southern  colonies  bore 
no  part  in  the  expense  of  this   half-armed  crowd,  which  scarcely 


JOHN    ADAMS.  90 

deserved  to  be  called  an  array.  It  was  a  question  of  serious  mo- 
ment, whether  a  continental  army  should  be  raised  for  the  general 
defence,  while  a  reconciliation  was  still  looked  to  as  not  merely 
desirable,  but  extremely  probable.  The  project  of  establishing 
such  a  force  was  a  favourite  object  with  the  New  England  delegates, 
and  General  Arlemus  Ward  of  Massachusetts  was  in  their  contem- 
plation as  the  most  suitable  person  to  be  entrusted  with  the  chief 
command. 

Mr.  Adams  suggested  to  his  colleagues  the  expediency  and  pro- 
priety of  setting  aside  local  partialities,  and  appointing  Colonel 
George  Washington.  The  proposition  was  not  at  first  at  all  re- 
lished ;  it  was  received  indeed  with  extreme  disapprobation.  To 
elevate  an  entire  stranger,  a  man  not  then  in  military  life,  and  who 
never  had  held  a  military  rank  higher  than  that  of  colonel,  over  the 
heads  of  meritorious  officers  of  the  highest  rank  in  the  militia,  and 
those  actually  in  the  field  at  the  head  of  brigades  and  divisions, 
seemed  to  be  so  irregular,  so  disrespectful  to  their  own  officers, 
and  so  likely  to  give  offence  to  the  people  at  large,  that  the  eastern 
delegates  could  not  at  first  give  their  assent  to  the  proposition. 
Mr.  Adams,  however,  had  a  clear  perception  of  the  advantages  that 
would  be  derived  out  of  the  services  of  Washington,  whose  character 
and  peculiar  fitness  for  the  chief  command,  he  justly  appreciated. 
He  was  above  all  local  jealousy,  and  did  not  deprecate  the  possibi- 
lity of  the  chief  honours  of  victory  being  gained  by  a  Virginian. 

But  it  was  not  without  great  efforts  made  by  him,  and  Samuel 
Adams  his  distinguished  colleague,  whom  he  first  won  over  to  his 
views  on  this  subject,  that  a  sufficient  number  of  the  members  were 
prepared  to  assent  to  the  appointment.  When  he  thought  the  ma- 
jority was  secured,  he  rose  in  congress  and  moved  for  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  commander-in-chief  of  the  armies  raised  and  to  be  raised, 
in  defence  of  American  liberty.  A  few  only  of  the  members  knew 
whom  he  was  going  to  propose,  when  he  sketched  a  description  of 
the  qualities  that  ought  to  be  combined  in  the  individual  selected 
for  this  elevated  office  ;  and  when  at  length  he  concluded  by  nomi- 
nating '  George  Washington  of  Virginia,'  the  surprise  of  a  large 
portion  of  those  present  was  extreme,  and  by  no  one  was  it  less  an- 
ticipated than  by  Washington  himself.  The  proposal  was  seconded 
by  Samuel  Adams,  but  no  vote  was  taken  until  the  next  day,  when 
the  unanimous  choice  was  made  in  conformity  with  this  nomination. 

Such  is  the  true  history  of  this  memorable  event,  and  the  import- 
ant agency  of  Mr.  Adams  in  this  most  happy  selection,  is  a  striking 


100  JOHN    ADAMS. 

proof  of  his  libera!  and  truly  national  feelings,  his  excellent  discern- 
ment, and  his  unbounded  influence  not  only  with  the  delegates  from 
the  eastern  states,  but  with  the  whole  congress,  in  obtaining  the 
unanimous  vote,  but  also  with  the  militia  officers,  the  legislative 
authorities,  and  the  people  of  New  England,  whose  cheerful  acqui- 
escence immediately  followed. 

The  expulsion  of  the  British  army  from  Boston  by  the  militia 
force  under  General  Washington  in  the  ensuing  autumn,  spread 
new  confidence  through  the  land  ;  and  early  in  1776,  it  became 
evident  that  petitions  and  remonstrances,  however  able,  argumen- 
tative or  eloquent,  were  not  the  best  means  of  deterring  the  mi- 
nistry and  parliament  from  prosecuting  their  oppressive  schemes. 
The  act  declaring  the  province  of  Massachusetts  out  of  the  king's 
protection,  cut  the  tie  which  had  held  the  colonies  to  the  mother 
country ;  and  the  intelligence  of  treaties  with  German  princes,  for 
subsidiary  troops  to  be  employed  in  America,  spoke  a  warning  that 
could  not  be  misunderstood. 

Mr.  Adams  had,  in  deference  to  the  prudential  advice  that  he 
received  at  the  time  of  the  first  meeting  of  congress,  restrained 
himself  from  urging  measures  which  might  seem  premature  in  the 
eyes  of  his  southern  friends  ;  but  the  posture  of  affairs  had  now 
materially  changed,  and  he  came  forward  in  congress  with  a  reso- 
lution that  was  almost  equivalent  to  an  assertion  of  independence. 
On  the  sixth  of  May,  he  offered  in  committee  of  the  whole,  a  resolve 
that  the  colonies  should  form  governments  independent  of  the  crown. 
The  shape  in  which  this  proposition  was  adopted  on  the  tenth,  was 
a  recommendation  to  the  respective  assemblies  and  conventions  of 
the  united  colonies,  where  no  government  sufficient  to  the  exigencies 
of  their  affairs  had  been  yet  established,  to  adopt  such  government 
as  might,  in  their  opinion,  best  conduce  to  the  safety  and  happiness 
of  their  constituents  in  particular,  and  America  in  general.  On  the 
same  day  the  Massachusetts  house  of  representatives  voted  a  re- 
solution that  if  the  congress  should  think  proper  to  declare  inde- 
pendence, they  were  ready  to  support  it  to  the  utmost  of  their  lives 
and  fortunes. 

How  far  this  bold  avowal  of  their  feelings  was  prompted  by 
letters  from  their  delegates  in  congress,  is  not  known,  but  the  dates 
seem  to  correspond  as  if  there  had  been  a  mutual  understanding. 
Mr.  Adams  made  his  first  movement  in  congress  only  a  few  days 
before  this  step  was  taken  by  the  state,  and  five  days  subsequently 
to  the  Massachusetts  declaration,  he  reported  and  advocated  a  pre- 


JOHN    ADAMS.  101 

amble  for  the  resolution  already  passed,  in  which  it  was  declared 
that,  "  whereas  his  Britannic  majesty,  in  conjunction  with  the  lords 
and  commons  of  Great  Britain,  has,  by  a  late  act  of  parliament, 
excluded  the  inhabitants  of  these  united  colonies  from  the  protection 
of  his  crown ;  and  whereas  no  answer  whatever,  to  the  humble 
petitions  of  the  colonies,  for  redress  of  grievances  and  reconciliation 
tvith  Great  Britain,  has  been  or  is  likely  to  be  given,  but  the  whole 
force  of  that  kingdom,  aided  by  foreign  mercenaries,  is  to  be  exerted 
for  the  destruction  of  the  good  people  of  these  colonies ;  and  where- 
as it  appears  absolutely  irreconcilable  to  reason  and  good  conscience, 
for  the  people  of  these  colonies  now  to  take  the  oaths  and  affirma- 
tions necessary  for  the  support  of  any  government  under  the  crown 
of  Great  Britain,  and  it  is  necessary  that  the  exercise  of  every  kind 
of  authority  under  the  said  crown  should  be  totally  suppressed,  and 
all  the  powers  of  government  exerted  under  the  authority  of  the 
people  of  the  colonies,  for  the  preservation  of  internal  peace,  virtue 
and  good  order,  as  well  as  for  the  defence  of  their  lives,  liberties, 
and  properties,  against  the  hostile  invasions  and  cruel  depredations 
of  their  enemies." 

This  preamble  was  adopted,  after  an  animated  debate,  and  not 
without  vehement  opposition.  It  was  published,  and  served  as  an 
appeal  to  the  people  of  all  the  colonies.  North  Carolina  alone  had 
yet  come  out  with  an  explicit  desire  for  independence  ;  but  soon  after 
this  preamble  was  promulgated,  the  others  followed  successively. 

The  only  question  that  seemed  now  to  be  left  open,  related  to  the 
time  to  be  chosen  for  issuing  a  declaration  of  independence,  and 
thus  enabling. the  united  colonies  to  take  their  station  among  the 
powers  of  the  earth. 

The  Virginia  convention  having  directed  their  delegates  to  bring 
forward  the  proposal,  Mr.  Lee  was  chosen  by  the  gentlemen  from 
Virginia  to  be  their  organ' in  obeying  the  instructions  from  their 
constituents.  The  motion  was  made,  as  is  well  known,  on  the 
seventeenth  of  June,  and  debated  with  great  warmth  until  the  se- 
cond of  July. 

The  discussion  did  not  consist  of  formal  prepared  orations,  nor 
flights  of  rhetoric.  The  late  governor  M'Kean,  who  was  himself  an 
active  and  efficient  supporter  of  independence,  said,  "  I  do  not  recol- 
lect any  formal  speeches,  such  as  are  made  in  the  British  parliament 
and  our  late  congress,  to  have  been  made  in  the  revolutionary 
congress.  We  had  no  time  to  hear  such  speeches,  little  for  delibe- 
ration— action  was  the  order  of  the  day." 


102  JOHN    ADAMS. 

Of  the  pre-eminent  importance  of  Mr.  Adams'  exertions,  we 
have  the  most  direct  and  unequivocal  testimony.  Mr.  Jefferson  uni- 
formly and  emphatically  declared  that  he  had  no  equal.  "John 
Adams,"  said  he,  on  one  occasion,  "was  our  Colossus  on  the  floor; 
not  graceful,  not  elegant,  not  always  fluent  in  his  public  addresses, 
he  yet  came  out  with  a  power  both  of  thought  and  of  expression 
that  moved  us  from  our  seats."  At  another  time,  speaking  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  the  same  great  man  observed,  that 
"John  Adams  was  the  pillar  of  its  support  on  the  floor  of  congress; 
its  ablest  advocate  and  defender  against  the  multifarious  assaults  it 
encountered." 

What,  then,  was  the  character  of  the  eloquence  that  was  thus  dis- 
tinguished in  an  assembly  where  Jefferson  and  Lee,  M'Kcan  and 
Wilson,  Chase  and  Samuel  Adams,  and  many  others  of  extraordi- 
nary abilities,  were  convened?  "The  eloquence  of  Mr.  Adams," 
says  an  illustrious  citizen  of  the  same  state,  "  resembled  his  gene- 
ral character.  It  was  bold,  manly  and  energetic,  but  such  as  the 
crisis  required." 

While  Mr.  Adams  was  thus  lending  his  whole  soul  to  the  advance- 
ment of  the  measure,  he  was  also  a  member  of  the  committee 
which  had  been  appointed,  in  anticipation,  to  prepare  a  suitable 
manifesto  or  declaration  to  be  issued  whenever  the  question  should 
be  decided.  The  proposition  having  come  from  the  Virginia  dele- 
gates, in  conformity  with  instructions  from  the  convention  of  the 
people  at  Williamsburg,  and  thus  wearing  the  appearance  of  a 
popular  rather  than  a  congressional  movement,  the  policy  had  been 
carefully  observed  of  placing  a  Virginia  member  at  the  head  of  this 
committee.  Mr.  Lee,  who  was  at  that  time  the  most  prominent 
delegate  from  that  colony,  had  been  called  home  by  illness  in  his 
family ;  Mr.  Jefferson,  then  a  young  member,  but  high  in  reputa- 
tion as  a  writer  and  a  patriot,  was  chbsen  in  his  stead,  and  Mr. 
Adams  was  named  the  next  in  order,  and  above  the  venerable 
Franklin,  on  the  list. 

Mr.  Adams  very  willingly  relinquished  to  his  junior  colleague  of 
the  committee  the  honour  of  composing  the  paper,  while  he  gave 
his  own  undivided  attention  to  the  arguments  on  the  floor,  and  the 
management  out  of  doors,  that  he  knew  were  requisite  to  secure 
the  success  of  the  proposition ;  being  more  anxious  for  the  esta- 
blishment of  independence,  than  solicitous  to  distinguish  his  name 
by  connecting  it  particularly  with  a  document  that  he  well  knew 
would  be  read  by  remote  posterity. 


JOHN    ADAMS.  103 

It  was  not  only  within  the  walls  of  the  state  house  of  Philadel- 
phia, that  his  influence  was  felt  on  this  momentous  occasion.  Penn- 
sylvania and  Maryland  still  withheld  their  assent  from  the  proposed 
separation  from  Great  Britain;  and  it  was  necessary  to  procure 
from  those  colonies,  some  expression  of  public  will,  in  accord  with 
those  demonstrations  which  had  heen  made  in  most  of  the  others. 

Among  his  most  intimate  personal  friends  were  Dr.  Rush  and 
Mr.  Samuel  Chase,  with  both  of  whom  he  had  contracted  an  attach- 
ment that  endured  throughout  his  life,  and  caused  him  always  to 
speak  of  them  in  the  highest  terms  of  praise.  At  this  juncture 
these  friends  moved  in  concert,  though  in  different  scenes.  Mr. 
Chase,  whose  zeal  was  not  surpassed,  left  his  scat  in  congress  and 
hastened  to  Maryland,  where,  in  conjunction  with  Mr.  Charles  Car- 
roll and  other  patriots,  he  stirred  up  such  a  number  of  county  meet- 
ings in  favour  of  the  cause,  that  the  convention  were  overpowered, 
and,  on  the  twenty-eighth  of  June,  Mr.  Chase  wrote  to  Mr.  Adams 
from  Annapolis — "Friday  evening,  nine  o'clock.  I  am  this  moment 
from  the  house,  to  procure  an  express  to  follow  the  post,  with  ai> 
unanimous  vote  of  our  convention  for  independence.  See  the  glo 
rious  effect  of  county  instructions.  The  people  have  fire;  it  is  no\ 
smothered." 

In  the  mean  time,  Dr.  Rush,  in  pursuance  of  the  same  pre-con 
cert,  moved  in  the  Pennsylvania  conference  for  an  expression  of  a 
similar  sentiment.  The  Pennsylvania  vote  in  favour  of  indepen 
dence  preceded  that  of  Maryland  only  four  days,  and  the  feelings 
of  all  the  colonies  had  now  been  authentically  expressed. 

On  the  second  day  of  July,  Mr.  Adams  had  the  satisfaction  U 
see  the  triumph  of  his  exertions,  and  the  fulfilment  of  his  arden' 
wishes,  in  the  vote  for  independence,  which,  on  the  fourth,  wai 
unanimously  confirmed,  in  the  adoption  and  promulgation  of  the 
immortal  manifesto  which  announced  the  establishment  of  a  new 
and  independent  republic. 

The  transport  of  his  feelings,  the  exuberance  of  his  joy,  on  this 
occasion,  may  be  seen  most  vividly  portrayed  in  the  letter  which  ho 
wrote  to  Mrs.  Adams  on  the  succeeding  day — a  letter  that  is  me- 
morable, and  now  embalmed  in  American  history,  simply  because 
it  is  so  true  and  inartificial  an  effusion  of  ardent,  enlightened,  and 
disinterested  patriotism.  "Yesterday,"  he  says,  "the  greatest 
question  was  decided,  that  was  ever  debated  in  America;  and 
greater,  perhaps,  never  was  or  will  be  decided  among  men.  A 
resolution  was  passed,  without  one  dissenting  colony,  'that  these 


104  JOHN    ADAMS. 

United  States  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  free  and  independent 
states.'  The  day  is  passed.  The  fourth  of  July,  1776,  will  be  a 
memorable  epoch  in  the  history  of  America.  I  am  apt  to  believe 
it  will  be  celebrated,  by  succeeding-  generations,  as  the  great  anni- 
versary festival.  It  ought  to  be  commemorated  as  the  day  of  de- 
liverance, by  solemn  acts  of  devotion  to  Almighty  God.  It  ought 
to  be  solemnized  with  pomps,  shows,  games,  sports,  guns,  bells, 
bonfires,  and  illuminations,  from  one  end  of  the  continent  to  the 
other,  from  this  time  forward  for  ever.  You  will  think  me  trans- 
ported with  enthusiasm,  but  I  am  not.  I  am  well  aware  of  the  toil, 
and  blood,  and  treasure,  that  it  will  cost  to  maintain  this  declara- 
tion, and  support  and  defend  these  states;  yet,  through  all  the 
gloom,  I  can  see  the  rays  of  light  and  glory.  I  can  see  that  the 
end  is  worth  more  than  all  the  means;  and  that  posterity  will 
triumph,  although  you  and  I  may  rue,  which  I  hope  we  shall  not." 

The  legislature  of  Massachusetts  elected  Mr.  Adams,  during  a 
visit  that  he  made  to  his  friends  and  family  at  home,  to  be  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Council.  He  took  his  seat  and  assisted  in  the  delibe- 
rations; but  declined  the  office  of  chief  justice,  which  they  pressed 
upon  him,  because  such  duties  would  interfere  with  his  attendance 
in  congress,  and  he  did  not  choose  to  abandon  the  national  govern- 
ment which  he  had  so  mainly  contributed  to  establish. 

A  memorable  instance  of  the  great  activity  of  Mr.  Adams  during 
the  critical  period  which  preceded  the  declaration  of  independence, 
is  to  be  found  in  his  plan  of  a  constitution  for  a  state  or  colony, 
drawn  up  by  him  and  published  early  in  1776,  comprising  a  code 
of  republican  principles  full  and  satisfactory,  and  recommended  by 
a  style  pleasing  and  familiar. 

Shortly  after  the  disastrous  battle  on  Long  Island,  the  British 
general  opened  a  negotiation  with  congress.  The  proposition  was 
debated  for  several  days.  Mr.  Adams  opposed  it  as  not  likely  to 
produce  any  good  result,  but  was  overruled,  and  a  committee  was 
appointed,  consisting  of  himself,  Dr.  Franklin,  and  Mr.  Rutledge, 
to  visit  the  British  camp.  Lord  Howe  sent  as  a  hostage,  one  of  his 
principal  officers,  but  the  three  commissioners,  to  show  their  con- 
fidence in  themselves  and  their  cause,  waved  the  security  to  be 
derived  from  such  a  pledge,  and  took  him  with  them.  They  re- 
paired to  the  British  head  quarters  on  Staten  Island,  opposite 
Amboy,  and  were  conducted  to  the  commander  through  an  army  of 
twenty  thousand  men,  arranged  on  purpose  to  make  the  most  im- 
posing show,  so  as  to  impress  the  minds  of  the  commissioners  with 


JOHN    ADAMS.  105 

a  notion  of  the  immense  power  of  the  nation  with  which  they  were 
waging  war.  They  were,  however,  too  well  aware  of  the  design 
with  which  this  display  was  made,  to  indulge  their  enemies  by  show- 
ing any  sign  of  amazement  or  nneasiness. 

Lord  Howe  received  them  with  great  courtesy;  and  after  com- 
pliments of  civility,  he  told  them  that  though  he  could  not  treat  with 
them  as  a  committee  of  congress,  yet,  as  his  powers  enabled  him 
to  confer  and  consult  with  any  private  gentleman  of  influence  in 
the  colonies  on  the  means  of  restoring  peace,  he  was  glad  of  this 
opportunity  of  conferring  with  them  on  this  subject,  if  they  thought 
themselves  at  liberty  to  confer  with  him  in  that  character.  The 
committee  observed,  that  as  they  came  to  hear,  he  might  consider 
them  in  what  light  he  pleased,  and  communicate  any  propositions 
he  might  be  authorized  to  make,  but  that  they  could  consider  them- 
selves in  no  other  character  except  that  in  which  they  were  placed 
by  order  of  congress.  "  You  may  view  me  in  any  light  you  please,''' 
said  Mr.  Adams,  "except  in  that  of  a  British  subject." 

Lord  Howe  then  entered  into  a  discourse  of  considerable  length, 
in  which  the  commissioners  could  perceive  no  explicit  proposition, 
except  one,  namely,  that  the  colonics  should  return  to  their  alle- 
giance and  obedience  to  the  government  of  Great  Britain. 

The  committee  gave  it  as  their  opinion  that  a  return  to  the  domi- 
nation of  Great  Britain  was  not  now  to  be  expected,  and  added  their 
reasons,  at  large;  on  which  Lord  Howe  put  an  end  to  the  confer- 
ence; and  this  fruitless  negotiation  resulted  as  unprofitably  as  Mr. 
Adams  had  predicted  it  would,  when  he  opposed  the  appointment 
of  a  committee.  Throughout  the  remainder  of  the  year  1776,  and 
all  1777,  Mr.  Adams  continued  in  the  closest  attention  to  the  affairs 
of  congress.  His  labours  were  incessant.  He  was  a  member  of 
ninety  different  committees,  a  greater  number  than  any  other  dele- 
gate, and  twice  as  many  as  any  but  Samuel  Adams  and  Richard 
Henry  Lee.  He  was  chairman  of  twenty-five  committees.  He  was 
also  chairman  of  the  board  of  war  and  of  the  board  of  appeals;  he 
was  on  the  committees  to  give  instructions  to  foreign  ministers,  to 
give  instructions  and  commissions  to  military  officers,  to  prepare 
various  addresses,  on  the  medical  department,  the  post  office,  and 
others  of  the  highest  responsibility,  and  requiring  the  closest  atten- 
tion. Certainly  his  duties  must  have  been  more  multifarious  and 
severe  than  those  of  any  officer  under  any  government  in  the  world. 
From  these  overwhelming  labours  Mr.  Adams  was  relieved  in  De- 
cember, 1777,  by  the  appointment  which  he  received  and  accepted, 
7  E 


106  JOHN    ADAMS. 

of  commissioner  to  France.  This  mission  was  founded  on  the 
anxiety  generally  felt  to  obtain  open  and  efficient  succours  from  the 
French  government,  in  the  war  against  its  ancient,  and  perpetual 
enemy  or  rival,  Great  Britain.  The  physical  weakness  of  the 
United  States  was  felt  by  all ;  the  want  of  arms  and  equipments, 
but  above  all  of  money,  was  known  to  all  those  who  had  been  con- 
cerned in  public  affairs ;  and  it  had  become  greatly  important  to 
arrange  an  explicit  understanding  with  the  king  of  France;  which 
the  Marquis  La  Fayette  and  other  chivalrous  Frenchmen  at  that 
time  serving  in  the  American  armies,  represented  to  be  altogether 
practicable.  He  was  appointed  to  take  the  place  of  Silas  Deane, 
who,  with  Dr.  Franklin  and  Arthur  Lee,  had  been  appointed  com- 
missioners in  the  preceding  year. 

Mr.  Adams  felt  the  importance  of  this  service,  and  reluctantly 
agreed  to  a  long  separation  from  his  family  and  the  perils  of  a  win- 
ter voyage  across  an  ocean  covered  with  hostile  cruisers,  when  cap- 
ture would  most  certainly  subject  him  to  close  imprisonment  in  the 
tower  of  London. 

He  embarked  on  board  of  the  frigate  Boston,  in  the  month  of 
February,  1778,  from  the  shore  of  his  native  town,  at  the  foot  of 
Mount  Wollaston,  and  had,  in  the  course  of  the  voyage,  an  oppor- 
tunity, for  the  first  time,  of  participating  in  the  personal  peril  of  the 
contest,  and  of  firing  a  gun  at  the  enemy.  Captain  Tucker,  the 
commander  of  the  Boston,  discovering  an  enemy's  ship,  could  not. 
resist  the  temptation  to  give  chase  and  engage  her,  although  his 
immediate  duty  was  to  sail  direct  for  France,  and  land  his  passen- 
ger. The  consent  of  Mr.  Adams  was  first  asked,  and  willingly 
given  to  this  deviation.  The  captain,  however,  stipulated  that  he 
should  stay  in  the  lower  part  of  the  ship,  as  a  place  of  safety ;  but, 
as  soon  as  the  fight  commenced,  he  was  found  with  a  musket  in  his 
hand,  and  acting  as  a  marine  on  the  forecastle,  having  volunteered 
his  service  in  that  station.  The  captain  not  approving  of  this  ex- 
posure of  his  life,  told  him,  "  I  am  commanded  by  the  continental 
congress  to  carry  you  in  safety  to  Europe,  and  I  will  do  it,"  and 
accordingly  picked  him  up  in  his  arms,  and  with  good-humoured 
force  lifted  him  from  the  scene  of  danger. 

The  efforts  of  Franklin  and  his  colleagues  in  the  commission  had 
been  fruitless,  until  the  news  reached  France  of  the  surrender  of 
Burgoyne.  This  caused  a  change  of  policy  on  the  part  of  the 
French  government;  so  that  when  Mr.  Adams  reached  Paris,  he 
found  that  a  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce  as  well  as  a  treaty  of 


JOHN    ADAMS.  107 

alliance,  had  been  signed  in  the  month  of  February,  and  that 
there  was  but  little  business  of  a  public  nature  for  him  to  transact. 
Dr.  Franklin  too  received  soon  after  the  appointment  of  minister 
plenipotentiary,  to  which  his  advanced  age,  great  public  services, 
and  high  standing  with  the  French  people,  so  well  entitled  him; 
and  Mr.  Adams  believing  that  he  would  be  more  serviceable  at 
home,  asked  and  obtained  permission  to  return  there  in  the  summer 
of  1779. 

His  fellow  citizens  of  Massachusetts  immediately  put  his  talents 
in  requisition,  to  assist  in  forming  the  new  state  constitution,  for 
which  a  convention  was  about  to  be  elected.  He  accepted  a,  seat 
in  this  body,  and  was  a  member  of  the  committee  appointed  to  pre- 
pare a  plan  for  their  consideration ;  his  draught  was  accepted  and 
reported,  and  he  had  again  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  his  principles 
of  equal  rights  and  republican  institutions  made  the  basis  of  a  prac- 
tical government. 

During  the  time  of  his  attention  to  the  business  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts convention,  and  before  the  labours  of  that  assembly  were 
terminated,  congress  came  to  the  resolution  that  they  would  appoint 
a  minister  plenipotentiary  to  negotiate  a  treaty  of  peace  with  Great 
Britain.  Mr.  Adams,  at  that  period,  stood  on  particularly  elevated 
ground  as  a  negotiator,  and  representative  of  the  United  States 
abroad.  Having  served  in  that  capacity  during  the  greater  part  of 
the  year  1778,  and  some  part  of  1779,  he  had  been  excepted  from 
the  reproach  cast  upon  all  the  other  diplomatic  agents,  by  a  vote  of 
congress,  passed  on  the  twentieth  of  April,  declaring  that  "  sus- 
picions and  animosities  had  arisen  among  the  late  and  present  com- 
missioners, injurious  to  the  interests  of  the  United  States,"  recalling 
Mr.  Arthur  Lee,  Mr.  Izard,  Mr.  William  Lee,  and  Mr.  Deane,  leav- 
ing only  Dr.  Franklin  and  Mr.  Adams,  and  not  exempting  even 
Franklin  from  a  share  of  censure. 

He  was,  of  course,  in  contemplation  for  this  high  and  honourable 
employment  ;  but  Mr.  Jay,  the  president  of  congress,  was  put 
in  nomination,  and  his  elevated  character  and  known  abilities,  as 
well  as  his  actual  presence  and  station  as  presiding  officer  of  the 
house,  obtained  for  him  a  number  of  votes  equal  to  those  given  to 
Mr.  Adams,  who  was  absent.  There  being  no  choice  made  at  the 
first  ballot,  the  subject  was  postponed ;  and,  as  a  minister  was  to  be 
sent  to  Spain,  congress  proceeded  the  next  day  to  make  a  selection 
for  that  office,  when  Mr.  Jay  was  almost  unanimously  elected, 
and  immediately  afterwards  Mr.  Adams  received  the  appointment 


108  JOHN    ADAMS. 

of  "  minister  plenipotentiary  for  negotiating  a  treaty  of  peace  and 
a  treaty  of  commerce  with  Great  Britain." 

It  is  somewhat  remarkable,  that  the  designation  that  ought  to  be 
given  to  Mr.  Adams  in  his  commission,  was  the  topic  of  very  grave 
and  serious  debate.  The  committee  that  prepared  the  draught 
entitled  him  "  late  commissioner  of  the  United  States  at  the  court 
of  Versailles,  late  delegate  in  congress  from  the  state  of  Massachu- 
setts Bay,  and  chief  justice  of  the  said  state." 

A  motion  was  made,  with  very  reasonable  foundation  it  would 
seem,  for  striking  out  all  this  description  of  a  man,  whose  name 
alone  was  quite  sufficient  designation  ;  but  after  much  discussion, 
the  whole  addition  was  retained. 

The  instructions  under  which  the  plenipotentiary  was  to  act,  were 
modified  subsequently  according  to  circumstances,  but  those  with 
which  he  left  his  country  were  : 

1.  To  make  it  a  preliminary  article  to  any  negotiation,  that 
Great  Britain  should  agree  to  treat  with  the  United  States  as 
sovereign,  free  and  independent.  And  to  agree  to  no  treaty  with- 
out a  recognition  of  such  independence. 

2.  To  insist  on  certain  boundaries,  the  same  in  all  important  par- 
ticulars as  those  agreed  upon  subsequently  in  the  definitive  treaty. 

3.  The  cession  of  Canada  and  Nova  Scotia  was  not  to  be  insisted 
on,  nor  their  common  right  to  the  fisheries. 

4.  A  cessation  of  hostilities  during  the  negotiation  might  be 
stipulated.     And, 

5.  In  other  matters  he  was  to  be  governed  by  the  principles  of 
the  alliance  with  France,  the  advice  of  our  allies,  his  knowledge  of 
our  interests  and  his  own  discretion,  in  which  was  reposed  "  the 
fullest  confidence." 

He  was  also  instructed  as  to  the  treaty  of  commerce  : 

1.  To  govern  himself  principally  by  the  treaty  of  commerce  al- 
ready existing  with  the  French  king,  and  to  grant  no  privilege  to 
Great  Britain  which  that  convention  did  not  concede  to  France. 

2.  To  insist  on  the  right  to  the  fisheries. 

Under  these  explicit  instructions  Mr.  Adams  accepted  the  ap- 
pointment, and  prepared  for  his  departure.  A  liberal  salary  of 
twenty-five  hundred  pounds  sterling  was  provided  for  him,  and  the 
French  minister  offered  to  detain  the  frigate  La  Sensible  for  his 
convenience,  and  to  give  him  a  passage  in  her  to  Europe.  In  that 
vessel  he  embarked  accordingly,  with  Mr.  Dana  the  secretary  of 
legation,  at  Boston,  in   the  month  of  October,  1779,  and,  after  a 


JOHN    ADAMS.  109 

long-  voyage,  was  landed  at  Ferrol  in  Spain,  and  was  obliged  to 
make  a  very  uncomfortable  journey  from  that  port  to  Paris. 

Mr.  Adams  quickly  discovered  that  the  British  government  were 
not,  at  this  time,  disposed  to  make  peace;  they  were  well  aware  of 
the  financial  embarrassments  of  America,  and  confidently  expected 
to  be  able  to  bring  back  their  colonies  to  dependence.  He  very 
soon  began,  therefore,  to  despair  of  being  able  to  fulfil  the  objects 
of  his  mission,  and  thought  the  time  far  removed  when  a  negotiation 
could  be  entered  into  with  any  hope  of  success.  In  the  partial 
depression  of  spirits  which  this  belief  occasioned,  he  seems  to  have 
sighed  for  the  moment  of  his  return  to  a  tranquil  home. 

Mr.  Adams  had  reached  Paris  in  February,  and  communicated 
the  objects  of  his  mission  to  Dr.  Franklin,  the  sole  envoy  of  the 
United  States  at  the  court  of  France,  and  to  the  Count  de  Vergennes, 
the  French  prime  minister.  This  minister,  who  appears  to  have 
intended  the  employment  of  some  degree  of  diplomatic  artifice  to- 
wards the  Americans,  was  very  pressing  to  be  fully  informed  of  his 
instructions,  but  they  were  not  communicated  to  him.  He  advised 
also,  or  requested,  that  the  commission  to  make  a  treaty  of  com- 
merce should  be  kept  secret. 

Though  Mr.  Adams  studiously  avoided  any  interference  with 
affairs  that  did  not  relate  to  the  ends  of  his  mission,  except  when 
his  opinion  was  expressly  called  for  by  the  Count  de  Vergennes, 
yet  he  found  opportunities  of  being  useful,  and  received  a  vote  of 
thanks  from  congress  in  the  latter  part  of  this  year,  "for  his  indus- 
trious attention  to  the  interest  and  honour  of  these  United  States 
abroad."  The  immediate  occasion  of  his  appointment  had  been  an 
informal  communication  from  a  member  of  the  British  government 
to  Dr.  Franklin,  importing  that  the  ministry  were  disposed  to  put 
an  end  to  the  war.  But,  during  the  year  1780,  the  cause  of  peace 
made  no  progress  in  the  parliament  ;  and  the  French  government, 
after  the  appointment  of  Mr.  Adams,  declared  that  the  situation  of 
the  affairs  of  the  alliance  in  Europe,  announced  the  necessity  of  an- 
other campaign  as  indispensable,  to  bring  England  to  an  acknow- 
ledgment of  the  independence  of  the  United  States. 

Mr.  Adams  hearing  of  the  misfortune  that  had  befallen  Mr.  Lau- 
rens, who  had  been  taken  prisoner  while  on  his  passage  to  Holland, 
where  he  was  to  have  negotiated  a  loan  for  the  United  States,  and 
not  being  limited  by  his  instructions  to  a  residence  in  any  particular 
country,  determined  to  repair  immediately  to  Holland,  and  see  if 
something  could  not  be  done  there,  to  render  his  country  less  de- 
e2 


HO  JOHN    ADAMS. 

pendent  on  France,  both  for  political  consideration  and  for  loans 
of  money.  He  accordingly  applied  for  his  passports,  without  which 
he  could  not  travel  in  France ;  but  the  French  minister  did  not 
wish  any  success  to  the  object  of  this  change  of  residence,  and  under 
various  pretexts  detained  him  in  Paris  until  midsummer. 

In  June  of  the  same  year,  congress  being  informed  of  the  capti- 
vity of  Mr.  Laurens,  appointed  Mr.  Adams  in  his  stead  to  negotiate 
for  a  loan  in  Holland.  He  received  this  commission  accordingly  in 
August,  and  by  it  an  abundance  of  untried  business  was  devolved 
upon  him,  of  a  nature  exceedingly  embarrassing  and  difficult, 
among  capitalists,  brokers,  and  usurers,  many  of  whom  could  speak 
as  little  of  the  French  or  English  languages  as  he  could  of  Dutch. 

Very  soon  afterwards  he  received  the  new  appointment  of  com- 
missioner to  conclude  a  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce  with  the 
States  General  of  Holland  ;  and  at  the  same  time  congress  sent  to 
him  their  resolutions,  adopting  the  principles  of  the  "  armed  neu- 
trality" proposed  by  the  Russian  government,  and  acceded  to  by 
other  powers;  with  instructions  to  agree,  in  any  treaty  that  he  might 
conclude,  to  regulations  on  the  subject  of  neutral  rights,  such  as 
might  be  established  at  a  congress  of  the  European  states,  then  in 
contemplation.  This  resolution  he  communicated  to  the  Russian, 
Swedish  and  Danish  envoys  in  Holland,  and  received  civil  answers 
from  each  of  them;  but  the  policy  of  their  courts  was  not  rendered 
more  favourable  to  American  rights  by  this  attempt  to  conciliate 
them. 

He  subsequently  received  letters  of  credence  from  congress,  as 
their  minister  plenipotentiary  to  their  "high  mightinesses,"  and  also 
to  his  serene  highness  the  prince  of  Orange,  as  stadtholder  of  the 
United  Provinces.  By  this  accumulation  of  trusts,  he  was  minister- 
plenipotentiary  for  making  peace  ;  minister  plenipotentiary  for  ma 
king  a  treaty  of  commerce  with  Great  Britain  ;  minister  plenipoten- 
tiary to  their  high  mightinesses  the  States  General;  minister 
plenipotentiary  to  his  serene  highness  the  prince  of  Orange  and 
stadtholder;  minister  plenipotentiary  for  pledging  the  faith  of  the 
United  States  to  the  armed  neutrality;  and  what  perhaps  at  that 
critical  moment  was  of  as  much  importance  to  the  United  States  as 
any  of  those  powers,  he  was  commissioner  for  negotiating  a  loan 
of  money  to  the  amount  of  ten  millions  of  dollars,  upon  which  de- 
pended the  support  of  our  army  at  home  and  of  our  ambassadors 
abroad. 

He  had   no  instructions  to  make  any  proposition  of  peace ;  the 


JOHN    ADAMS.  Ill 

offer  was  to  come  from  the  British  government.  But  he  thought, 
at  one  time,  of  making  known  his  powers,  in  order  that  the  people 
of  England  might  see  that  the  continuance  of  the  war,  which  had 
become  the  subject  of  loud  complaint  among  them,  was  not  owing 
to  the  fault  of  the  Americans.  The  Count  de  Vergennes,  however, 
disapproved  of  this  course,  as  indeed  he  did  of  every  thing  that 
could  possibly  lead  to  a  pacification  not  under  his  immediate  in- 
fluence and  control. 

The  question  was  referred  to  congress,  and  they  adopted  the  views 
of  the  French  minister,  and  informed  Mr.  Adams  accordingly,  that 
they  "  had  no  expectations  from  the  influence  which  the  people  of 
England  may  have  on  the  British  council,  whatever  may  be  the  dis- 
positions of  that  nation  or  their  magistrates  towards  these  United 
States;  nor  are  they  of  opinion  that  a  change  of  ministers  would 
produce  a  change  of  measures  ;"  they  therefore  hoped  that  he  would 
"be  very  cautious  of  admitting  his  measures  to  be  influenced  by 
presumptions  of  such  events,  or  their  probable  consequences." 

While  indefatigably  occupied  in  efforts  to  discharge  all  his  multi- 
farious duties,  he  was  suddenly  summoned  to  Versailles  to  consult 
with  the  Count  de  Vergennes  relative  to  peace.  The  call  was  em- 
barrassing, because  he  knew  that  he  was  doing  good  service  in 
Holland.  But  as  the  opportunities  to  make  peace,  were  not  on  any 
account  to  be  neglected,  he  lost  no  time  in  repairing  to  the  French 
capital. 

He  found  that  his  presence  there  had  been  thought  requisite,  be- 
cause the  courts  of  Vienna  and  St.  Petersburg,  which  had  previously 
offered  their  mediation,  had  now  communicated  the  project  of  a 
general  peace  ;  in  which,  however,  the  rights  of  the  United  States 
were  but  inadequately  recognised. 

This  was  an  anxious  period  in  the  life  of  Mr.  Adams.  He  knew 
that  an  earnest  desire  for  peace  prevailed  among  his  countrymen  ; 
but  he  was  not  willing  to  compromit  their  rights  by  agreeing  to 
terms  that  ought  not  to  be  imposed  on  them.  It  had  been  the  con- 
stant effort  of  de  Vergennes  to  make  him  act  as  a  subordinate  agent 
in  this  important  matter,  and  govern  himself  by  the  wishes  of  the 
French  cabinet.  He  on  the  contrary  considered  himself  a  plenipo- 
tentiary, and  subject  to  no  directions  but  those  of  congress.  This 
opposition  of  views  between  him  and  the  government  of  France, 
occasioned  an  effort  on  the  part  of  the  Count  de  Vergennes  to  obtain 
from  congress  a  modification  of  his  powers  and  instructions,  so  as 
to  place  him  completely  under  the  directions  of  that  minister. 


112  JOHN    ADAMS. 

The  chief  motive  for  this  design  seems  to  have  been  an  appre- 
hension that  Mr.  Adams  would  refuse  to  relinquish  the  fisheries, 
and,  on  some  other  points,  would  insist  on  terms  which  the  policy 
of  France  did  not  seek  to  secure  to  the  Americans.  The  independ- 
ence of  America,  indeed,  France  had  bound  herself  to  insist  upon, 
and  she  was  faithful  to  her  contract,  but  further  than  that  point  the 
ministers  of  the  king  did  not  intend  to  go.  It  was  not  desirable, 
therefore,  for  France,  that  the  powers  of  Mr.  Adams  respecting  a 
treaty  of  commerce  should  be  known  to  the  British  parliament,  be- 
cause it  was  intended  that  France  should,  at  the  time  of  a  general 
pacification,  have  a  voice  in  regulating  the  trade  between  the  late 
belligerents,  and  receive  a  large  share  of  whatever  commercial  ad- 
vantage the  new  republic  should  have  it  in  her  power  to  grant. 

Mr.  Adams  had  been  difficult  to  manage,  and  showed  a  disposi- 
tion to  transact  his  own  business  without  waiting  for  the  permission 
or  dictation  of  the  Count ;  in  consequence  of  which,  the  French 
minister  at  Philadelphia  was  instructed  early  in  1781,  to  make  a 
complaint  of  his  refractoriness  to  the  congress,  and  to  demand  that 
he  should  be  placed  under  the  immediate  control  of  the  French 
government.  Accordingly,in  May  of  that  year,  the  congress  were 
told  by  the  Chevalier  de  la  Luzerne,  that  "the  empress  of  Russia 
having  invited  the  king  and  the  court  of  London  to  take  her  for  me- 
diatrix, the  latter  court  considered  this  as  a  formal  offer  of  media- 
tion, and  accepted  it.  It  appeared  at  the  same  time  to  desire  the 
emperor  to  take  part  therein;  and  this  monarch  has  in  fact  proposed 
his  co-mediation  to  the  belligerent  powers  in  Europe.  The  king 
wished  to  have  the  consent  of  his  allies,  the  American  States,  but 
might  possibly  accept  the  mediation  before  their  answer  could  be 
received  by  him,  and  that  it  was  of  great  importance  that  this  as- 
sembly should  give  their  plenipotentiary  instructions  proper  to 
announce  their  disposition  to  peace,  and  their  moderation,  and  to 
convince  the  powers  of  Europe  that  the  independence  of  the  thirteen 
United  States,  and  the  engagements  they  have  contracted  with  the 
king,  are  the  sole  motives  which  determine  them  to  continue  the 
war ;  and  that  whenever  they  shall  have  full  and  satisfactory  assu- 
rances on  these  two  capital  points,  they  will  be  ready  to  conclude  a 
peace." 

Congress  were  also  told  by  the  same  minister,  that  "if  they  put 
any  confidence  in  the  king's  friendship  and  benevolence;  if  they 
were  persuaded  of  his  inviolable  attachment  to  the  principle  of  the 
alliance    and  of  his  firm  resolution  constantly  to  support  the  cause 


JOHN    ADAMS.  113 

of  the  United  States,  they  would  be  impressed  with  the  necessity  of 
prescribing  to  their  plenipotentiary  a  perfect  and  open  confidence  in 
the  French  ministers,  and  a  thorough  reliance  on  the  king;  and 
would  direct  him  to  take  no  step  without  the  approbation  of  his 
majesty;  and  after  giving  him,  in  his  instructions,  the  principal  and 
most  important  outlines  for  his  conduct,  they  would  order  him,  with 
respect  to  the  manner  of  carrying  them  into  execution,  to  receive 
his  directions  from  the  Count  de  Vergennes,  or  from  the  person  who 
might  be  charged  with  the  negotiation  in  the  name  of  the  king." 

Congress  were  further  informed,  that  it  was  necessary  that  the 
king  should  know  the  intentions  of  the  United  States  with  regard  to 
the  proposed  mediation ;  and  that  his  majesty  should  be  authorized 
by  congress  to  give  notice  of  their  dispositions  to  all  the  powers  who 
would  take  part  in  the  negotiation  for  a  pacification.  The  minister 
delivered  his  own  opinion,  that  he  saw  no  inconvenience  arising 
from  the  congress  imitating  the  example  of  the  king,  by  showing 
themselves  disposed  to  accept  peace  from  the  hands  of  the  emperor 
of  Germany  and  the  empress  of  Russia.  He  added,  that  congress 
should  rely  on  the  justice  and  wisdom  of  those  two  sovereigns;  and 
at  the  same  time,  he  renewed  the  assurance  that  his  majesty  would 
defend  the  cause  of  the  United  States  as  zealously  as  the  interest 
of  his  own  crown. 

This  communication  made  a  strong  impression  on  congress,  and 
a  proposition  was  made  to  concur  in  the  whole  of  the  suggestions 
of  the  French  envoy;  but  this  was  resisted,  and  after  considerable 
debate  and  difficulty  the  instructions  to  Mr.  Adams  were  modified 
so  as  only  to  direct  the  acceptance  of  the  mediation  offered  by  the 
empress  and  emperor,  insisting  however  on  independence  and  the 
maintenance  of  the  treaties  with  France;  to  give  a  little  more  lati- 
tude of  discretion  and  prudence  as  to  other  points;  to  require  the 
most  candid  and  confidential  communications  with  the  ministers  of 
the  king  of  France ;  and  to  "  undertake  nothing  in  the  negotiation 
for  peace  or  truce  without  their  knowledge  and  concurrence."  An 
additional  article  of  instructions  was  also  agreed  to,  in  which  he  was 
authorized  to  accede  to  the  proposal  of  a  truce,  provided  Great 
Britain  should  not  retain  possession  of  any  part  of  the  territory  of 
the  United  States. 

The  obligation  to  undertake  nothing  in  the  negotiation  without 
the  knowledge  and  concurrence  of  the  Count  de  Vergennes,  merely 
imposed  the  inconvenience  of  consulting  with  a  disagreeable  col- 
league ;  but  was  very  different  from  the  orders  which  the  French 


114  JOHN    ADAMS. 

envoy  had  demanded  should  be  sent  to  Mr.  Adams,  "  to  receive  his 
instructions  from"  the  French  minister.  Still  it  could  not  but  be 
seen  by  Mr.  Adams,  that  the  influence  of  the  French  government 
almost  amounted  to  dictation,  and  that  eagerness  for  peace  had  too 
much  increased. 

It  is  remarkable  that  notwithstanding  these  complaints  against 
him  as  a  negotiator,  from  so  prevailing  an  authority,  the  congress 
voted,  when  they  sent  the  new  instructions,  that  it  was  not  expedient 
to  join  any  other  person  with  Mr.  Adams  in  negotiating  the  treaty. 
Such  was  the  actual  state  of  the  business  when  he  left  Amsterdam 
and  came  to  Versailles  to  meet  a  proposal  of  the  imperial  media- 
tors. The  most  objectionable  feature  of  this  proposition  was  that 
it  stipulated  an  armistice  without  requiring  the  evacuation  of  the 
American  territory  by  the  hostile  army.  Against  this  stipulation 
Mr.  Adams  was  resolute.  He  did  not  otherwise  object  to  the  me- 
diation ;  but  nothing  further  was  at  that  time  done  in  the  matter. 
He  wrote  several  letters  to  the  Count  de  Vergennes  explaining  his 
views;  but  though  that  minister  had  through  his  envoy  in  America 
obtained  a  direction  to  Mr.  Adams  to  communicate  freely  and  con- 
fidentially with  him,  he  took  care  to  be  especially  reserved  and  in- 
communicative towards  Mr.  Adams. 

The  view  which  he  took  of  this  situation  of  affairs  appears  to  have 
been  not  very  encouraging ;  he  had  little  or  no  expectation  of  ob- 
taining peace  by  means  of  diplomacy,  and  estimated  the  influence 
of  the  pen  in  such  a  contest  much  less  than  that  of  the  sword. 

It  is  certain  that  the  United  States  were,  at  this  period,  in  as  much 
danger  from  the  insincere  friendship  of  the  Count  de  Vergennes,  as 
from  the  open  hostility  of  Lord  Cornwallis.  The  French  govern- 
ment assumed  a  very  patronising  and  dictatorial  tone  towards  the 
congress,  and  was  gradually  appropriating  to  itself  a  power  over 
the  concerns  of  America,  almost  as  exceptionable  as  that  which  the 
British  ministry  had  vainly  endeavoured  to  establish.  It  was  not 
the  intention  of  the  French  minister  to  allow  the  United  States  to 
possess  the  fisheries  without  admitting  France  to  a  share  in  the  ad- 
vantage ;  nor  did  he  mean  to  suffer  the  boundary  line  in  the  west  to 
be  placed  where  the  Americans  expected.  The  interests  of  Spain 
were  preferred,  in  his  plans  of  pacification,  before  those  of  America  ; 
and  except  a  bare  independence,  nothing  was  to  be  secured  to  us. 

In  the  extremely  diplomatic  compliments  of  congratulation  and 
condolence  addressed  by  the  republican  congress  to  the  monarch  of 
France,  on  the  occasion  of  the  birth  of  a  child  and  the  death  of  an 


JOHN    ADAMS.  115 

aunt,  a  slight  indication  of  this  new  pupilage  may  be  perceived  ; 
but  when  the  representatives  of  a  free  and  independent  nation  were 
required  to  instruct  their  plenipotentiary  to  "  take  no  step  without 
the  approbation  of  his  majesty,"  and  to  "receive  his  directions" 
from  the  king's  minister,  it  was  time  to  recall  the  recollection  of  the 
principles  that  led  into  the  war,  and  to  repel  so  arrogant  a  preten- 
sion of  superiority,  with  the  same  manly  scorn  that  before  had  re- 
jected the  claim  of  parliamentary  supremacy. 

Mr.  Adams,  after  signifying  to  the  Count  de  Vergennes  his  wil- 
lingness to  do  any  thing  for  the  sake  of  peace,  that  might  be  com- 
patible with  the  honour  and  interests  of  his  country,  and  having 
satisfied  himself  that  the  British  ministry  had  no  real  design  of 
making  peace  on  terms  that  could  be  acceptable  to  America,  deter- 
mined no  longer  to  be  detained  from  the  important  objects  of  his 
mission  to  Holland.  After  a  few  weeks  only,  passed  at  Versailles 
and  Paris,  therefore,  he  returned  to  Amsterdam. 

In  the  mean  time  congress  again  became  more  alarmed,  and  re- 
considering their  resolution  as  to  the  number  of  commissioners,  they 
joined  Dr.  Franklin,  then  plenipotentiary  at  Paris,  Mr.  Jay,  the 
minister  at  Madrid,  Mr.  Henry  Laurens,  who  had  recently  been 
appointed  special  minister  to  France,  and  Mr.  Jefferson,  in  the 
commission  with  Mr.  Adams;  and  added  to  the  instructions  given  to 
the  whole  of  them  jointly,  "that  they  should  govern  themselves  by 
the  advice  and  opinion  of  the  ministers  of  the  king  of  France." 
This  was  an  extraordinary  and  unjustifiable  submission  to  the 
views  of  the  French  government.  It  was  not  originally  any  part 
of  the  instructions  recently  prepared  for  Mr.  Adams  alone,  but  had 
been  inserted  at  the  special  instance  of  the  French  envoy  at  Phila- 
delphia, who  was,  in  a  strange  spirit  of  subserviency,  consulted  on 
the  subject.  The  same  unaccountable  and  disgraceful  concession 
was  now  incorporated  in  the  new  commission — a  concession  that 
made,  in  effect,  the  Count  de  Vergennes  sole  plenipotentiary  for  the 
United  States,  and  left  their  independence  and  interests  entirely  at 
his  control. 

Mr.  Adams  was  at  Amsterdam  when  the  new  commission  arrived, 
and  being  actively  engaged  there  in  persuading  the  cautious  Hol- 
landers to  lend  money  to  the  United  States,  and  convinced  that  until 
a  change  of  ministry  should  take  place  in  England,  it  would  be  use- 
less to  expect  a  peace,  he  did  not  quarrel  with  instructions  which 
he  felt  too  derogatory  to  his  own  character,  and  the  honour  of  his 
country,  to  obey. 


116  JOHN    ADAMS. 

Few  men  in  so  trying  a  situation  would  have  evinced  so  salutary 
a  firmness  as  Mr.  Adams  had  shown,  in  rejecting  the  proposal  of  an 
armistice,  and  maintaining  his  own  independence  of  the  French 
minister.  His  resolution  could  gain  no  support  or  encouragement 
from  the  people  with  whom  he  was  obliged  to  associate ;  he  had  to 
withstand  the  allurements  of  imperial  condescension  and  royal 
friendship;  the  experience  of  practised  diplomatists  and  the  opinions 
of  able  statesmen  were  all  brought  to  bear  on  him,  and  worst  of  all, 
congress  did  not  sustain  him.  But  knowing  the  selfish  policy  of 
France,  and  feeling  the  same  confidence  in  the  final  triumph  of  his 
country  that  had  actuated  him  through  the  whole  contest,  he  re- 
mained immovably  fixed  in  a  determination  to  obtain  not  a  tempo- 
rary, precarious,  or  degraded  independence,  but  the  fisheries  and  the 
boundaries,  and  every  stipulation  that  was  necessary  to  make  inde- 
pendence secure  and  honourable.  To  this  firmness  the  eventual 
success  of  this  negotiation  may  be  ascribed,  and  the  glorious  result 
exceeding  the  hopes  of  congress,  by  which  the  Mississippi  was  made 
the  boundary  line,  the  fisheries  secured,  and  the  nation  saved  from 
the  obligation  to  indemnify  the  tories  for  opposing  the  freedom  of 
their  country. 

But  before  the  termination  of  this  part  of  his  duties  Mr.  Adams 
had  a  heavy  task  to  perform  in  Holland.  Notwithstanding  that 
country  was  under  a  republican  government,  and  ought  on  that  ac- 
count to  have  felt  a  sympathy  for  America,  and  although  at  wai 
with  England,  the  States  General  were  not  anxious  to  recognise 
the  independence  of  the  United  States.  For  a  treaty  of  amity  and 
commerce  Mr.  Adams  was  only  to  wait  without  soliciting  it,  hut  his 
principal  business  was  to  obtain  money,  by  means  of  which  the  war 
was  to  be  prosecuted ;  and  the  most  effectual  negotiation  for  peace, 
he  well  knew,  was  to  be  looked  for  in  the  defeat  of  the  British  armies 
in  the  United  States. 

Money  was  the  crying  want  of  America ;  she  had  all  the  other 
resources  of  war,  but  her  finances  were  in  a  deplorable  condition. 
Holland  was  rich,  but  cautious,  and  made  nice  calculations  of  the 
probability  of  such  success  on  the  part  of  the  Americans  as  would 
enable  them  to  repay  a  loan.  Mr.  Adams  saw  that  the  disposition 
of  the  Dutch  capitalists  was  kind,  but  their  judgment  had  yet  to  be 
enlightened.  His  business,  therefore,  was  to  develope  the  resources 
and  capacities  of  the  United  States,  the  nature  of  the  soil  and  its 
productions,  the  hardihood,  enterprise  and  industry  of  the  people, 
their  frugal  habits,  purity  of  manners,  and  rapid  increase.  All  these 


JOHN    ADAMS.  117 

points  were  to  be  made  clear  before  tbe  money  cbcsts  could  be  opened. 
That  the  United  States  were  poor  was  not  a  decisive  objection,  for 
the  Hollanders  had  learned  that  a  nation  could  pay  its  debts  if  the 
people  had  industrious  habits,  ready  ways  of  business,  and  liberty 
to  pursue  them  without  interruption. 

Mr.  Adams  spared  no  pains  to  give  them  information  ;  and  he 
finally  convinced  them,  and  succeeded  in  his  object.  This  was  a 
new  modification  of  diplomacy ;  to  leave  a  country  almost  unknown 
to  the  great  mass  of  Europeans  as  to  its  character  and  resources, 
but  known  to  be  in  a  state  of  revolutionary  war,  and  under  such 
circumstances  to  ask  for  money,  the  most  difficult  of  all  matters  of 
negotiation,  and  to  obtain  it  by  the  force  of  intelligence  and  truth, 
was  an  exploit  reserved  for  him  alone. 

A  series  of  papers  published  by  him,  under  the  form  of  letters  to 
an  inquiring  friend,  Mr.  Kalkoen,  argued  these  points  ably  and  fully ; 
with  a  history  of  the  rise  and  progress  of  the  war,  and  the  prospect 
of  its  successful  issue.  These  papers  were  translated,  and  were 
read  with  great  avidity  all  over  Holland  ;  and  at  length,  backed  by 
the  powerful  corroboration  which  came  to  their  aid  in  the  intelli- 
gence of  the  surrender  of  Cornwallis,  produced  the  desired  effect. 

In  September,  1782,  a  loan  was  effected  for  eight  millions  of 
guilders,  at  five  and  four  per  cent.,  a  rate  of  interest  not  extrava- 
gantly high,  considering  the  situation  of  the  United  States,  and  the 
doubts  whether  the  confederacy  could  keep  the  states  together  after 
the  pressure  of  war  should  be  entirely  removed.  This  too  was  fol- 
lowed in  the  next  month  by  the  conclusion  of  a  treaty  of  amity  and 
commerce,  placing  trade  on  the  footing  of  the  most  favoured  nation, 
and  of  course  recognising  the  United  States  as  free,  sovereign  and 
independent. 

In  the  spring  of  1782,  an  informal  overture  for  peace  had  come 
from  England,  but  it  proved  abortive;  and  in  the  summer  of  that 
year  Mr.  Adams  considered  the  war  as  by  no  means  near  its  ter- 
mination. 

It  is  impossible  to  know  how  much  the  disposition  towards  peace, 
which  made  slow  progress  among  the  British  statesmen  previously, 
was  quickened  by  the  knowledge  of  the  loan  effected  by  Mr.  Adams 
from  the  Dutch.  It  is  certain,  that  immediatelyafter  this  occurrence 
the  first  real  and  effectual  steps  were  taken  by  the  English  govern- 
ment for  putting  an  end  to  the  war,  by  the  unconditional  acknow- 
ledgment of  our  independence.  This  policy  being  adopted  by  Lord 
Shelburne's  administration,  and  announced  to  the  American  coin- 
F 


118  JOHN    ADAMS. 

missioners,  the  only  questions  that  remained  related  to  the  fisheries, 
and  other  advantages  that  France  did  not  desire  to  secure  for  her 
transatlantic  allies. 

Mr.  Adams  hastened  to  Paris,  for  the  purpose  of  assisting  in  the 
arrangement  of  the  articles  of  peace.  A  difficulty  now  existed  arising 
out  of  the  apparent  obligations  to  act  in  concert  with  "  our  great 
and  generous  ally,"  the  king  of  France,  and  out  of  the  express  in- 
structions of  congress  to  the  commissioners,  to  govern  themselves 
in  this  matter  by  the  directions  of  the  king's  ministers. 

It  was  well  known,  or  strongly  suspected  by  the  commissioners, 
that  the  "  great  and  generous  ally"  of  the  United  States  intended 
to  cut  them  off  from  the  fisheries,  to  insist  on  an  arrangement  of 
the  boundary  line  which  would  surrender  a  part  of  the  American 
territory  to  Spain,  and  to  favour  the  claim  of  England  for  an  in- 
demnity to  the  loyalists.  "  The  Count  de  Vcrgennes,"  Mr.  Adams 
afterwards  said,  "was  an  accomplished  gentleman  and  scholar,  and 
a  statesman  of  great  experience  in  various  diplomatic  and  other 
ministerial  stations.  In  treating  with  other  nations,  he  considered 
the  interests  of  his  own  country,  and  left  others  to  take  care  of 
theirs.     His  refinements  were  not  invisible." 

This  opinion  Mr.  Adams  had  entertained  from  the  first,  and  the 
other  commissioners  now  joined  with  him  in  a  determination  to 
secure  for  their  country  much  better  terms  than  the  French  minis- 
ter was  willing  they  should  obtain,  and  to  disregard  the  inconside- 
rate orders  of  congress,  which  would  have  placed  them  in  a  state 
of  subserviency  to  France.  They  accordingly  met  the  British  com- 
missioner, and  signed  the  provisional  treaty,  on  the  thirtieth  of  No- 
vember, 1782.  By  so  doing,  they  secured  an  honourable  and  advan- 
tageous peace,  without  any  violation  of  the  engagements  imposed 
by  the  alliance  with  the  French  king,  and  without  deserting  their 
ally;  for  it  was  a  condition  of  the  arrangement,  that  no  definitive 
treaty  should  be  signed,  unless  peace  were  at  the  same  time  made 
with  France. 

The  French  minister  finding  himself  baffled  in  his  scheme  of 
finesse,  addressed  sharp  reproaches  to  the  American  commissioners 
for  having  taken  this  step  without  his  interference.  To  an  accusa- 
tion such  as  this,  of  having  aimed  solely  at  securing  the  honour  and 
interests  of  their  country,  none  of  the  commissioners,  except  Dr. 
Franklin,  condescended  to  make  any  reply.  France  had  never 
avowed  her  designs ;  all  that  she  had  openly  stipulated  for,  had  been 
punctually  observed ;  her  wishes  had  been  discovered  only  by  her 


JOHN    ADAMS.  119 

advice  to  consent  to  less  favourable  terms,  or  betrayed  by  the  insin- 
cerity of  M.  de  Vergennes.  The  provisional  articles  were  signed 
by  Messrs.  Adams,  Franklin,  Jay,  and  Laurens;  and  the  definitive 
treaty  which  followed,  was  signed  on  the  third  of  September  follow- 
ing, by  the  same  commissioners,  except  Mr.  Laurens. 

There  was  a  deviation  from  the  instructions  of  congress  in  making 
these  treaties,  in  respect  to  the  provision  for  restoring  confiscated 
estates  to  the  loyalists.  This  condition  the  British  commissioner, 
insisted  upon  as  necessary  to  the  honour  of  his  government,  assert- 
ing that  those  persons  in  the  colonies  who  had  faithfully  adhered  to 
the  royal  cause,  could  not  be  abandoned;  on  the  other  hand,  Mr. 
Adams  and  his  colleagues  were  instructed,  and  refused  to  stipulate 
any  thing  in  their  favour.  This  question  delayed  the  treaty,  but 
finally  the  British  commissioner  gave  way,  on  being  allowed  to  in- 
sert an  article  which  was  not  authorized  by  the  instructions  from 
congress,  providing  that  congress  should  recommend  to  the  legisla- 
tures of  the  respective  states  to  provide  for  the  restitution  of  such 
confiscated  property.  This  condition  was  manifestly  nugatory,  and 
otherwise  the  treaty  was  all  that  had  been  at  any  time  hoped  for. 
It  was  an  extremely  favourable  and  honourable  arrangement,  and 
was  negotiated  with  acknowledged  ability  on  the  part  of  the  Ame- 
ricans, but  in  England  was  extremely  unpopular. 

Mr.  Adams  remained,  during  part  of  the  year  1784,  in  Holland, 
and  returned  to  France  on  being  placed  in  that  year,  by  congress, 
at  the  head  of  a  commission,  in  which  Dr.  Franklin  and  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son were  joined,  with  powers  to  negotiate  commercial  treaties  with 
any  foreign  nations  that  might  be  disposed  to  meet  them  for  the 
purpose.  It  was  resolved,  at  the  same  time,  that  it  would  be  advan- 
tageous to  conclude  such  treaties  with  Russia,  the  court  of  Vienna, 
Prussia,  Denmark,  Saxony,  Hamburg,  Great  Britain,  Spain,  Por- 
tugal, Genoa,  Tuscany,  Rome,  Naples,  Venice,  Sardinia,  the  Otto- 
man Porte,  and  Morocco.  He  resided  at  Auteuil,  near  Paris,  in 
order  to  be  at  hand  for  the  purpose  of  executing  his  multifarious 
commission;  but  the  outline  of  this  extensive  plan  of  commercial 
conventions  was  never  filled  up. 

In  January,  1785,  congress  resolved  to  appoint  a  minister  pleni- 
potentiary to  represent  the  United  States  at  the  court  of  Great 
Britain,  and  a  few  weeks  afterwards  Mr.  Adams  was  chosen  for 
this  important,  and,  under  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  case, 
delicate  office.  The  appearance  at  that  court,  of  an  accredited 
minister  of  the  late  colonies — now,  by  the  reluctant  and  enforced 


120  JOHN    ADAMS. 

consent  of  Great  Britain,  an  independent  nation — was  an  event 
calculated  to  attract  the  particular  attention  of  all  Europe.  The 
temper  in  which  he  might  be  received  was  a  doubtful  anticipation, 
involving  not  only  considerations,  but  national  concerns.  The 
embarrassment  of  this  business  was  felt  on  both  sides  ;  Mr.  Jay, 
then  the  secretary  of  foreign  affairs,  prepared  a  letter  of  credence, 
which  congress  prudentially  ordered  to  be  altered  so  as  to  have 
•"no  reference  to  former  disputes."  And  when  Mr.  Adams  went 
over  to  England,  Mr.  Jay  wrote  to  him  :  "  The  manner  of  your 
reception  at  that  court,  and  its  temper,  views  and  dispositions  re- 
specting American  objects,  are  matters  concerning  which  particular 
information  might  be  no  less  useful  than  interesting.  Your  letter 
will,  I  am  persuaded,  remove  all  suspense  on  those  points." 

Mr.  Adams  being  thus  enjoined  to  report  particularly  the  circum- 
stances of  his  public  reception,  gave  a  full  and  particular  account 
of  all  the  ceremonies  of  his  reception,  from  which  we  make  the 
following  extract. 

"  The  king  then  asked  me,  whether  I  came  last  from  France  ? 
and  upon  my  answering  in  the  affirmative,  he  put  on  an  air  of 
familiarity,  and  smiling,  or  rather  laughing,  said,  '  there  is  an  opi- 
nion among  some  people  that  you  are  not  the  most  attached  of  all 
your  countrymen  to  the  manners  of  France.'  I  was  surprised  at 
this,  because  I  thought  it  an  indiscretion,  and  a  descent  from  his 
dignity.  I  was  a  little  embarrassed,  but  determined  not  to  deny  the 
truth  on  one  hand,  nor  leave  him  to  infer  from  it  any  attachment  to 
England  on  the  other,  I  threw  off  as  much  gravity  as  I  could,  and 
assumed  an  air  of  gaiety,  and  a  tone  of  decision,  as  far  as  it  was 
decent,  and  said, — 'that  opinion,  sir,  is  not  mistaken;  I  must  avow 
to  your  majesty  I  have  no  attachment  but  to  my  own  country.' 
The  king  replied,  as  quick  as  lightning,  '  an  honest  man  will  never 
have  any  other.'  " 

Notwithstanding  the  courtesy  of  his  reception,  Mr.  Adams  found 
the  temper  of  the  government  of  England  extremely  sour,  and  un- 
friendly towards  the  United  States.  It  seemed  as  if  the  ministry 
were  determined  to  make  the  peace  only  a  truce,  and  hardly  con- 
sidered the  war  as  finally  closed.  The  posts  on  the  frontier  were 
retained  so  manifestly  against  the  faith  of  the  treaty,  that  congress 
thought  it  prudent  not  to  insist  on  a  categorical  answer  to  the  re- 
monstrances which  Mr.  Adams  had  made  upon  the  subject;  and 
a  commercial  treaty  the  British  government  would  not  consent,  by 
any  means,  to  form. 


JOHN   ADAMS.  121 

Mr.  Adams,  however,  could  not  be  idle,  and  besides  joining  in 
the  arrangement  of  treaties  with  the  emperor  of  Morocco  and  the 
king'  of  Prussia,  he  occupied  himself  in  the  intervals  of  his  diplo- 
matic intercourse  with  the  government  of  England,  in  writing  an 
elaborate  and  eloquent  defence  of  the  forms  of  government  estab 
lished  in  America. 

Mr.  Turgot,  the  Abbe  de  Mably  and  Dr.  Price,  with  other 
European  writers,  had  advanced  unfavourable  opinions  of  the  sys- 
tems of  government  formed  by  the  several  states  of  the  union  ;  and 
Dr.  Franklin  had  been  cited  as  having  disapproved  some  features 
in  several  of  them.  To  counteract  the  effect  of  these  strictures, 
and  keep  the  American  people  enlightened  on  the  subject  of  re- 
publican institutions,  the  Defence  of  the  American  Constitutions 
was  attempted. 

Immediately  after  the  publication  of  his  Defence  of  the  Constitu- 
tions, he  asked  permission  to  relinquish  his  office,  and  return ;  and 
in  the  year  1788,  he  had  the  happiness,  after  an  absence  of  between 
eight  and  nine  years,  to  find  himself  again  at  home. 

At  this  period  the  new  constitution  was  to  be  carried  into  effect, 
and  two  persons  were  to  be  voted  for,  of  whom  the  one  having  the 
highest  number  should  be  president,  and  the  other  should  be  the 
vice-president.  Washington  had  been  mainly  instrumental  in  ori- 
ginating the  plan  of  the  convention,  and  in  causing  the  constitution 
to  be  ratified  ;  he  was,  besides,  pre-eminent  in  favour  and  renown. 
To  be  thought  worthiest  of  being  joined  with  him  in  this  vote,  and 
being  placed  in  the  highest  station  except  that  which  he  consented 
to  fill,  was  an  honour  reserved  to  Mr.  Adams.  In  the  autumn  of 
1788,  he  was  elected  vice-president,  and  on  the  fourth  of  the  next 
March,  he  took  his  seat  as  president  of  the  new  senate,  at  New 
York,  where  the  first  congress  was  convened. 

In  this  station  he  presided  with  acknowledged  dignity,  was  con- 
sulted by  Washington  on  all  occasions  of  difficulty,  and  passed 
through  his  whole  term  in  that  office  in  uninterrupted  harmony  with 
the  president,  and  without  the  smallest  misunderstanding  with  any 
member  of  the  senate.  An  example  of  the  confidence  reposed  in 
his  opinions  respecting  public  affairs,  is  to  be  seen  in  the  corres- 
pondence that  occurred  in  1790,  between  Washington  and  himself, 
on  the  subject  of  a  probable  attack  by  the  English  upon  the  Spanish 
possessions  near  the  Mississippi,  and  the  measures  that  the  United 
States  ought  to  adopt,  in  case  the  British  forces  should  be  marched 
from  Canada  through  a  part  of  the  North  Western  territory. 
9  f2 


122  JOHN    ADAMS. 

The  advice  of  Mr.  Adams  was  marked  by  a  just  regard  to  the 
national  honour  and  dignity,  and  a  preference  of  peace,  if  war 
could  be  avoided  without  compromising  either ;  but  he  recommended 
that  no  violation  of  our  territory  should  be  on  any  account  permitted. 

He  was  re-elected  as  vice-president  with  entire  unanimity  in 
1792,  and  the  period  during  which  he  held  this  office  was  the  most 
tranquil  and,  perhaps,  except  the  few  last  years  of  his  life,  the  hap- 
piest that  he  ever  knew. 

In  1796,  General  Washington  took  leave  of  public  life,  and  the 
nation  was  obliged  to  look  for  a  successor.  Mr.  Adams  was  of 
course  in  view  for  this  promotion,  and  was  elected,  though  not 
without  opposition  and  a  close  contest.  The  French  revolution  had 
engrossed  the  attention  of  the  world.  In  this  country  republican 
sympathies  were  awakened,  the  errors  of  the  reformers  were  over- 
looked, and  the  sanguinary  excesses  which  disgraced  France  were 
forgiven  by  a  large  portion  of  our  citizens.  Two  parties  became 
formed  in  the  United  States,  each  disclaiming  for  a  time  the  name 
of  party,  but  indulging  hostile  feelings  towards  each  other.  Fo 
reigners  wielding  a  portion  of  the  power  of  the  press  for  their  own 
selfish  purposes  fomented  these  unhappy  discords.  Mr.  Jefferson 
was  the  candidate  of  the  party  that  opposed  Mr.  Adams,  but 
between  them,  personally,  there  was  no  unkindness,  as  politically 
there  was  really  but  little  difference.  Of  the  electoral  votes  Mr. 
Adams  received  seventy-one  and  Mr.  Jefferson  sixty-eight,  and  in 
March  1797,  they  entered  upon  their  offices  as  president  and  vice- 
president  of  the  United  States. 

During  the  excitement  of  the  contest,  Mr.  Adams  had  been 
charged  with  a  preference  for  monarchical  institutions,  and  this 
absurd  accusation  growing  out  of  his  defence  of  the  frame  of 
government  which  provided  for  a  single  executive  and  two  houses 
of  the  legislature,  in  opposition  to  the  argument  in  favour  of  the 
system,  which  had  been  tried  in  Pennsylvania,  comprising  a  plural 
executive  and  single  house  of  legislators,  was  repeated  with  great 
perseverance,  along  with  a  thousand  electioneering  calumnies.  The 
licentiousness  of  the  press  on  such  occasions  is  now  well  understood, 
but  this  was  the  first  occasion  of  its  prostitution  in  America  to  such 
purposes.  Mr.  Jefferson,  therefore,  thought  it  was  necessary  for 
him  to  disown  most  pointedly  and  publicly  any  share  in  this  attack 
on  the  character  of  his  competitor ;  and  when  he  first  met  the 
senate  as  their  president,  he  took  occasion  to  tell  that  respectable 
body  of  men,  that   the  duties   of  the  chief  magistracy  had   been 


JOHN    ADAMS.  123 

"justly  confided  to  the  eminent  character  who  preceded  him  ;  whose 
talents  and  integrity,"  he  added,  have  been  known  and  revered  by 
me  through  a  long  course  of  years  ;  have  been  the  foundation  of  a 
cordial  and  uninterrupted  friendship  between  us;  and  I  devoutly 
pray  that  he  may  be  long  preserved  for  the  government,  the  hap- 
piness and  prosperity  of  our  country."  Besides  this  compliment, 
Mr.  Adams  received  from  the  senate  over  which  he  had  presided 
for  eight  years,  an  address  taking  leave  of  him  with  the  strongest 
expressions  of  respect  and  affection. 

In  his  inaugural  address  the  new  president  also  look  the  op- 
portunity of  declaring  his  attachment  to  the  constitution,  without 
desiring  any  change.  It  was  not,  he  said,  when  he  first  saw  the 
constitution,  nor  had  it  been  since,  any  objection  to  it  in  his  mind, 
that  the  executive  and  senate  were  not  more  permanent.  Nor  had 
lie  entertained  a  thought  of  promoting  any  alteration  in  it,  but  such 
as  the  people  themselves,  in  the  course  of  their  experience,  should 
see  and  feel  to  be  necessary  or  expedient,  and  by  their  representa- 
tives in  congress  and  the  state  legislatures,  according  to  the  consti- 
tution itself,  adopt  and  ordain. 

On  the  same  occasion  he  gave  a  summary  of  the  principles  by 
which  he  should  govern  himself  in  the  performance  of  his  functions 
as  president  ;  and  it  is  believed  that  he  did  not  in  any  instance 
depart  from  them.  He  added  a  just  tribute  to  the  virtues  and 
wisdom  of  his  great  predecessor,  and  an  intimation  of  a  doubt  of 
his  own  abilities  to  follow  so  exalted  a  model. 

The  administration  of  Mr.  Adams  should  be  left  to  the  historian, 
within  whoso  province,  rather  than  that  of  biography,  it  is  properly 
confined.  A  very  slight  notice  of  some  of  the  prominent  circum- 
stances will  be  permitted,  however,  to  this  imperfect  sketch  of  his 
eventful  life. 

His  public  measures  as  president  have  been  often  compared  with 
those  of  his  predecessor  and  his  successor  ;  and  because  he  was  not 
re-elected  as  they  were,  the  comparison  has  been  supposed  to  show 
his  fitness  for  that  high  office  to  a  disadvantage.  But  the  circum- 
stances were  widely  different ;  he  fell  on  evil  days,  and  it  is  not 
conceivable  that  any  possible  course  of  conduct,  on  his  part,  could 
have  prevented  the  overthrow  of  the  party  with  which  his  name  was 
connected.  Without  disparaging  the  character  of  Mr.  Jefferson, 
it  is  nevertheless  true,  that  his  defects  were  concealed  in  the  glare 
of  his  success,  while  the  virtues  of  Mr.  Adams  were  obscured  in  the 
gloom  of  his  fall,  or  rather  in  the  fall  of  the  Federal  party. 


124  JOHN    ADAMS. 

Notwithstanding  the  extraordinary  popularity  of  Washington, 
scarcely  any  important  act  of  his  administration  had  escaped  the 
most  bitter  invective.  Mr.  Adams,  of  course,  was  not  exempted 
from  the  same  hostility.  He  found  a  cabinet  composed  of  able  men, 
but  not  of  his  choosing,  therefore  not  bound  to  him  by  any  tie  of 
gratitude,  and  not  personally  attached  to  him.  He  continued  them  in 
their  offices  from  the  best  motives,  but  the  policy  was  unfortunate. 
He  found,  too,  the  government  embroiled  in  a  dispute  with  France, 
and  one  of  his  earliest  communications  to  congress  had  to  comprise 
the  information  of  an  outrageous  insult  offered  to  the  minister  of 
the  United  States  by  the  government  of  that  country.  The  speech 
of  the  president  on  this  occasion  was  dignified  and  eloquent ;  it  was 
calculated  to  rouse  those  indignant  feelings  which  a  high-spirited 
people,  insulted  and  injured  by  a  foreign  power,  can  never  fail  to 
display,  if  their  sensibility  to  external  wrongs  is  not  blunted  by  in- 
vincible prejudice.  On  the  manifestation  of  such  feelings  he  relied 
for  the  success  of  any  further  negotiation,  and  on  their  real  exist- 
ence he  depended  for  the  defence  of  the  national  honour,  if  further 
negotiation  should  be  fruitless. 

An  enthusiastic  admiration  of  France,  however,  prevailed  among 
a  very  large  portion  of  the  American  people ;  an  admiration  which 
all  are  now  willing  to  allow  was  excessive,  though  generous.  By 
this  part  of  the  community  it  was  insisted  that  the  provocation  had 
been  given  by  the  preceding  administration,  and  that  the  United 
States  owed  the  first  apology.  After  the  hearty  approbation  of 
Washington's  public  conduct,  manifested  at  the  time  by  a  large 
majority  of  the  people,  it  would  have  been  impossible  to  undo  what 
he  had  done.  To  yield  to  the  wishes  of  this  party  was  therefore 
out  of  the  question.  Mr.  Adams  was  compelled  by  the  force  of 
circumstances,  as  well  as  by  the  dictates  of  his  own  judgment,  to 
persist  in  a  manly  and  dignified  deportment  towards  the  French 
rulers,  who  had  been  endeavouring  to  excite  among  the  American 
people  a  dissatisfaction  with  their  chosen  legislators  and  magistrates. 

He  was  encouraged  by  addresses  from  all  quarters,  and  among 
the  rest  by  the  approving  voice  of  Washington.  He  did  not  abandon 
hope,  however,  of  a  pacification.  Congress  and  the  people,  except- 
ing the  party  opposed  to  him,  went  much  further  than  he  did  in 
their  view  of  the  extent  to  which  the  national  honour  required  the 
United  States  to  go  towards  actual  war.  He  offended  many  of  the 
zealous  federalists  by  appointing  a  new  commission,  consisting  of 
three  envoys,  to  France,  in  consequence  of  an  informal  intimation 


JOHN    ADAMS.  125 

from   the   French   government   that   they  would  give   a   respectful 
reception  to  such  an  embassy. 

The  gentlemen  selected  for  this  mission,  Messrs.  Pinckney,  Mar- 
shall and  Gerry,  were  treated  with  insult  by  the  French  Directory. 
History  hardly  furnishes  an  example  of  such  open  contumely  suffered 
by  one  nation  from  another,  as  the  United  States  now  received,  in 
the  persons  of  their  ministers,  from  France.  Yet  it  is  certain  that 
the  popularity  of  Mr.  Adams  was  affected  by  the  measures,  mode- 
rate as  they  were,  that  he  recommended  for  upholding  the  national 
character. 

He  was  unfortunate,  if  not  being  re-elected  was  a  misfortune, 
in  other  particulars  than  the  prevailing  sympathy  for  republican 
France.  In  his  enlarged  views  of  policy,  a  naval  establishment  was 
considered  necessary  to  protect  our  commerce  and  defend  our  ter- 
ritory. The  nation  has  since  done  justice  to  his  wisdom,  in  this 
particular,  by  adopting  the  same  policy  ;  but  during  his  administra- 
tion, and  for  some  years  afterwards,  the  navy  was  not  regarded 
with  general  good  will.  The  intemperate  abusiveness  of  the  press 
was  looked  upon,  at  that  time,  with  a  degree  of  uneasiness  that  has 
disappeared  since  the  true  corrective  has  been  better  understood ; 
and  laws  were  made  to  restrain  the  publication  of  falsehoods  calcu- 
lated to  injure  the  government.  Other  measures  were  adopted,  with 
a  view  to  strengthen  the  executive  power  in  a  season  of  national 
peril  and  difficulty.  The  people  had  not  been  accustomed  to  see 
such  restraints  imposed  even  upon  the  seditious  ;  and  imputed  in- 
discriminately to  the  president  the  blame  which  belonged  to  the 
leaders  of  a  party  in  congress. 

He  proceeded,  meanwhile,  in  the  honest  discharge  of  his  duties, 
without  courting  popularity  by  any  sacrifices.  He  dismissed  the 
secretary  of  state,  when  he  thought  the  national  interests  required 
a  change,  without  fearing  the  effect  of  a  division  among  his  friends. 
His  manners  and  address  were  as  unbending  as  his  public  prin- 
ciples ;  he  was  neither  possessed  of  the  grand  and  imposing  pre- 
sence of  Washington,  nor  the  fascinating  vivacity  of  conversation 
that  distinguished  Mr.  Jefferson.  His  figure  was  low  and  ungrace- 
ful, his  address  often  abrupt  and  repulsive  ;  nor  did  he  always 
know  how  to  conceal  his  sentiments  when  concealment  would  have 
been  prudent.  Of  this  failing  he  was  himself  well  aware,  and  once 
when  in  the  room  of  Stuart  the  painter,  he  looked  at  the  portraits 
of  Washington  and  himself  standing  side  by  side,  and  observed  the 
lightly  closed  mouth  in  the  picture  of  Washington,  and  the  severed 


126  JOHN    ADAMS. 

lips  in  his  own,  "Ah,"  said  he  with  a  smile,  "that  fellow,"  pointing 
to  his  own  likeness,  "never  could  keep  his  mouth  shut." 

Of  the  particulars  in  public  policy  to  which  he  lent  his  influence 
or  concurrence,  some  have  been  since  adopted  as  the  permanent 
politics  of  the  nation;  the  wisdom  of  others  is  still  a  subject  of  dispute 
among  men  of  sense  and  patriotism  :  but  the  perfect  purity  of  his 
intentions  has  been  admitted  even  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  when  he  was 
the  active  leader,  as  well  as  the  candidate  of  the  opposing  party. 
During  the  heat  of  the  political  contests  which  resulted  in  the 
elevation  of  that  distinguished  person  to  the  presidency,  he  re- 
buked the  violence  of  some  young  politicians,  who  were  imputing 
to  Mr.  Adams  designs  injurious  to  the  republican  institutions  of 
his  country.  "  Gentlemen,"  said  Mr.  Jefferson,  "  you  do  not  know 
that  man ;  there  is  not  upon  this  earth  a  more  perfectly  honest  man 
than  John  Adams.  Concealment  is  no  part  of  his  character ;  of 
that  he  is  utterly  incapable.  It  is  not  in  his  nature  to  meditate  any 
thing  that  he  would  not  publish  to  the  world.  The  measures  of  the 
general  government  are  a  fair  subject  for  difference  of  opinion,  but 
do  not  found  your  opinions  on  the  notion  that  there  is  the  smallest 
spice  of  dishonesty,  moral  or  political,  in  the  character  of  John 
Adams  ;  for  I  know  him  well,  and  I  repeat  that  a  man  more  per- 
fectly honest  never  issued  from  the  hands  of  his  Creator." 

With  integrity  thus  vouched  for  and  not  disputed,  talents  of  a 
high  order,  great  experience  in  public  affairs,  and  unbounded  pa- 
triotism, he  was  a  candidate  for  re-election,  and  was  not  re-elected. 
It  is  probable  that  nothing  in  his  power  to  do,  nor  his  possessing  a 
hundred-fold  the  talents,  experience  and  virtue,  if  that  were  possible, 
could  have  prevented  the  defeat  of  the  party  with  which  he  was  un- 
fortunately connected,  and  whose  rashness  in  the  use  of  power  soon 
consigned  them,  as  a  party,  to  a  final  overthrow,  and  caused  some 
of  the  wisest  maxims  in  national  policy  to  be  for  a  time  discarded. 

After  completing  his  presidential  term  of  four  years,  he  retired 
in  March,  1801,  to  his  quiet  .home  at  Quincy,  where  he  lived  in 
happy  retirement,  an  attentive  spectator  of  public  events,  but  not 
pining  with  any  desires  to  mingle  in  them  again.  If  the  loss  of  his 
election  brought  with  it  some  degree  of  mortification  to  his  pride, 
the  buoyancy  of  his  spirits  and  strength  of  his  understanding  soon 
restored  his  cheerfulness  and  complacency  ;  and  although  sometimes 
provoked  by  the  repetition  of  ill-natured  remarks  formerly  made 
upon  his  conduct,  he  seldom  showed  any  embittered  feelings  to- 
wards those  who  had  opposed  or  deserted  him. 


JOHN    ADAMS.  127 

Letters  were  written  to  him  under  the  seeming  o&the  most  devoted 
friendship,  insidiously  to  draw  from  him  some  obloquy  against  his 
successful  competitor  ;  but  although  the  contest  had  been  violent, 
and  great  latitude  of  invective  had  been  indulged  on  each  side,  yet 
in  his  answers,  confided  to  the  "honour"  and  "discretion"  of  his 
correspondent,  and  afterwards  published  in  despite  of  honour  and 
discretion,  he  spoke  more  kindly  of  his  late  rival  than  was  usual 
with  any  of  the  leaders  of  the  defeated  party. 

He  was  offered  a  nomination  as  governor  of  Massachusetts,  but 
he  wished  only  for  retirement.  Zealous  as  ever  for  the  honour  of 
his  country,  he  supported  the  policy  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  administra- 
tion in  the  disputes  with  England,  and  not  only  in  conversation,  but 
in  letters  that  were  published  and  extensively  read,  contended  ably 
and  earnestly  for  the  maintenance  of  our  rights.  When  these  dis- 
putes afterwards  eventuated  in  war,  he  avowed  his  approbation  of 
that  measure,  notwithstanding  the  prevailing  sentiment  against  it 
in  his  own  state  and  immediate  neighbourhood.  Writing  to  a  friend 
on  this  subject,  in  July,  1812,  he  thus  expressed  himself: 

"I  think  with  you,  that  it  is  the  duty  of  every  considerate  man 
to  support  the  national  authorities,  in  whose  hands  soever  they  may 
be :  though  I  will  not  say  whatever  their  measures  may  be. 

"  To  your  allusion  to  the  war,  I  have  nothing  to  say,  but  that  it 
is  with  surprise  that  I  hear  it  pronounced,  not  only  by  newspapers, 
but  by  persons  in  authority,  ecclesiastical  and  civil,  and  political  and 
military,  that  it  is  an  unjust  and  unnecessary  war;  that  the  decla- 
ration of  it  was  altogether  unexpected,  &c.  How  it  is  possible  that 
a  rational,  a  social,  or  a  moral  creature  can  say  that  the  war  is 
unjust,  is  to  me  utterly  incomprehensible.  How  it  can  be  said  to 
be  unnecessary  is  very  mysterious.  I  have  thought  it  both  just  and 
necessary  for  five  or  six  years.  How  it  can  be  said  to  be  unex- 
pected, is  another  wonder.  I  have  expected  it  more  than  five  and 
twenty  years,  and  have  had  great  reason  to  be  thankful  that  it  has 
been  postponed  so  long.  I  saw  such  a  spirit  in  the  British  Islands, 
when  I  resided  in  France,  in  Holland,  and  in  England  itself,  that  I 
expected  another  war  much  sooner  than  it  has  happened.  I  was  so 
impressed  with  the  idea,  that  I  expressed  to  Lord  Lansdown,  (for- 
merly Lord  Shelburne,)  an  apprehension  that  his  lordship  would 
live  long  enough  to  be  obliged  to  make,  and  that  I  should  live  long 
enough  to  see,  another  peace  made  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
United  States  of  America.  His  lordship  did  not  live  long  enough 
to  make  the  peace,  and  I  shall  not  probably  live  to  see  it;  but  1 


128  JOHN    ADAMS. 

have  lived  to  see  the  war  that  must  be  followed  by  a  peace,  if  the 
war  is  not  eternal." 

When  a  loan  was  opened  for  the  purposes  of  a  war  expenditure, 
and  some  efforts  were  made  to  deter  capitalists  from  intrusting 
their  money  to  the  government,  he  went  forward  to  give  an  exam- 
ple of  confidence,  and  the  first  certificate  of  stock  was  issued  on  his 
investment. 

The  reluctance  shown  by  some  of  the  eastern  states  to  co-operate 
in  a  strenuous  prosecution  of  the  war,  was  regarded  by  him  with 
regret,  but  with  no  conviction  of  any  deficiency  on  their  part  in 
patriotic  feeling.  He  had  known  them  long  and  well,  and  could  not 
doubt  the  soundness  of  their  principles,  although  he  lamented  the 
error  of  their  political  views.  In  a  letter  to  a  friend  in  Philadelphia 
at  this  period,  he  ascribed  their  backwardness  to  a  dissatisfaction 
at  not  being  allowed  to  cherish  a  navy;  and  likened  their  conduct 
to  that  of  Achilles  offended  by  being  deprived  of  his  Briseis,  and 
provoked  to  withdraw  his  aid  from  the  Grecian  confederacy.  The 
illustration  was  apt  and  pleasing,  and  evinced  the  generous  con- 
struction that  he  was  willing  to  put  on  the  conduct  of  his  neighbours, 
and  the  pertinacity  with  which  his  mind  still  dwelt  upon  a  naval 
establishment  as  a  cardinal  point  of  national  policy. 

He  was  now  an  old  man,  but  age  had  overtaken  him  in  this  happy 
retirement,  and  had  brought  the  venerable  dignity  of  years,  with- 
out destroying  the  cheerfulness  of  youth.  His  mind  was  perpetually 
active,  and  he  continued  to  take  the  most  lively  interest  in-  the  de- 
velopment of  the  happy  consequences  of  the  revolution,  in  the  esta- 
blished prosperity  of  his  country,  and  the  extension  of  the  principles 
of  civil  freedom  to  other  regions  of  fjie  globe. 

The  centre  of  an  interesting  circle  of  friendship  and  affection, 
with  an  unabated  love  of  reading  and  conversation,  his  declining 
years  seemed  to  be  surrounded  with  all  the  sources  of  felicity  that 
the  condition  of  man  allows. 

His  friendship  with  Mr.  Jefferson,  now  also  in  a  similar  retire- 
ment, was  renewed,  and  their  intercourse  revived  in  an  interchange 
of  letters,  that  occasionally  were  allowed  to  find  their  way  into  the 
public  prints,  and  were  universally  read  with  the  deepest  interest. 
No  two  men  were  ever  more  fitted  to  give  pleasure  to  each  other,  by 
a  correspondence  of  this  kind.  They  had  passed  through  anxious 
scenes  together,  and  had  since  been  so  widely  separated  in  their 
associations,  that  different  views  of  life,  in  many  particulars,  had 
been  engrafted  on  their  early  community  of  feeling.     They  were 


JOHN    ADAMS.  123 

both  masters  in  letter  writing,  though  not  resembling  each  other  in 
style.  Mr.  Adams  was  more  plain,  concise  and  emphatic;  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson more  felicitous  in  the  arrangement  of  words. 

All  that  the  world  has  seen  of  the  writings  of  Mr.  Adams,  includ- 
ing his  numerous  political  documents,  his  revolutionary  addresses, 
letters  and  essays,  his  official  correspondence,  reports,  speeches  and 
messages,  his  Defence  of  the  American  Constitutions,  and  the  sup- 
plement to  that  work,  called  Discourses  on  Davila,  published  in 
1790,  exhibit  indisputable  marks  of  genius,  adorned  by  classical 
and  historical  learning ;  and  his  occasional  letters,  written  in  the 
later  period  of  his  life,  are  distinguished  by  acuteness,  ingenuity, 
and  a  striking  force  of  imagination. 

The  few  incidents  that  diversified  the  even  tenor  of  his  old  age 
were,  with  some  exceptions,  of  a  most  gratifying  nature.  In  1815, 
he  saw  the  second  treaty  of  peace  concluded  with  Great  Britain, 
by  a  plenipotentiary  commission  of  which  his  son  was  at  the  head, 
as  he  had  been  himself  in  that  commission  which  formed  the  treaty 
of  1783.  Two  years  after  this  event  the  political  party  in  Massa- 
chusetts, once  most  vehemently  opposed  to  him,  paid  him  the  com- 
pliment of  placing  his  name  at  the  top  of  their  list  of  presidential 
electors;  and  in  1820,  the  convention  assembled  for  the  purpose  of 
amending  the  state  constitution,  and  composed  of  the  most  enlight- 
ened men  of  all  parties,  unanimously  solicited  him  to  act  as  their 
president.  This  he  declined  on  account  of  his  age;  but  the  vote  of 
the  assembly  was  a  spontaneous  compliment  paid  by  his  fellow  citi- 
zens to  his  virtues  and  services,  and  a  delightful  solace  for  those 
infirmities  which  obliged  him  to  absent  himself  from  their  delibe- 
rations. 

He  had  lost,  in  the  autumn  of  1818,  his  amiable  and  faithful  con- 
sort, who  had  shared  his  anxieties  and  his  felicity  for  more  than  half 
a  century.  This  was  a  severe  affliction  amid  his  multiplied  bless- 
ings, but  he  considered  himself  only  a  lingerer  in  this  world,  and 
soon  to  follow;  and  his  heart  responded  to  the  sentiment  expressed 
in  an  affectionate  letter  of  condolence,  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  that  it  was 
a  comfort  to  think  the  term  was  not  very  distant,  when  they  were 
to  "  deposit,  in  the  same  cerement,  their  sorrows  and  suffering 
bodies,  and  to  ascend  in  essence  to  an  extatic  meeting  with  the 
friends  they  had  loved  and  lost,  and  whom  they  should  still  love  and 
never  lose  again." 

The  piety  of  Mr.  Adams  did  not  need  this  chastening  stroke;  it 
had  been  always  fervent  and  sincere,  and  the  regular  attention  to 
10  G 


130  JOHN    ADAMS. 

the  duties  of  public  worship,  in  the  church  of  which  he  was  a  mem- 
ber, for  sixty  years,  and  to  which  he  afterwards  bequeathed  pro- 
perty worth  ten  thousand  dollars,  was  one  of  the  habits  of  his  life 
that  endured  to  the  last. 

In  the  exercise  of  unostentatious  hospitality,  partaken  by  visitors 
from  every  quarter,  who  resorted  to  his  house  to  gratify  their  curi- 
osity with  the  sight  of  so  illustrious  a  man,  and  to  share  the  plea- 
sures of  his  conversation,  always  rich  in  anecdote  of  times  past, 
and  full  of  political  and  moral  instruction;  surrounded  by  an  amia- 
ble family  of  descendants,  the  last  years  of  his  protracted  life  glided 
tranquilly  away. 

But  he  was  reserved  for  an  unexampled  instance  of  human  feli- 
city, and  for  a  death  so  remarkable  in  its  circumstances,  as  to  strike 
the  mind  of  a  whole  people  with  the  impression  of  divine  inter- 
position. 

He  had  seen  his  eldest  son  pass  through  various  gradations  of 
public  service,  with  advantage  to  his  country  and  honour  to  himself. 
He  had  watched  with  parental  solicitude  and  pride  the  manifesta- 
tions of  his  superior  virtues  and  abilities,  and  he  lived  to  see  that 
beloved  son,  the  object  of  his  pride  and  affection,  elevated  to  the 
chief  magistracy  of  this  great  and  prosperous  republic. 

There  is  no  earthly  joy  like  parental  joy,  as  there  is  no  sorrow 
like  parental  sorrow.  History  presents  no  parallel  for  such  an 
event;  no  such  reward  was  ever  allowed  on  earth  to  crown  a  long 
life  of  public  usefulness  and  virtue. 

Mr.  Adams  had  lived  too  long  to  regard  power  and  official  eleva- 
tion as  in  themselves  desirable,  and  knew,  from  experience,  that  his 
son  could  not  escape  the  anxieties  and  cares  that  render  the  posses- 
sion of  exalted  stations  often  much  less  than  the  anticipation.  But 
as  the  palm  of  virtue  and  high  talents,  honourably  gained  in  a  fair 
competition,  he  regarded  his  son's  election  to  the  presidency  with  a 
just  and  pious  exultation. 

When  the  fiftieth  anniversary  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
approached,  two  only  of  the  committee  that  prepared  that  docu- 
ment, and  of  the  congress  that  voted  its  adoption  and  promulgation, 
and  one  more  besides  of  those  who  inscribed  their  names  upon  it, 
yet  survived. 

That  such  an  anniversary  should  be  the  day  appointed  for  the 
departure  of  the  two  co-labourers,  is  a  circumstance  that  will  be 
looked  upon  with  a  degree  of  wonder  proportioned  to  the  sensibility 
of  the  various  minds  by  which  it  is  considered.    The  universal  burst 


JOHN    ADAMS.  131 

of  feeling  in  all  parts  of  this  country,  showed  that  the  nation  recog- 
nized something  in  the  dispensation  beyond  the  ordinary  laws  of 
human  existence. 

Mr.  Adams  had  not,  until  a  very  few  days  previous,  shown  any 
indications  of  a  more  rapid  failure  of  strength.  The  fourth  of  July, 
1826,  found  him  unable  to  rise  from  his  bed,  on  account  of  an  un- 
usual degree  of  debility  that  had  come  upon  him  two  days  before. 
He  was  not,  however,  aware  of  so  near  an  approach  of  death.  .  On 
being  asked  to  suggest  a  toast  for  the  customary  celebration  of  the 
day,  he  exclaimed,  "Independence  for  ever!"  and  those  were 
the  last  words  that  he  was  known  coherently  to  utter.  The  differ- 
ent members  of  his  family  seemed  to  engross  his  attention  after 
this,  and  at  about  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  without  pain  or  suf- 
fering, he  expired. 

It  is  known  that  the  illustrious  Jefferson  departed  a  few  hours 
before  him ;  and  we  cannot  close  this  imperfect  sketch  more  appro- 
priately, than  by  borrowing  the  language  of  one  who  most  deeply 
felt  the  impressiveness  of  this  solemn  and  memorable  event. 

"  They  departed  cheered  by  the  benedictions  of  their  country,  to 
whom  they  left  the  inheritance  of  their  fame,  and  the  memory  of 
their  bright  example.  If  we  turn  our  thoughts  to  the  condition  of 
their  country,  in  the  contrast  of  the  first  and  last  day  of  that  half 
century,  how  resplendent  and  sublime  is  the  transition  from  gloom 
to  glory !  then,  glancing  through  the  same  lapse  of  time?  in  the 
condition  of  the  individuals,  we  see  the  first  day  marked  with  the 
fulness  and  vigour  of  youth,  in  the  pledge  of  their  lives,  their  for- 
tunes, and  their  sacred  honour,  to  the  cause  of  freedom  and  of  man- 
kind. And  on  the  last,  extended  on  the  bed  of  death,  with  but 
sense  and  sensibility  left  to  breathe  a  last  aspiration  to  heaven  of 
blessing  upon  their  country ;  may  we  not  humbly  hope  that  to  them, 
too,  it  was  a  pledge  of  transition,  from  gloom  to  glory;  and  that 
while  their  mortal  vestments  were  sinking  into  the  clod  of  the  val- 
ley, their  emancipated  spirits  were  ascending  to  the  bosom  of 
their  God1" 


ROBERT  TREAT  PAINE 


Robert  Treat  Paine  was  born  in  Boston,  in  1731,  of  pious 
and  respectable  parents.  His  fatber,  descended  from  an  ancient 
and  worthy  family  in  the  province,  was  a  public  teacher,  and  for  a 
few  years  pastor  of  a  church  in  Weymouth,  near  Boston.  His 
mother  was  a  daughter  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Treat  of  Eastham,  in  Barn- 
stable county,  an  eminent  divine,  and  a  good  classical  scholar. 
From  such  parents,  no  doubt,  he  received  the  best  moral  and  reli- 
gious instruction.  His  early  classical  education  was  under  James 
Lovell,  many  years  the  principal  of  a  Latin  school  in  Boston.  He 
became  a  member  of  Harvard  College,  at  the  age  of  fourteen.  Of 
his  habits  and  acquirements  at  the  university,  however,  little  is  now 
recollected  by  his  family  or  friends.  After  he  left  the  university,  he 
was  some  months  employed  in  keeping  a  public  school,  in  a  country 
town;  an  occupation  which  in  New  England  has  always  been  con- 
sidered honourable  as  well  as  useful.  He  afterwards  made  a  voy- 
age to  Europe,  to  which  he  was  chiefly  induced  by  a  wish  to  acfpiire 
means  to  assist  his  father  and  family. 

Mr.  Paine,  before  he  entered  on  the  study  of  the  law,  turned  his 
attention,  for  some  time,  to  theological  subjects;  which  probably 
had  the  happy  effect  to  give  him  clear  views  of  the  evidences  of 
Christianity,  of  the  truth  of  which  he  always  declared  his  firm 
belief.  He  was  a  few  months  with  the  troops  from  the  province,  at 
the  northward,  in  1755,  in  the  capacity  of  chaplain;  and  occasion- 
ally preached  in  the  pulpits  of  the  regular  clergy  in  Boston  and  its 
vicinity. 

It  was  about  this  time,  that  he  engaged  in  the  study  of  the  law, 
with  Benjamin  Pratt,  a  celebrated  barrister  in  the  county  of  Suf- 
folk, and  afterwards  chief  justice  of  the  colony  of  New  York ;  and 
having  no  pecuniary  assistance  from  his  father,  he  was  obliged, 
during  this  period,  to  resort  again  to  the  profession  of  schoolmaster 
for  his  support. 

He  first  established  himself  in  Boston,  and  then  removed  to 
132 


*0BT    TREAT     PAINE 


ROBERT    TREAT    PAINE.  135 

Taunton,  in  the  county  of  Bristol,  where  he  continued  for  many 
years;  not,  however,  confining  himself  to  that  part  of  the  province; 
for  he  frequently  attended  the  courts  in  several  other  counties.  He 
haa  many  qualifications  for  an  aide  and  popular  lawyer.  He  was 
learned,  argumentative,  discriminating,  prompt  and  satirical. 

At  this  period,  there  is  an  interesting  correspondence  of  Mr.  Paine 
with  Jonathan  Sewall  and  John  Adams,  and  other  distinguished  law- 
yers; and  with  Mr.  Elliott,  an  intelligent  merchant  of  Boston.  The 
same  professional  pursuits  occasioned  his  particular  intercourse  with 
the  former,  and  the  similarity  of  their  religious  views  was  probably 
one  cause  of  his  intimacy  with  the  latter;  though  the  social  quali- 
ties and  literary  taste  of  Mr.  Elliott  were  such  as  to  render  him 
highly  esteemed  by  the  intelligent  men  of  that  day. 

In  September,  1768,  the  general  court  having  been  dissolved  by 
Governor  Bernard,  because  they  would  not  rescind  their  circular 
letter  to  the  other  colonies,  requesting  them  to  act  in  concert  for 
the  public  good,  a  convention  was  called  by  the  leading  men  of 
Boston.  Most  of  the  towns  in  the  province  deputed  some  of  their 
patriotic  and  able  citizens  to  attend.  Mr.  Paine  was  a  delegate  to 
this  convention  from  the  town  of  Taunton.  Several  spirited  reso- 
lutions were  adopted,  calculated  to  rouse  and  animate  the  people, 
to  confirm  them  in  their  attachment  to  their  chartered  rights,  and  to 
show  the  administration  in  England,  that,  though  the  general  court 
was  dissolved,  the  province  could  act  with  energy  and  effect.  The 
governor  ordered  them  to  separate,  but  they  remained  in  session 
several  days,  contending  that  such  a  meeting  for  redress  of  griev- 
ances was  strictly  constitutional. 

Mr.  Paine  was  employed  by  the  citizens  of  Boston  to  conduct  the 
prosecution,  on  the  part  of  the  crown,  against  Captain  Preston  and 
his  men,  for  firing  on  the  inhabitants  of  the  town,  on  the  fifth  of 
March,  1770.  The  preference  thus  given  him,  to  other  legal  cha- 
racters in  the  state,  is  an  honourable  evidence  of  his  standing;  and 
he  managed  the  cause  with  such  ability,  as  to  add  greatly  both  to 
his  professional  reputation  and  to  his  character  as  a  patriot. 

In  1773,  when  the  conduct  of  the  British  administration  had 
created  so  much  alarm,  that  the  colonies  were  corresponding  with 
one  another,  to  withstand  the  tyrannical  measures  that  still  threat- 
ened them,  a  similar  intercourse  was  established  between  the  citi- 
zens of  the  capital  and  the  other  towns  in  Massachusetts.  On  this 
occasion,  the  town  of  Taunton  chose  a  large  committee,  of  which 
Mr.  Paine  was  chairman.  Resolutions  were  passed  by  this  com- 
g  '2 


136  ROBERT    TREAT    PAINE. 

mittee,  the  original  draught  of  which  has  heen  found  in  the  hand- 
writing of  Mr.  Paine,  not  inferior,  in  firmness  and  patriotism,  to 
those  previously  passed  in  Boston. 

This  year  he  was  chosen  a  representative  to  the  general  assem- 
bly of  the  province,  for  the  town  of  Taunton.  At  this  time,  none 
but  firm  and  active  friends  of  liberty  were  delegated  by  the  people. 
He  was  appointed  on  several  important  committees  during  the 
year,  and  was  one  of  the  members  chosen  to  conduct  the  impeach- 
ment against  Peter  Oliver,  then  chief  justice  of  the  province,  who 
was  charged  with  receiving  his  stipend  from  the  king,  instead  of  a 
grant,  as  usual,  from  the  assembly.  This  impeachment  was  con- 
ducted with  great  ability,  and  the  proceedings  are  preserved  in  the 
journals  of  the  house  for  that  year.  Mr.  Paine  was  again  chosen  a 
representative  in  May,  1774,  and  was  an  active  and  influential 
member  at  that  very  critical  period. 

Governor  Hutchinson  had  been  ordered,  about  this  time,  to  Eng- 
land, and  General  Gage  appointed  his  successor.  The  intelligent 
statesmen  in  the  province  saw  a  crisis  approaching  which  would 
require  all  their  firmness ;  and  perceived  that  the  only  alternative 
was  submission  to  the  arbitrary  measures  of  a  deluded  and  tyranni- 
cal administration,  or  open  opposition  by  military  force.  Soon  after 
the  general  court  assembled  in  Boston,  and  was  adjourned  to  Salem 
by  Governor  Gage.  It  was  a  period  of  great  excitement  and  alarm. 
A  committee  was  chosen,  larger  than  on  any  former  occasion,  to, 
consider  the  state  of  the  province,  of  which  Mr.  Paine  was  one.  It 
was  on  the  recommendation  of  this  committee,  that  the  resolution 
to  appoint  delegates  to  a  general  congress  was  taken  up  and  finally 
passed.  Mr.  Paine  was  chosen  one  of  the  delegates.  A  greater 
proof  of  confidence  in  his  integrity  and  patriotism,  or  a  higher  sense 
of  his  talents  and  firmness,  could  not  have  been  given. 

It  was  justly  concluded,  that  the  deliberations  and  proceedings  of 
such  an  assembly  would  have  great  effect ;  and  would,  at  the  same 
time,  be  likely  to  result  in  a  correct  and  comprehensive  view  of 
what  the  public  good  required.  Massachusetts,  and  some  other 
colonies,  had  petitioned  separately;  but  without  producing  any  re- 
laxation in  the  arbitrary  and  oppressive  measures  of  the  adminis- 
tration. It  was  important  to  learn  the  views  and  opinions  of  the 
other  colonies,  and  to  unite  their  efforts  for  the  protection  and  wel- 
fare of  the  whole. 

As  yet,  as  separation  from  Great  Britain  was  not  openly  proposed, 
or   generally  contemplated;   though  some  of  our   more  reflecting 


ROBERT    TREAT    PAINE.  137 

statesmen,  even  at  this  period,  considered  it  not  improbable  that 
this  would  be  the  final  result  of  the  controversy.  The  patriots  of 
that  day  contended  only  for  the  enjoyment  and  exercise  of  rights 
believed  to  be  guaranteed  by  their  charter;  and  expected,  that,  on 
their  firm  and  decided  stand  against  the  administration,  their  liber- 
ties would  still  be  continued  inviolate.  It  was  under  these  impres- 
sions, that  the  first  continental  congress  convened  at  Philadelphia, 
in  September,  1774.  The  journal  of  their  proceedings  affords  suf- 
ficient proof  that  their  sentiments  and  views  were  such  as  have 
been  stated. 

Particular  reference  was  had,  by  this  congress,  to  the  efforts  and 
sufferings  of  the  people  of  Massachusetts — the  former  were  highly 
approved  and  applauded,  and  the  latter  feelingly  commiserated.  For 
hitherto,  the  firm  stand  in  defence  of  American  liberty,  made  by 
the  citizens  of  this  province,  had  particularly  provoked  the  censures 
of  the  British  ministry;  and  against  them  chiefly,  the  severe  and 
oppressive  acts  of  parliament  were  pointed.  But  their  patience 
and  moderation  were  as  remarkable  as  their  decision  and  firmness. 
On  the  communication  to  congress,  of  the  proceedings  at  a  meeting 
of  delegates  from  the  several  towns  in  the  county  of  Suffolk,  at  Mil- 
ton, in  September,  1774,  that  body  unanimously  resolved,  "  that  it 
felt  deeply  for  the  sufferings  of  the  people  in  Massachusetts,  under 
the  operation  of  the  late  unjust,  cruel  and  oppressive  acts  of  the 
British  parliament — that  it  most  thoroughly  approved  of  the  wisdom 
and  fortitude  with  which  opposition  to  those  wicked  measures  had 
hitherto  been  conducted."  They  recommended  a  perseverance  in 
the  same  firm  and  temperate  conduct  which  had  been  already  dis- 
played, particularly  by  the  delegates  of  said  meeting,  "  trusting  that 
the  united  efforts  of  America  in  their  behalf,  would  carry  such  con- 
viction to  the  British  nation,  of  the  unwise,  unjust,  and  ruinous  policy 
of  the  present  administration,  as  soon  to  introduce  better  men  and 
wiser  measures." 

This  session  of  the  continental  congress  closed  in  October;  but 
not  without  a  solemn  appeal  to  the  people  of  America,  of  Great 
Britain,  and  to  the  world,  that  their  object  was  solely  to  preserve 
and  maintain  their  former  rights,  which  they  believed  they  might 
justly  claim  as  subjects  of  the  British  empire,  and  which  were 
guaranteed  to  them  by  their  ancient  charters.  •'  So  far  from  pro- 
moting innovations,"  say  they,  "we  have  only  opposed  them;  and 
can  be  charged  with  no  offence,  unless  it  be,  to  receive  injuries  and 
to  be  sensible  of  them.     Feeling  as  men  and  thinking  as  subjects. 


138  ROBERT    TREAT    PAINE. 

in  the  manner  we  do,  silence  would  be  disloyalty.  By  giving  this 
information,  we  do  all  in  our  power  to  promote  the  great  object  of 
the  royal  care  for  us,  the  tranquillity  of  government  and  the  wel- 
fare of  the  people.  Had  we  been  permitted  to  enjoy  in  quiet  the 
inheritance  left  us  by  our  fathers,  we  should,  at  this  time,  have  been 
peaceably,  cheerfully,  and  usefully  employed  in  recommending  our 
selves,  by  every  testimony  of  devotion  to  his  majesty,  and  of  vene 
ration  to  the  state  from  which  we  derive  our  origin." 

In  May,  1775,  the  continental  congress  met  again  at  Philadel 
phia;  and  Mr.  Paine  was  one  of  the  five  delegates  chosen  to  attend 
from  Massachusetts.  He  was  also  elected  a  deputy  from  the  town  of 
Taunton  to  the  provincial  congress,  which  sat  at  Concord,  in  Octo- 
ber, 1774;  and  again  in  February,  March,  and  April,  1775.  It  is 
evident  he  could  not  have  attended  both  the  continental  and  pro- 
vincial congresses,  during  the  whole  of  the  sessions.  In  the  latter, 
he  was  present  a  part  of  the  time,  and  was  one  of  the  committee, 
in  February,  1775,  to  consider  the  state  of  the  province — but,  in 
May,  he  again  took  his  seat  in  the  continental  congress.  These 
several  appointments,  however,  afford  unequivocal  proof  of  the  high 
sense  the  citizens  of  Taunton,  and  the  members  of  the  provincial 
assembly,  by  whom  deputies  to  the  continental  congress  were  elected, 
had  of  his  patriotism  and  talents. 

The  measures  adopted  by  the  congress  of  this  province,  at  this 
juncture,  were  not  only  important  to  the  safety  of  Massachusetts, 
but  were  designed  and  calculated  to  have  an  effect  favourable  to 
the  cause  of  liberty  throughout  the  colonies.  It  was  recommended 
to  the  people  of  the  province  to  arm  in  defence  of  their  violated 
rights;  and  an  appeal  was  made  to  the  other  colonies,  urging  them 
to  come  forward,  and  to  act  in  opposition  to  the  arbitrary  claims 
and  menaces  of  the  British  administration. 

Such  was  the  state  of  the  country;  hostilities  having  actually 
commenced,  the  tone  of  parliament  raised,  being  rather  threatening 
than  conciliatory,  and  troops  pouring  into  the  country  from  Eng- 
land, when  the  second  congress  assembled  at  Philadelphia,  in  May, 
1775.  The  attention  of  this  honourable  and  patriotic  body  was 
early  engaged  by  the  communications  from  the  provincial  congress 
of  Massachusetts,  stating  the  sufferings  of  the  people,  the  effects  of 
the  battle  of  Lexington  and  Concord,  and  the  threatening  attitude 
of  the  British  troops  in  Boston,  under  the  command  of  Governor 
Gage.  One  of  the  documents  thus  communicated,  was  a  spirited 
address  to  the  people  of  England :  which  the  continental  congress 


ROBERT  TREAT  PAINE.  139 

so  approved,  that  they  ordered  it  to  be  published.  Mr.  Paine  was 
one  of  the  committee,  in  the  provincial  assembly,  for  considering 
the  state  of  the  country,  and  probably  the  principal  agent  in  pre- 
paring it. 

Early  in  this  session,  it  was  proposed  to  appoint  a  general  fast, 
on  account  of  the  troubles  and  dangers  of  the  country.  Mr.  Paine 
was  one  of  the  committee  who  prepared  the  proclamation  for  this 
purpose.  He  was  also  appointed  chairman  of  a  committee  to  in- 
troduce the  manufacture  of  saltpetre,  and  was  indefatigable  in  his 
attention  to  this  subject.  He  consulted  chemists,  wrote  to  many 
influential  characters  in  different  parts  of  the  country,  and  engaged 
people  in  various  towns  throughout  the  provinces,  to  embark  in  the 
manufacture  of  this  article.  Their  experiments  were  very  success- 
ful in  many  places,  and  were  highly  beneficial  to  the  country.  Dur- 
ing this  session  of  congress,  he  was  appointed  one  of  a  committee 
for  encouraging  the  manufacture  of  cannon.  In  this  business  he 
was  also  active  and  persevering;  and  his  services  were  very  im- 
portant in  obtaining  a  supply  for  the  army,  in  this  and  the  follow- 
ing year. 

In  the  autumn  of  this  year,  he  was  deputed,  with  two  other  mem- 
bers of  congress,  to  visit  our  army,  on  the  northern  frontier,  under 
the  command  of  General  Schuyler.  They  were  clothed  with  un- 
limited powers,  as  to  the  increase,  plans,  and  destination  of  the 
troops  in  that  quarter.  This  commission,  which  is  an  evidence  of 
the  confidence  reposed  in  the  committee,  for  talents,  prudence,  and 
decision,  was  discharged  to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  congress.  Soon 
after  this  he  was  appointed  chairman  of  a  committee  to  make  con- 
tracts for  muskets  and  bayonets,  and  for  encouraging  the  manufac- 
ture of  fire-arms. 

The  representatives  of  the  people  of  Massachusetts,  having  been 
advised  by  the  continental  congress  to  form  a  government,  as  simi- 
lar to  their  former  one  as  circumstances  would  permit,  accordingly 
five  of  their  most  learned  and  eminent  lawyers  were  appointed  to 
be  justices  of  the  superior  court  of  judicature,  for  the  province.  Of 
this  court  Mr.  Paine  was  appointed  one  of  the  associates ;  but  con- 
sidering the  situation  which  he  then  held,  as  rendering  equal  service 
to  his  country,  he  declined  the  office.  In  December,  1775,  he  was 
again  chosen  a  delegate  to  the  continental  congress. 

In  the  month  of  April,  1776,  he  was  appointed  one  of  a  commit- 
tee for  procuring  more  cannon  for  the  army.  In  June,  he,  with 
Mr.  Rutledge  and  Mr.  Jefferson,  was  desired  to  report  rules  for  the 
11 


140  ROBERT  TREAT  PAINE. 

conduct  of  congress  in  debate;  in  the  same  month  he  was  appointed, 
with  others,  to  inquire  into  the  causes  of  the  miscarriages  in  Canada ; 
and  on  the  fourth  day  of  July,  when  the  Declaration  of  the  Inde- 
pendence of  the  colonies  was  made  and  published  to  the  world,  he 
was  present  and  gave  his  vote  in  favour  of  the  instrument,  to  which 
he  afterwards  affixed  his  name. 

In  December,  1776,  the  situation  of  the  continental  congress  was 
extremely  critical  and  perilous.  The  British  army,  consisting  of 
six  thousand  and  upwards,  was  making  rapid  advances  through  New 
Jersey  towards  the  city  of  Philadelphia.  The  American  troops, 
under  Washington,  did  not  exceed  two  thousand  five  hundred;  and 
little  assistance  was  to  be  had  from  the  militia  in  the  vicinity.  The 
power  of  the  enemy  deterred  many  from  open  opposition,  and  neu- 
tralized a  great  portion  of  the  people  in  that  part  of  the  country. 
The  judicious  and  resolute  conduct  of  Washington,  at  this  time,  is 
well  known.  The  enemy  were  checked  in  their  progress,  and  pre- 
vented from  taking  possession  of  Philadelphia.  The  alarm  how- 
ever was  so  great,  that  congress  removed  to  Baltimore;  but  con- 
tinued firm  in  their  purpose,  amidst  all  the  dangers  and  difficulties 
which  surrounded  them. 

The  reputation  of  Mr.  Paine,  for  zeal  in  the  cause  of  liberty,  and 
for  talents  and  activity  suited  to  the  great  concerns  of  the  country, 
was  now  as  high  as  that  of  any  man  in  the  state.  He  acted  from 
principle,  and  was  fully  persuaded  of  the  justice  of  the  cause  in 
which  his  country  had  engaged.  He  was  one  of  those  who  never 
wavered  in  the  cause  thus  deliberately  adopted.  And  when  diffi- 
culties increased,  he  was  the  more  resolute  and  active.  He  was 
never,  indeed,  very  conciliatory  in  his  deportment.  There  was  a 
severity  as  well  as  frankness  in  his  manner,  which  sometimes,  un- 
justly, made  him  enemies.  But  he  was  intelligent,  faithful  to  the 
trust  reposed  in  him,  and  unwearied  in  his  efforts  to  be  useful;  and 
he  possessed  a  great  portion  of  that  sound,  discriminating  judg- 
ment, and  practical  wisdom,  which  are  generally  of  more  value 
than  a  talent  for  ingenious  theories,  without  a  faculty  to  carry  into 
execution. 

Mr.  Paine  was  again  elected  a  delegate  to  the  continental  con- 
gress, for  the  years  1777  and  1778.  For  a  part  of  this  period,  also, 
he  filled  some  of  the  highest  offices  in  the  government  of  Massa- 
chusetts. In  June,  1777,  he  was  a  member  of  the  house  of  repre- 
sentatives, and  a  part  of  the  session  acted  as  speaker.  In  the 
course  of  this  year  he  was  appointed  attorney-general,  by  the  una- 


ROBERT    TREAT    PAINE.  141 

nimous  vote  of  the  council  and  house  of  representatives.  In  1778, 
he  was  one  of  a  committee,  on  the  part  of  Massachusetts,  to  meet 
others  from  the  northern  states,  in  New  Haven,  to  regulate  the  price 
of  labour,  provisions,  manufactures,  &c-  This  was  a  period  of 
great  embarrassment  and  perplexity  in  the  country.  The  paper 
money,  which  had  been  issued  to  pay  the  army  and  meet  the  ex- 
penses necessary  to  prosecute  the  war,  had  depreciated  to  one-half  or 
one-fourth  its  nominal  value;  and  the  difficulty  was  increasing.  The 
government  could  not  command  specie  to  pay  their  bills:  they  had, 
of  course,  no  fixed  or  certain  value.  The  articles  of  living  were 
greatly  advanced,  compared  with  the  real  value  of  the  currency. 
The  soldiers  complained:  they  were  unable  to  support  their  fami- 
lies. Nor  could  new  recruits  be  raised,  while  the  currency  of  the 
government  was  at  so  low  an  estimation.  Many  statesmen  were 
opposed  to  any  interference  on  the  part  of  government;  and  con- 
tended that  the  evil  would  soon  remedy  itself,  and  that  laws  on  the 
subject  would  be  without  effect.  Others  who  felt  for  the  sufferings 
of  the  soldiers,  and  believed  it  impossible  to  enlist  new  troops,  unless 
some  measures  were  adopted  to  prevent  the  evil,  and  do  justice  to 
the  army,  were  in  favour  of  applying  legislative  aid.  Mr.  Paine 
was  among  the  latter.  A  law  passed  in  Massachusetts  soon  after, 
to  prevent  oppression  and  monopoly ;  and  to  fix  the  price  of  the 
necessary  articles  of  living,  in  reference  to  which  the  soldiers  should 
have  their  pay  regulated ;  and  as  the  paper  money  became  less 
valuable,  they  were  allowed  a  proportionably  greater  sum,  so  as  not 
to  suffer  by  its  depreciation. 

He  was  a  member  of  the  legislature  of  Massachusetts,  in  Feb^ 
ruary,  1778,  and  one  of  a  committee,  of  that  assembly,  for  pre- 
paring a  form  of  civil  government  or  constitution  for  the  state;  and 
is  reported  to  have  been  the  principal  agent  in  preparing  that  in- 
strument. It  was  not  considered  sufficiently  explicit  by  the  people, 
in  securing  their  political  rights;  and  was  rejected  by  a  large  ma- 
jority of  the  citizens. 

In  January,  1779,  he  was  chosen  one  of  the  executive  council ; 
by  which,  together  with  his  former  appointments,  the  whole  of  his 
time  was  occupied  in  public  business.  The  council  was  then  almost 
constantly  in  session;  and  the  duties  of  his  legal  office  were  like- 
wise arduous,  and  required  much  attention.  In  the  course  of  this 
year  he  was  also  elected  a  delegate  to  the  convention,  called  to  form 
a  constitution  for  the  commonwealth:  and  was  one  of  the  very  re- 
sDectable  committee,   which  prepared   and  reported  the  excellent 


142  ROBERT  TREAT  PAINE. 

instrument,  adopted  by  the  people  in  1780;  and  which  is  still  the 
happy  frame  of  the  government  of  Massachusetts. 

In  the  month  of  October,  in  this  year,  the  government  was  organ- 
ized agreeably  to  the  provisions  and  principles  of  this  constitution. 
Mr.  Paine  was  early  appointed  attorney-general  of  the  common- 
wealth; and  continued  in  that  office  until  1790,  when  he  accepted  a 
seat  on  the  bench  of  the  supreme  judicial  court.  This  appointment 
had  been  offered  him  in  1782,  but  he  had  declined  it  at  that  time, 
because  the  salary  was  insufficient  to  support  his  numerous  family, 
and  all  the  fortune  he  had  previously  acquired  was  sacrificed  by  the 
neglect  that  had  arisen  from  his  long  and  active  career  in  the  public 
service. 

Mr.  Paine  discharged  the  arduous  duties  of  the  office  of  attorney- 
general  with  singular  fidelity  and  great  legal  ability:  and  whatever 
appearance  there  might  be  in  his  deportment  of  severity  or  harsh- 
ness, it  is  well  known  to  his  particular  acquaintance,  that  he  pos- 
sessed a  great  portion  of  the  kind  and  humane  feelings  in  his  cha- 
racter. He  was  charitable  in  his  judgment  of  others,  and  compas- 
sionate towards  the  afflicted  and  unfortunate.  But  of  the  habitually 
and  obstinately  vicious  and  dissolute,  he  was  wont  to  speak  with 
much  indignation  and  severity.  It  has  been  pretended,  that  he  was 
unkind  and  unfeeling  as  a  parent.  Never  was  there  a  more  un- 
founded charge. 

He  held  the  office  of  judge  of  the  supreme  judicial  court,  till  1804, 
when  he  had  attained  the  age  of  seventy-three  years.  He  was  too 
infirm  to  go  the  circuits  of  these  courts,  which  was  a  journey  of 
several  hundred  miles.  And  his  great  deafness  was  also  thought 
to  be  a  disqualification  for  the  office.  He  discharged,  however,  the 
important  duties  of  this  highly  honourable  office,  for  fourteen  years, 
with  great  impartiality  and  fidelity. 

He  was  a  decided  friend  to  the  constitution  of  the  United  States, 
which  he  supported  both  by  his  writings  and  conversations.  He 
employed  his  influence  in  favour  of  the  administrations  of  Washing- 
ton and  Adams;  and  during  the  critical  periods  of  1794  and  1799, 
he  advocated  their  measures  of  government,  which  he  believed  essen- 
tial to  the  interests  of  his  country,  with  great  zeal,  energy,  and 
abilities. 

On  resigning  the  office  of  judge,  he  was  elected  a  counsellor  of 
the  commonwealth  for  1804.  Subsequently  to  this  period,  and  even 
till  his  death,  he  retained  his  mental  faculties  in  great  vigour.  He 
was  intelligent,  inquisitive,  and  judicious.    His  memory  was  remark- 


ROBERT    TREAT    PAINE.  143 

ably  lively  and  powerful;  and  he  would  relate,  with  much  satisfac- 
tion, the  scenes  through  which  he  passed,  connected  both  with  the 
dangers  and  prosperity  of  his  country.  In  conversation  with  old  or 
young,  he  was  sprightly,  communicative,  and  instructive.  He  was 
prone  to  indulge  in  repartee  and  wit;  and  while  he  allowed  himself 
a  playful  severity  towards  others,  he  was  not  offended  in  being  the 
subject  of  similar  raillery. 

Judge  Paine  possessed  much  of  the  peculiar  spirit  of  the  early 
settlers  of  New  England.  He  was  a  patron  of  all  useful  learning, 
and  held  a  high  rank  among  the  literary  men  of  our  country.  He 
was  one  of  the  founders  of  the  American  Academy,  established  in 
Massachusetts  in  1780,  and  was  a  counsellor  of  that  learned  society 
till  his  death.  He  received  also  the  honorary  degree  of  doctor  of 
laws  from  the  university  at  Cambridge. 

He  was  a  decided,  firm  believer  in  the  Christian  revelation.  He 
had  studied  its  evidences,  its  spirit,  and  its  tendency,  and  was  fully 
convinced  of  its  divine  origin.  He  received  it  as  a  system  of  moral 
truth  and  righteousness  given  by  God  for  the  instruction,  reforma- 
tion, consolation,  and  happiness  of  man.  If,  however,  it  did  not 
make  us  virtuous,  benevolent,  and  holy,  he  believed  it  would  not 
eventually  benefit  us ;  but  he  laid  little  stress  on  speculative  opi- 
nions, which  have  so  often  been,  unhappily,  the  occasion  of  bitter 
and  disreputable  contentions  among  professors  of  Christianity. 

Judge  Paine  died  on  the  11th  of  May,  1814,  after  having  attained 
the  age  of  84  years.  We  will  conclude  this  imperfect  memoir,  by 
an  extract  from  a  sermon,  delivered  on  the  occasion,  by  the  Rev. 
Dr.  M'Kean,  before  the  society  of  which  the  Judge  had  long  been 
a  distinguished  and  respected  member.  "  His  intellectual,  moral, 
and  religious  character,  were  strongly  marked  with  sterling  integ- 
rity. Uprightness  eminently  directed  his  usual  course  of  domestic 
and  social  duty.  Justice  was  the  constant  aim  of  his  official  service. 
Of  regular  and  temperate  habits,  and  cheerful  temper,  he  was 
spared  to  a  good  old  age.  He  enjoyed  his  faculties  unimpaired  to 
the  last ;  retained  his  interest  in  his  friends  and  country ;  its  reli- 
gious, civil,  and  literary  institutions ;  rejoiced  in  its  good,  lamented 
its  delusions ;  was  impressed  with  its  dangers,  and  prayed  for  its 
peace." 

H 


ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 


Elbridge  Gerry,  the  fifth  signer  on  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence, and  also  a  delegate  from  the  province  of  Massachusetts 
Bay,  was  born  in  the  small  town  of  Marblehead,  in  that  colony,  in 
the  month  of  July,  1744.  Of  his  family  and  early  history,  we  have 
been  able  to  obtain  but  few  particulars,  and,  indeed,  in  recording 
the  events  of  his  life,  important  and  interesting  as  they  are,  we 
have  greatly  to  regret  the  difficulty  of  obtaining  materials,  beyond 
the  common  and  temporary  records  which  are  open  to  the  public 
inspection. 

The  father  of  Mr.  Gerry  is  said  to  have  been  a  respectable  mer- 
chant of  Marblehead,  and  to  have  acquired  a  considerable  fortune 
by  his  commercial  pursuits.  His  son  was  placed  at  Harvard  Uni- 
versity, where  he  passed  through  the  usual  collegiate  studies  with 
much  literary  reputation  and  success  ;  he  there  received  the  degree 
of  bachelor  of  arts,  in  the  year  1762.  After  leaving  college,  he 
turned  his  attention  to  that  line  of  life  in  which  his  father's  pros- 
perity seemed  to  hold  out  the  greatest  inducements  to  a  young  and 
enterprising  mind.  He  plunged  at  once  into  the  most  active  pur- 
suits of  commerce;  and,  while  yet  young  in  business  and  in  years, 
lie  had  acquired  a  considerable  estate  and  a  very  high  standing  at 
Marblehead. 

These  circumstances,  of  course,  soon  pointed  him  out  for  public 
office,  and,  in  fact,  his  own  inclinations  seem  to  have  been  turned  at 
an  early  period  to  the  political  concerns  of  the  province,  which  were 
daily  becoming  more  and  more  serious  and  important.  On  the 
twenty-sixth  of  May,  1773,  he  took  his  scat  in  the  general  court  of 
Massachusetts  Bay,  as  the  representative  of  his  native  town,  and  he 
became,  from  that  moment,  one  of  the  most  zealous  political  leaders 
of  our  country.  The  time,  indeed,  was  one  of  the  most  extreme 
interest;  and  the  period  had  arrived  in  the  controversy  between 
Great  Britain  and  her  colonies,  when  the  province  was  called  on  to 
take  a  leading  part,  which  demanded  unusual  firmness  and  effort. 
144 


^MWOOD  FORMERLY   THE   RES.OF   ELBR,DGrrr 


N°wE<rs.o£  JMEussrtlLowe 


ELBRIDGE    GERRY.  147 

On  the  twenty-eighth  of  May,  two  days  after  Mr.  Gerry  had 
taken  his  seat  in  the  house,  Mr.  Samuel  Adams  brought  forward 
the  celebrated  resolutions  which  we  have  noticed  in  his  life,  to  ap- 
point a  standing  committee  of  correspondence  and  inquiry,  whose 
business  it  should  be  to  obtain  the  most  early  and  authentic  intelli- 
gence, of  all  such  acts  and  resolutions  of  the  British  parliament,  or 
proceedings  of  administration  as  may  relate  to,  or  affect  the  British 
colonies  in  America;  and  to  keep  up  and  maintain,  a  correspon- 
dence and  communication  with  our  sister  colonies,  respecting  these 
important  considerations;  and  the  result  of  such  their  proceedings, 
from  time  to  time  to  lay  before  the  house. 

Of  this  committee,  Mr.  Gerry  was  chosen  a  member,  a  proof  of 
the  high  standing  and  character  he  had  attained  even  before  he 
entered  the  legislature.  In  all  the  proceedings  of  the  committee  he 
took  an  active  and  prominent  part,  and  as  his  capacious  mind  gra- 
dually unfolded  its  powers,  his  assiduity  and  attention  to  business 
rendered  him  a  most  useful  member  of  the  legislature. 

In  the  month  of  June,  we  find  Mr.  Gerry  warmly  supporting  Mr. 
Adams,  in  the  measures  he  brought  forward  and  pursued  towards 
Governor  Hutchinson,  on  receiving  from  Dr.  Franklin  the  cele- 
brated letters  written  to  England,  with  the  evident  intention  of  in- 
creasing the  bitter  feelings  which  there  existed  against  the  province. 
He  also  zealously  united  himself  with  that  bold  and  distinguished 
patriot  in  most  of  those  resolute  measures,  which  he  introduced 
about  this  period,  and  which  resulted  in  the  overthrow  of  the  royal 
government  of  the  province.  To  trace  these  various  subjects,  would 
be  to  write  the  history  of  Massachusetts  rather  than  the  life  of  Mr. 
Gerry:  for  although  he  was  a  principal  mover  in  them,  it  was  in 
union  with  other  patriots  and  with  the  general  co-operation  of  the 
whole  body  of  the  people.  Through  the  eventful  scenes  which 
marked  the  year  1774,  the  impeachment  of  the  judges,  the  opposi- 
tion to  the  importation  of  tea,  and  to  the  Boston  port  bill,  the  esta- 
blishment of  the  system  of  non-intercourse,  and  the  arrangement 
of  a  close  correspondence  with  the  other  colonies,  he  was  active 
among  the  foremost.  He  also  took  a  decided  part  in  promoting  the 
meetings  which  were  held  in  all  the  large  counties  of  the  province, 
composed  of  committees  from  every  town,  to  express  their  senti- 
ments on  the  alarming  state  of  the  country,  and  to  consult  for  the 
liberties  and  welfare  of  the  people. 

In  the  month  of  August,  General  Gage,  who  had  succeeded 
Governor  Hutchinson  in  the  administration  of  the  colony,  had  issued 


148  ELBRIDGE    GERRY. 

precepts  foi"  the  choice  of  representatives  to  meet  at  Salem,  the 
first  week  in  October.  But  afterwards,  in  consequence  of  the 
county  conventions,  which  proposed  a  provincial  congress,  and  ad- 
vised that  they  should  not  acknowledge  or  act  with  "Mandamus" 
counsellors,  he  declared,  by  proclamation,  that  they  were  excused 
from  assembling.  On  the  recommendation  of  these  county  meetings, 
however,  delegates  were  chosen  from  all  the  towns ;  and  assembled 
at  Salem  on  the  seventh  of  October.  Neither  the  governor  nor  the 
council  appeared  to  administer  the  usual  oaths:  and  had  they  at- 
tended with  that  view,  the  delegates,  no  doubt,  would  have  declined 
taking  them.  They  formed  themselves  into  a  provincial  congress; 
and,  in  this  body,  Mr.  Gerry  was  one  of  the  most  active  and  effi- 
cient members. 

This  assembly  was  composed  of  patriotic  and  resolute  men,  pre- 
pared for  any  measure  which  should  be  deemed  wise  or  proper  for 
the  restoration  or  defence  of  their  violated  lights.  They  continued 
to  meet  by  adjournments  from  time  to  time  during  the  month,  and 
to  consult  and  adopt  measures  for  the  defence  and  safety  of  the 
province.  They  declared  the  counsellors  appointed  by  the  king  and 
ministry  unconstitutional;  they  recommended  the  people  to  refrain, 
as  much  as  possible,  from  purchasing  imported  articles  and  goods 
of  every  description ;  the  constables  and  collectors  of  taxes  were 
ordered  not  to  pay  any  sums  to  the  treasurer  of  the  province,  who 
had  then  become  less  opposed  to  the  policy  of  ministers,  and  would 
be  likely  to  pay  over  the  same  to  the  officers  of  the  crown;  but  to 
retain  it,  and  to  pay  it  afterwards,  as  the  congress  might  direct. 
An  estimate  was  made  of  the  sum  necessary  to  be  expended  in  pro- 
viding ordnance  and  military  stores,  in  addition  to  the  quantity  then 
belonging  to  the  province,  and  the  estimated  amount  was  twenty 
thousand  pounds. 

They  solemnly  declared,  that,  in  their  opinion,  nothing,  except 
slavery,  was  more  to  be  deprecated  than  hostilities  with  Great  Bri- 
tain ;  and  they  proceeded  to  choose  an  executive  committee,  with 
authority  to  call  out,  assemble,  and  put  in  military  array,  any  por- 
tion of  the  militia  of  the  province,  for  the  protection  of  the  citizens. 

On  the  first  of  February  following,  a  second  provincial  congress 
met  at  Cambridge,  to  which  Mr.  Gerry  was  also  a  delegate.  This 
body,  as  did  the  former,  made  a  public  appeal  to  the  patriotism  of 
the  people.  Much  of  the  business  of  the  congress,  and  indeed  of 
all  the  legislative  bodies  in  those  days,  was  prepared  and  arranged 
by  committees.     Of  these,  Mr.  Gerry  was  a  principal  member,  and 


ELBRIDGE    GERRY.  149 

we  find  him  constantly  associated  in  them,  with  the  most  distin- 
guished citizens  of  the  province.  The  two  great  committees  were 
those  of  safety  and  supplies;  and  in  both  of  them,  he  was  very 
active.  In  the  spring  of  1775,  indeed,  this  activity  became  abso- 
lutely necessary.  There  was  a  strong  apprehension  that  troops 
would  be  sent  to  places  where  military  stores  were  deposited,  to 
remove  them  to  the  capital.  The  committee  of  safety,  therefore, 
selected  several  persons  to  give  notice  of  any  movements  of  the 
British  from  Boston  into  the  country;  and  placed  a  watch  at  Con- 
cord and  at  Worcester,  where  provisions  and  military  articles  were 
chiefly  collected,  for  the  purpose  of  giving  an  alarm  to  the  surround- 
ing country,  on  the  report  of  any  such  expedition.  Some  of  the 
cannon  were  ordered  from  Concord  to  Groton,  and  some  were  re- 
moved from  Worcester  to  Leicester.  The  committee  for  supplies, 
chosen  some  time  before,  was  also  engaged  in  procuring  powder, 
fire-arms,  bayonets,  and  flints,  as  well  as  various  articles  of  provi- 
sions, to  be  in  readiness  for  a  large  body  of  the  militia,  should  it 
be  necessary  to  call  them  out  for  the  defence  of  the  province. 
Scarcely  had  these  measures  been  adopted,  when  the  bloody  scenes 
of  Lexington  and  Concord  occurred,  and  the  war  which  had  been 
so  long  dreaded,  bat  which  also  had  been  so  long  inevitable,  actually 
commenced.  About  this  period,  a  circumstance  occurred  with  regard 
to  the  subject  of  our  memoir,  which,  as  it  has  been  preserved  by  tra- 
dition, is  worthy  of  insertion.  The  committees  of  safety  and  supplies 
had  been  sitting  at  Cambridge  on  the  day  preceding  the  battle  of 
Lexington,  and  had  adjourned  before  night;  but  Mr.  Gerry,  with 
Colonels  Lee  and  Orne,  being  at  a  distance  from  their  houses,  de- 
termined to  remain  there  till  the  next  morning.  In  the  middle  of 
the  night,  they  were  alarmed  by  the  approach  of  the  British  troops, 
on  their  march  to  Concord.  When  the  main  body  came  opposite 
the  house  in  which  these  important  committees  had  been  sitting,  a 
file  of  soldiers  was  unexpectedly  detached  and  ordered  to  surround 
the  house,  for  the  purpose  of  taking  prisoners  such  of  the  committee 
as  might  be  there.  With  great  difficulty  and  good  fortune,  these 
gentlemen  escaped  with  scarcely  any  covering  but  their  shirts,  and 
concealed  themselves  till  the  search  was  over.  They  afterwards 
returned  to  spread  the  alarm  among  the  citizens,  and  impel  them 
to  the  noble  resistance  of  that  memorable  day.  Mr.  Gerry  con- 
tinued for  some  time  an  active  and  influential  member  of  these 
committees,  and  was  the  intimate  friend  and  confidant  of  the  revered 
General  Warren. 

12  ii  2 


150  ELBRIDGE    GERRY. 

On  the  night  preceding  that  gentleman's  departure  for  Bunker 
Hill,  the  two  patriots  retired  to  the  same  bed;  the  night  was  passed 
in  a  restless  anxiety  for  their  country,  and  the  last  words  of  this 
martyred  hero  before  his  departure  for  the  "awful  heights,"  were 
addressed  to  his  heart's  best  friend,  with  a  melancholy  presentiment 
of  his  fate. 

Dulce  et  decorum  est, 
Pro  patria  mori 

Mr.  Gerry  attended  his  duty  that  day  in  the  provincial  congress, 
then  sitting  in  Watertown,  and  General  Warren  followed  where  his 
duty  called  him,  to  the  memorable  heights  of  Bunker,  where  he  fell 
a  martyr  in  the  cause  of  liberty. 

Mr.  Gerry  was,  some  time  after  this,  appointed  by  the  provincial 
legislature,  judge  of  the  court  of  admiralty,  but  declined  the  office. 
On  a  new  election,  on  the  eighteenth  of  January,  1776,  for  dele- 
gates to  serve  in  the  continental  congress,  then  in  session  at  Phila- 
delphia, he  was  chosen  in  company  with  Hancock,  the  Adamses,  and 
Paine,  and  took  his  seat  in  that  venerable  body,  on  the  ninth  of 
February  following.  During  the  spring  of  this  year,  we  find  Mr. 
Gerry  on  several  important  committees;  on  the  standing  committee 
for  superintending  the  treasury,  certainly  at  that  period  the  most 
laborious  and  important  of  all  the  duties  of  congress ;  on  that  for 
reporting  the  best  ways  and  means  of  supplying  the  army  in  Canada 
with  provisions  and  necessaries;  on  those  appointed  to  inquire  and 
report  the  best  ways  and  means  of  raising  the  necessary  supplies 
to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  war  for  the  present  year,  over  and 
above  the  emission  of  bills  of  credit;  to  devise  the  ways  and  means 
for  raising  ten  millions  of  dollars;  to  repair  to  head  quarters  near 
New  York,  and  inquire  into  the  state  of  the  army,  and  the  best 
means  of  supplying  their  wants;  to  form  plans  for  the  arrangement 
of  the  treasury  department,  and  the  better  conducting  the  executive 
business  of  congress,  by  boards  composed  of  persons  not  members 
of  that  body;  and  on  several  others  requiring  much  personal  atten- 
tion, resource,  and  promptness  in  the  transaction  of  business.  He 
brought  very  pointedly  before  the  house,  the  subject  of  regulating 
and  restricting  the  sutlers  who  supplied  the  army.  These,  with 
various  other  acts  equally  honourable,  among  which  we  are  to  in- 
clude the  signature  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  distin- 
guished the  first  term  of  Mr.  Gerry's  public  service  in  congress, 
which  closed  with  the  year  1776. 

Before  this  term,  however,  had  expired,  his  fellow  citizens,  grati- 


ELBEIDGE    GERRY.  151 

fied  with  the  course  he  had  pursued,  had  again  elected  him,  and 
looking  forward  with  bolder  views,  had  given  him  instructions  in 
which  the  latent  principles  of  those  of  the  preceding  year  were  fully 
developed.  With  these  credentials,  he  took  his  seat  in  congress  a 
second  time,  on  the  ninth  of  January,  1777,  and  resumed,  or  rather 
continued  the  active  duties  of  the  preceding  year.  We  find  him  a 
member  of  various  committees.  On  the  fifth  of  July,  1777,  con- 
gress resolved  that  a  new  body,  to  be  styled  "  the  committee  of  com- 
merce," should  be  appointed,  to  consist  of  five  members ;  that  this 
committee  should  be  vested  with  the  powers  granted  to  the  secret 
committee,  and  they  directed  the  members  of  the  late  secret  com- 
mittee to  settle  and  close  their  accounts,  and  transfer  the  balances 
to  the  committee  of  commerce.  Of  this  body  Mr.  Gerry  was  a 
member;  it  was  a  post,  indeed,  for  which  his  previous  employments 
seemed  peculiarly  to  adapt  him.  A  few  weeks  after  this  appoint- 
ment, he  was  suddenly  called  on  to  leave  Philadelphia,  and  repair 
to  the  main  army  under  General  Washington,  where  some  difficul- 
ties had  arisen  from  improper  management  in  the  department  of 
the  commissary;  Mr.  Livingston  and  Mr.  Clymer  were  associated 
with  him,  and  congress  vested  them  with  full  authority  to  make 
whatever  provision  the  exigency  and  importance  of  the  case  might 
demand. 

It  would,  however,  be  vain  to  attempt  to  trace  Mr.  Gerry  through 
his  various  public  employments  whilst  in  congress.  We  have  but 
little  left  even  to  point  out  what  they  were,  and  we  must  remain  con- 
tent with  the  few  and  imperfect  accounts  with  which  the  journals 
supply  us.  In  the  disastrous  autumn  and  winter  of  1777,  he  fol- 
lowed the  fortunes  of  congress,  driven  as  it  was  from  Philadelphia 
to  Lancaster,  and  from  Lancaster  to  Yorktown.  He  took  part  in 
the  interesting  debates  which  so  long  engaged  the  time  of  the  house, 
in  settling  the  articles  of  confederation  between  the  different  states, 
and  exerted  all  his  political  and  personal  influence  to  effect  a  mea- 
sure which  the  critical  situation  of  the  country  would  not  allow 
longer  to  be  delayed.  He  strongly  opposed  the  plan  which  was  in- 
troduced about  this  time,  of  depriving  the  small  states  of  their 
equal  representation  in  congress,  and  allowing  votes  in  proportion 
to  population;  he  was  too  well  aware  that  such  a  step  was  fraught 
with  innumerable  evils  on  the  ground  of  policy,  if  no  regard  even  was 
to  be  paid  to  the  fair  claims  of  equal  and  undisputed  sovereignty. 

In  November,  1777,  we  find  Mr.  Gerry  on  a  committee,  reporting 
a  plan  for  the  operations  of  the  northern  army  under  General  Gates, 


152  ELBRIDGE    GERRY. 

which  led  the  way  to  those  measures  that  terminated  in  the  glorious 
defeat  and  capture  of  Burgoyne. 

As  the  winter  approached,  the  condition  of  the  army  became  a 
subject  of  great  interest,  and  demanded  immediate  attention.  Not- 
withstanding the  large  quantities  of  clothing  which  had  seasonably 
been  ordered  from  Europe  for  the  armies  of  the  United  States,  such 
had  been  the  obstructions,  from  a  variety  of  causes,  that  an  ade 
quate  supply  had  not  been  imported,  and  it  had  become  necessary 
that  immediate  provision  should  be  made  to  defend  the  troops  from 
the  inclemency  of  the  winter,  and  to  prevent  future  disappointments 
of  the  like  nature.  With  this  view,  a  resolution  was  brought  for- 
ward, and  warmly  supported  by  Mr.  Gerry,  recommending  the  sub- 
ject to  the  different  states;  urging  them  to  procure,  in  addition  to 
the  allowances  of  clothing  heretofore  made  by  congress,  supplies  of 
blankets,  shoes,  stockings,  shirts,  and  other  clothing  for  the  com- 
fortable subsistence  of  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  their  respective 
battalions.  He  seems,  indeed,  to  have  particularly  interested  him- 
self in  the  situation  of  the  army;  for  we  find  him  at  this  period  on 
a  committee  appointed  to  devise  ways  and  means  for  providing  a 
sufficient  supply  of  provisions  for  the  army;  on  another,  to  inquire 
in  what  manner  the  department  of  the  clothier-general  had  been 
executed,  and  report  such  regulations  as  appeared  necessary  to  be 
adopted  for  the  better  execution  of  that  office  ;  and  finally,  instructed 
by  a  unanimous  resolution,  with  Mr.  Morris  and  Mr.  Jones,  forth- 
with to  repair  to  the  army,  and,  in  a  private  confidential  consulta- 
tion with  General  Washington,  to  consider  of  the  best  and  most 
practicable  means  for  carrying  on  a  winter's  campaign  with  vigour 
and  success,  an  object  which  congress  had  much  at  heart ;  and  on 
such  consultation,  with  the  concurrence  of  General  Washington,  to 
direct  every  measure  which  circumstances  required  for  promoting 
the  public  service. 

On  the  first  of  January,  1778,  Mr.  Gerry  took  his  seat  a  third 
time  in  congress,  having  been  elected  by  the  general  assembly  on 
the  fourth  of  December  preceding.  He  had  scarcely  appeared, 
when  we  find  him  taking  a  prominent  part  in  the  affairs  which  arose 
out  of  the  defeat  and  capitulation  of  the  British  army  at  Saratoga; 
a  measure  that  had  been  the  result  of  a  plan  of  operations,  in  form- 
ing which,  as  we  have  already  seen,  he  had  been  very  zealous  and 
efficient.  The  terms  of  the  convention  had  been  as  favourable  and 
honourable  as  the  vanquished  could  expect ;  the  conduct  of  the  Ame- 
rican army  to  the  unfortunate  British  troops  had  been  marked  with 


ELBRIDGE    GERRY.  153 

generosity  and  kindness;  and  while  awaiting  the  time  of  embarka- 
tion, every  thing  was  done  for  them  that  could  have  been  reason- 
ably demanded.  On  some  frivolous  complaint,  however,  made  by 
a  few  officers,  General  Burgoyne  chose  to  accuse  the  American 
government  with  a  violation  of  the  convention,  and  in  a  letter  to 
General  Gates,  on  the  fourteenth  of  November,  went  so  far  as  to 
declare  that  the  public  faith  was  broken.  Mr.  Gerry  plainly  saw 
the  consequences  to  which  such  false  scruples  would  lead;  and  that 
much  of  the  glory  and  utility  of  an  event  which  had  secured  the 
hopes  of  America  with  foreign  nations,  would  be  lost  for  ever.  He 
therefore  warmly  advocated  a  decisive  course,  and  fortunately  for  the 
country  it  was  adopted ;  a  resolution  was  passed,  that  the  embarka- 
tion of  Lieutenant-General  Burgoyne,  and  the  troops  under  his  com- 
mand, should  be  suspended  till  a  distinct  and  explicit  ratification  of 
the  convention  of  Saratoga  should  be  properly  notified  by  the  court 
of  Great  Britain.  The  subsequent  conduct  of  the  British  govern- 
ment, temporizing  and  evasive,  proved  at  once  the  justice  and  policy 
of  these  measures. 

During  the  year  1778,  Mr.  Gerry  renewed  his  exertions  to  im- 
prove the  state  and  conduct  of  the  commissary  and  hospital  depart-' 
ments  of  the  army;  two  branches  of  the  military  art,  of  paramount 
importance  to  the  common  soldiers,  but  greatly  liable  to  neglect  and 
abuse.  He  also  exerted  all  his  efforts  to  obtain  an  allowance  for 
the  soldiers,  after  their  term  of  service  had  expired,  not  only  those 
who  were  citizens  of  the  United  States,  but  the  foreigners  who  had 
united  their  fortunes  with  them.  No  officer,  however  high,  escaped 
his  vigilant  inquiries  into  the  performance  of  his  duties;  every  act 
of  oppression  or  misconduct  which  came  to  his  knowledge  was 
brought  promptly  before  congress,  and  fairly  and  fully  investigated. 
The  military  committees  of  congress  found  him  an  active  member, 
or  a  ready  coadjutor,  and  the  soldiers  knew  him  as  their  steady 
advocate  and  friend. 

In  addition  to  his  services  on  military  affairs,  Mr.  Gerry,  in  July, 
was  appointed  on  a  committee  to  which  was  referred  a  plan  for  the 
establishment  of  a  new  treasury  board  or  department;  in  August, 
we  find  him,  with  several  other  members,  directed  to  examine  the 
state  of  the  money  and  finances  of  the  country,  and  make  report 
relative  to  them  from  time  to  time;  and  in  September,  a  report  of 
the  treasury  board  was  referred  to  him  and  two  other  delegates, 
relating  to  a  confederal  fund,  and  the  mode  of  issuing  and  account- 
ing for  loan-office  certificates.     It  was  in  the  following  spring,  that 


154  ELBRIDGE    GERRY. 

the  difficulties  with  regard  to  the  American  ministers  and  commis- 
sioners in  Europe,  which  have  been  alluded  to  in  the  life  of  John 
Adams,  arose,  and  a  grand  committee  was  appointed  by  congress, 
consisting  of  one  delegate  from  every  state,  with  directions  to  take 
the  subject  into  full  consideration.  This  they  did,  and,  as  appears 
by  their  report,  with  no  undecided  spirit.  Whatever  may  have  been 
the  evils  complained  of,  they  seem  to  have  probed  them  deeply,  and 
advised  the  strongest  course  for  their  immediate  remedy.  They 
declared  it  as  their  opinion  to  congress,  that  ministers  plenipoten- 
tiary were  only  necessary  at  that  time  at  the  courts  of  Versailles 
and  Madrid;  that  in  the  course  of  their  examination  and  inquiry, 
they  found  many  complaints  against  the  commissioners,  and  the 
political  and  commercial  agency  of  Mr.  Deane;  which  complaints, 
with  the  evidence  in  support  of  them,  they  delivered  over  and  refer- 
red to  the  decision  of  the  house.  That  suspicions  and  animosities 
had  arisen  among  the  commissioners  themselves,  which  might  be 
highly  prejudicial  to  the  honour  and  interests  of  the  United  States. 
They  advised,  therefore,  that  the  appointments  of  the  commission- 
ers should  be  vacated,  and  new  appointments  made;  that  there 
'should  be  but  one  plenipotentiary  minister  or  commissioner  for  the 
United  States  at  a  foreign  court ;  that  no  plenipotentiary  minister 
or  commissioner  for  the  United  States,  while  he  acted  as  such, 
should  exercise  any  other  public  office;  and  that  no  person  should 
be  appointed  plenipotentiary  minister  or  commissioner  for  the  United 
States,  who  was  not  a  citizen  of  them,  and  who  had  not  a  fixed  and 
permanent  interest  therein.  This  report  gave  rise  to  a  long  and 
warm  debate,  in  which  Mr.  Gerry  took  a  very  leading  part,  anxious 
as  he  was  to  check,  in  the  outset,  a  line  of  conduct  which  could  not 
but  embarrass  us  in  our  new  relations,  and  might  ultimately  prove 
injurious  to  the  honour  and  interests  of  the  United  States. 

For  two  or  three  months  succeeding  this  period,  Mr.  Gerry  ap- 
pears to  have  been  absent  from  the  house,  probably  called  away  by 
the  situation  of  his  private  affairs,  which  his  long  and  continued 
attention  to  public  duties  had  considerably  deranged.  In  the  sum- 
mer, however,  he  returned;  and  we  find  him  almost  immediately  at 
his  favourite  topic,  the  assistance  of  the  army.  He  was  appointed 
chairman  of  a  committee  on  the  subject,  and  soon  brought  in  a  set 
of  honourable  and  useful  resolutions,  which,  being  adopted,  infused 
new  spirit  into  the  army,  and  were  no  unimportant  cause  of  our 
subsequent  success. 

He  was  also,   about  this  time,  appointed  with  Mr.  Morris  and 


ELBRIDGE    GERRY.  155 

Mr.  Dickinson,  to  prepare  a  letter  to  the  several  states,  mentioning 
to  them  the  evident  intentions  of  the  British  to  commence  the  en- 
suing campaign  with  new  vigour,  and  urging  them  to  strong  efforts. 
"It  is  proper  you  should  be  informed,"  say  they,  "that  our  allies 
were  much  concerned  to  find,  that  preparations  were  not  earlier 
made  for  a  vigorous  campaign.  The  exertions  of  America  are 
necessary  to  obtain  the  great  objects  of  the  alliance,  her  liberty, 
sovereignty,  and  independence." 

On  the  fourteenth  of  October,  1779,  Mr.  Gerry  offered  to  con- 
gress a  resolution,  which  was  immediately  adopted,  relative  to  the 
late  Indian  wars.  For  the  permanent  security  of  the  frontier  in- 
habitants, it  was  resolved,  in  the  year  1779,  to  carry  a  decisive 
expedition  into  the  Indian  country.  A  considerable  body  of  conti- 
nental troops  was  selected  for  this  purpose,  and  put  under  the  com- 
mand of  General  Sullivan,  who  won  a  signal  victory  over  them ; 
and  our  frontier  settlements  were  restored  to  at  least  a  comparative 
tranquillity. 

About  this  period,  Mr.  Gerry  offered  as  a  resolution,  that  "  as  it 
might  be  highly  injurious  to  the  interests  of  these  United  States,  to 
permit  candidates  for  public  offices  to  vote  in,  or  otherwise  influence 
their  own  elections ;  that  congress  will  not  appoint  any  member 
thereof  during  the  time  of  his  sitting,  or  within  six  months  after  he 
shall  have  been  in  congress,  to  any  office  under  the  said  states,  for 
which  he,  or  any  other  for  his  benefit,  may  receive  any  salary,  fees, 
or  other  emolument."  This  he  twice  brought  before  the  house,  and 
urged  it  with  all  the  strength  of  his  talents,  but  without  success. 

In  the  year  1780,  Mr.  Gerry  retired  from  congress,  in  which  he 
had  served  five  years,  with  no  small  personal  inconvenience,  and 
greatly  to  the  injury  of  his  private  affairs.  In  the  most  trying 
moments  his  courage  and  constancy  remained  unshaken,  and  his 
determination  never  for  a  moment  wavered,  to  protect  the  indepen- 
dence and  maintain  the  freedom  of  his  country  at  every  hazard. 
To  the  amelioration  and  protection  of  its  safeguard,  the  army,  his 
zealous,  his  unwearied  efforts  were  constantly  exerted ;  during  the 
whole  period  that  he  sat  in  the  revolutionary  congress,  he  received 
and  deserved  the  emphatic  title  of  the  soldier's  friend.  General 
Washington  depended  on  no  one  with  more  confidence  for  the  pro- 
motion of  his  plans  Juan  on  Mr.  Gerry,  and  his  confidence  was  never 
disappointed.  In  almost  every  principal  measure  relative  to  the 
military  affairs  of  the  times,  he  was  conspicuous  and  useful;  he 
even  indeed  exceeded  the  limits  of  his  duty,  perhaps  his  prudence 


156  ELBEIDGE    GERRY. 

as  a  statesman;  for,  when  called  accidentally  to  the  army,  he  went 
so  far  as  to  enter  its  ranks.  He  solicited  employment  from  Gene- 
ral Washington,  and  was  allowed  by  him  to  exercise  a  command 
during  the  period  he  remained  with  the  army,  as  a  volunteer. 

Another  subject  by  which  Mr.  Gerry's  congressional  career  is  dis- 
tinguished, at  the  period  of  which  we  speak,  was  his  earnest  atten- 
tion to  the  public  treasury;  and  this  is  indeed  fully  proved  by  the 
facts  which  have  been  already  enumerated.  On  all  subjects  of 
finance,  he  was  able  and  eminent.  His  clear  and  penetrating  mind 
could  unravel  the  perplexities  of  a  system,  more  confused  and  en- 
tangled than  any  other  which  has  ever  fallen  within  our  knowledge, 
and  his  invention  and  ingenuity  were  in  constant  demand,  to  develope 
or  apply  the  resources  of  the  country.  In  a  letter  written  several 
years  since  by  Mr.  Adams,  the  late  president  of  the  United  States, 
he  bears  public  testimony  to  the  skill  of  Mr.  Gerry  in  these  subjects, 
and  bestows  on  him  the  praise  of  originating,  while  a  member  of 
the  committee  of  finance,  the  most  valuable  provisions  of  the  pre- 
sent system. 

The  state  of  Massachusetts  would  not,  however,  long  permit  the 
absence  of  Mr.  Gerry  from  the  theatre  of  his  well-earned  fame.  On 
the  twenty-seventh  of  June,  1783,  by  a  joint  ballot  of  both  houses 
of  assembly,  he  was  elected,  and  on  the  fourteenth  of  August  fol- 
lowing, again  took  his  seat  as  a  delegate  from  that  state  in  congress, 
where  he  recommenced  the  active  career  of  public  usefulness  which 
he  had  pursued  at  a  preceding  period.  Scarcely,  however,  had  he 
resumed  his  duties,  when  a  subject  in  which  he  had  formerly  taken 
so  deep  an  interest,  was  again  brought  to  his  attention,  and  in  a 
manner  not  a  little  embarrassing.  This  subject  was  the  compensa- 
tion of  the  troops.  Congress,  in  the  year  1780,  resolved,  that  the 
officers  of  the  army,  who  should  continue  therein  during  the  war, 
should  be  entitled  to  half  pay  for  life;  and  at  the  same  time  re- 
solved, that  all  such  as  should  retire  therefrom,  in  consequence  of 
the  new  arrangement  which  was  then  ordered  to  take  place,  should 
be  entitled  to  the  same  benefit;  of  this  half  pay,  a  commutation  was 
afterwards  proposed,  by  which  five  years'  whole  pay  was  granted  in 
lieu  of  the  half  pay.  A  measure  of  this  nature,  so  far  from  being 
obnoxious  to  censure,  would  seem  to  be  a  sacred  duty;  a  small 
return,  indeed,  to  those  whose  services  were  beyond  price,  since  no 
price  could  have  induced  an  army  to  endure  the  fatigues,  the  disas- 
ters, and  the  neglected  sufferings  of  the  American  soldiery,  had  they 
not  been  inspired  with  sentiments  which  raised  them  far  above  a 


ELBRIDGE    GERRY.  157 

mercenary  band.  By  some  of  the  states,  however,  the  course  adopt- 
ed by  congress  was  regarded  as  extravagant  and  partial ;  wearied, 
perhaps,  and  exhausted  by  the  prolonged  expenses  of  the  war,  they 
were  angry  that  peace  did  not  bring  with  it  the  entire  relaxation  of 
their  burdens  ;  and  forgetful  of  the  ills  from  which  they  had  been 
saved,  they  regarded  a  pension  to  the  disbanded  troops  as  a  pay- 
ment without  equivalent.  In  these  opinions,  the  state  of  Massa- 
chusetts took  the  lead,  and  had  addressed  a  letter  to  congress,  in 
which  they  were  freely  expressed.  It  was  referred  to  a  committee, 
who  made  report  thereon;  it  was  warmly  and  zealously  debated; 
and  it  was  again  referred  to  a  committee.  In  the  mean  time,  Sir. 
Gerry  had  become  a  member  of  the  house;  his  former  situation,  his 
peculiar  knowledge  and  interest  in  the  subject,  and  the  section  of 
the  country  whence  he  came,  all  made  it  desirable  that  his  views 
should  be  known.  He  was  accordingly  placed  on  a  committee  with 
Mr.  Huntingdon  and  Mr.  Foster,  and  the  matter  was  again  ex- 
amined anew.  On  the  twenty-fifth  of  September,  their  report  was 
taken  up  by  the  house,  and  agreed  to  by  a  considerable  majority. 
In  it  they  replied  firmly,  and  with  much  propriety,  to  the  observa- 
tions made  by  the  state  of  Massachusetts.  Without  dwelling  on 
the  reasonableness  and  justice  of  the  provision  itself,  they  observed 
that  it  had  been  granted  at  a  critical  period  of  the  war,  when  our 
finances  were  embarrassed,  our  credit  impaired,  our  army  distressed, 
the  officers  discontented,  and  resignations  so  general,  as  to  threaten 
the  dissolution  of  a  corps  on  whose  military  experience  the  public 
safety,  in  the  judgment  of  the  commander-in-chief,  greatly  depended. 
No  doubt  could  be  entertained  but  that  congress  were  of  opinion  that 
this  was  the  only  provision,  by  means  of  which  they  could  establish 
a  military  force,  sufficient  to  protect  the  country  against  the  dangers 
that  surrounded  it;  and  although  it  was  to  be  regretted  that  such  a 
provision  had  given  uneasiness  to  the  state  of  Massachusetts,  yet 
its  propriety  was  proved  by  experience,  and  its  result  was  that 
brilliant  success  which  had  hastened  the  blessings  of  an  honour- 
able peace. 

From  this  period,  during  the  remainder  of  the  year,  we  find  Mr. 
Gerry's  attention  directed  to  all  the  chief  objects  in  which  the  policy 
of  the  country  was  involved.  The  arrangement  of  several  points 
of  foreign  negotiation ;  the  permanent  residence  of  congress ;  the 
payment  and  discharge  of  the  gallant  foreigners  who  had  joined  our 
army  during  the  revolution;  the  settlement  of  bounty  lands  on  the 
discharged  soldiery;  and  the  formation  of  treaties  with  the  Indians. 
13  I 


158  ELBRIDGE    GERRY. 

.  During  the  year  1784,  Mr.  Gerry  continued  to  be  a  member  of 
congress.  In  March,  he  appears  as  chairman  of  a  committee,  on 
which  were  Mr.  Jefferson,  and  other  distinguished  gentlemen,  to 
whom  were  referred  several  points  of  our  foreign  relations.  Shortly 
afterwards,  he  was  appointed  a  member  of  the  grand  committee 
instructed  to  revise  the  institution  of  the  treasury  department,  and 
report  whatever  alterations  they  should  think  necessary.  This  task 
proved  one  of  immense  labour  and  intricacy,  and  is  the  subject  of 
many  long  reports,  which,  however  instructive  to  a  financier,  would 
afford  but  little  interest  to  a  general  reader.  More  pleasure  will 
be  felt  by  all,  in  learning  the  efforts  of  Mr.  Gerry  to  befriend  the 
most  disinterested  of  her  benefactors,  Baron  Steuben.  At  the  close 
of  the  war,  he  had  addressed  a  letter  to  congress,  enclosing  his  re- 
signation, and  on  his  so  doing,  a  committee  had  been  appointed, 
who  proposed  to  give  him,  as  a  compensation  for  his  services,  thir- 
teen thousand  dollars,  exclusive  of  his  pay.  Mr.  Gerry,  however, 
thought  that  to  such  a  man,  an  act  of  more  prompt  liberality  was 
due,  and  he  proposed,  in  lieu  of  the  report  of  the  committee,  the 
following  resolution:  "Resolved,  That  the  superintendant  of  finance 
be  directed  to  issue  securities,  bearing  an  annual  interest  of  six  per 
cent.,  and  payable  as  other  debts  due  to  the  army,  to  the  said 
Major-General  Baron  Steuben,  to  the  amount  of  forty-five  thousand 
dollars,  in  full  of  all  sums  due  to  him  for  pay,  arrearages  of  pay, 
rations,  subsistence,  half  pay  or  commutation,  and  of  all  other  de- 
mands for  services  and  sacrifices  in  the  cause  of  the  United  States." 
This  resolution,  however,  was  not  adopted  ;  but  a  barren  vote  of 
thanks  was  passed  some  days  after,  leaving  the  payment  of  a  debt 
of  gratitude  and  honour  "  to  be  liquidated  by  the  proper  officers." 
Indignant  at  such  a  proceeding,  Mr.  Gerry  renewed  his  efforts,  sup- 
ported by  Mr.  Jefferson,  that  the  sum  often  thousand  dollars  should 
be  presented  to  the  noble  foreigner:   but  this  also  was  rejected. 

On  the  thirtieth  of  April,  Mr.  Gerry  presented  a  report,  to  con- 
gress, of  much  importance.  It  related  to  the  commercial  regula- 
tions of  the  states,  and  to  the  power  to  be  exercised  by  that  body 
on  such  matters;  a  subject  which,  since  the  termination  of  the  war, 
had  become  highly  interesting.  He  proposed  that  the  states  should 
vest  in  congress,  for  fifteen  years,  a  power  to  prohibit  imports  or 
exports  by  any  nation,  not  in  alliance  with  us;  and  a  resolution  to 
that  effect  was  adopted. 

On  the  sixth  of  December,  1784,  Mr.  Gerry  took  his  seat  in  the 
old  congress,  for  the  last  term  during  which  he  served  in  that  vene- 


ELBRIDGE    GERRY.  159 

rable  body,  but  he  held  the  same  prominent  station,  and  took  the 
same  active  part  in  its  proceedings,  which  he  had  done  in  busier 
times.  He  served  on  a  committee  for  expediting  the  settlement  of 
public  accounts;  for  adjusting  the  claims  of  Virginia  against  the 
United  States;  for  remedying  the  irregular  representation  of  the 
states  in  congress;  and  many  others  of  much  dignity  and  honour. 
Before  he  left  this  theatre  of  his  reputation,  he  had  also  the  satis- 
faction to  find  that  one  measure  to  which  he  had  at  a  former  period 
devoted  much  of  his  attention,  and  which  he  still  had  very  seriously 
at  heart,  had  attracted  the  favourable  notice  of  those  whom  he  re- 
presented, although  he  had  not  been  able  to  prevail  on  congress 
itself  to  coincide  in  its  views.  It  may  be  recollected  that  five  years 
before,  he  had  offered  a  resolution  whose  object  was  to  prevent  the 
appointment  of  members  of  congress  to  any  office  under  the  states, 
from  which  they  were  to  receive  emoluments.  He  had  since  urged 
it  on  the  house,  but  had  been  twice  defeated.  Since  then,  his  hopes 
of  its  passage  had  laid  dormant,  until  his  own  state,  convinced  of 
the  propriety  of  the  measure,  determined  to  sanction  the  views  of 
her  delegate  by  her  approbation,  and  to  aid  them  by  her  influence. 
She  accordingly  took  up  the  subject  with  spirit,  and  addressed  a 
series  of  instructions  on  the  subject  to  her  representatives. 

Thus  closed,  in  September,  1785,  the  political  career  of  Mr.  Gerry 
in  the  old  revolutionary  congress.  In  it  he  had  served  through  sea- 
sons of  various  difficulty  and  suffering,  maintaining  in  them  all  the 
same  character  with  which  he  had  entered  on  political  life — that 
of  an  active  and  resolute  statesman.  Among  men  who  are  now 
regarded  as  something  above  the  race  of  ordinary  politicians,  he 
took  an  equal  stand  at  the  first,  and  preserved  it  to  the  last.  He 
retired  with  the  esteem  and  affection  of  those  with  whom  he  had 
served,  and  by  whom  he  had  been  chosen;  and  fatigued  with  the 
long  series  of  unceasing  exertion,  he  sought  in  the  calmer  occupa- 
tions of  rural  leisure,  that  repose  which  for  many  years  had  been 
unknown  to  him.  He  fixed  his  residence  at  Cambridge,  a  village 
a  few  miles  from  Boston. 

To  a  man,  however,  of  active  disposition,  the  quiet  of  retirement 
soon  loses  much  of  its  delight,  unless  age  or  illness  has  quenched 
its  fires.  When,  therefore,  his  country  again  demanded  his  services, 
Mr.  Gerry  was  not  found  deaf  to  her  call.  For  some  time  past,  he 
looked  upon  her  situation  with  anxiety  and  interest.  With  the  war 
had  terminated  many  of  those  strong  ties  which  of  necessity  united 
the  states  together.     The  distresses  spread  over  the  whole  country 


ICO  ELBRIDGE    GERRY. 

by  so  sudden  a  revolution ;  the  jealousies  raised  or  increased  by  a 
thousand  circumstances  of  interest  or  feeling;  the  poverty  which  in 
the  course  of  a  long  war  had  been  diffused  through  the  nation;  the 
seizure  and  destruction  of  property,  the  annihilation  of  commerce, 
and  the  entire  want  of  national  credit;  all  tended  to  impress  on  the 
public  mind  a  general  dissatisfaction  with  the  existing  government. 
From  this  apparent  failure  in  their  expectations  of  an  immediate 
increase  of  political  happiness,  the  lovers  of  liberty  and  indepen- 
dence began  to  be  less  sanguine  in  their  hopes  from  the  American 
revolution,  and  to  fear  that  they  had  built  a  visionary  fabric  of 
government,  on  the  fallacious  ideas  of  public  virtue;  but  that  elas- 
ticity of  the  human  mind  which  is  nurtured  by  free  institutions,  kept 
them  from  desponding.  By  an  exertion  of  those  inherent  principles 
of  self-preservation  which  republics  possess,  a  recurrence  was  had 
to  the  good  sense  of  the  people,  for  the  rectification  of  fundamental 
disorders.  While  the  country,  free  from  foreign  force  and  domestic 
violence,  enjoyed  tranquillity,  a  proposition  was  made  by  Virginia 
to  all  the  other  states,  to  meet  in  convention  for  the  purpose  of 
digesting  a  form  of  government  equal  to  the  exigencies  of  the 
Union.  The  first  motion  for  this  purpose  was  made  by  Mr.  Madi- 
son: but  the  other  states,  convinced  of  the  utility  of  the  measure, 
gradually  concurred  in  it ;  and  it  was  at  length  agreed  that  a  con- 
vention of  delegates,  to  be  appointed  by  the  several  states,  should 
be  held  in  the  month  of  May,  1787,  at  Philadelphia,  for  the  sole 
and  express  purpose  of  revising  the  articles  of  confederation,  and 
reporting  to  congress,  and  the  several  legislatures,  such  alterations 
and  provisions  therein,  as  should,  when  agreed  to  in  congress,  and 
confirmed  by  the  states,  render  the  federal  constitution  adequate  to 
the  exigencies  of  government,  and  the  preservation  of  the  Union. 

To  this  convention  Mr.  Gerry  was  appointed,  as  a  representative 
of  Massachusetts.  Impressed  with  the  necessity  of  a  more  ener- 
getic system  than  the  old  confederation,  and  governed  by  the  repub- 
lican principles  in  which  he  had  been  educated,  he  endeavoured  to 
guard  the  new  government  from  extremes  which  he  considered 
equally  dangerous.  The  propositions  for  introducing  a  new  sys- 
tem, designated  by  some  of  its  opponents  as  aristocratical  and  even 
monarchical,  but  which  it  scarcely  seems  proper  to  consider  in  so 
strong  a  light,  found  in  him  a  strenuous  opponent;  and  it  is  pro- 
bable that  the  sternness  of  his  republicanism  contributed  to  the 
securing  of  many  of  the  best  features  which  the  constitution  contains. 
Still    however,  after  all  the  alterations  which  he  and  the  friends 


ELBRIDGE    GERRY.  161 

who  coincided  in  his  views  were  able  to  obtain,  there  appeared  to 
him  features  so  objectionable  and  so  dangerous  to  the  rights  of  his 
constituents,  that  he  manfully  declined  affixing  his  signature  to  the 
instrument.  Lest,  however,  his  views  in  so  doing  should  be  mis- 
represented, or  not  fully  understood,  he  took  an  immediate  oppor- 
tunity to  address  a  letter  to  his  constituents  on  the  subject.  "  It 
was  painful  for  me,"  he  observes,  "  on  a  subject  of  such  national 
importance,  to  differ  from  the  respectable  members  who  signed  the 
constitution.  But,  conceiving  as  I  did,  that  the  liberties  of  America 
were  not  secured  by  the  system,  it  was  my  duty  to  oppose  it. 

"  My  principal  objections  to  the  plan  are,  that  there  is  no  ade- 
quate provision  for  a  representation  of  the  people ;  that  they  have 
no  security  for  the  right  of  election;  that  some  of  the  powers  of  the 
legislature  are  ambiguous,  and  others  indefinite  and  dangerous; 
that  the  executive  is  blended  with,  and  will  have  an  undue  influ- 
ence over  the  legislature;  that  the  judicial  department  will  be  op- 
pressive ;  that  treaties  of  the  highest  importance  may  be  formed  by 
the  president,  with  the  advice  of  two-thirds  of  a  quorum  of  the 
senate;  and  that  the  system  is  without  the  security  of  a  bill  of 
rights.  These  are  objections  which  are  not  local,  but  apply  equally 
to  all  the  states." 

The  views  of  Mr.  Gerry  were  not  singular ;  they  had  been  enter- 
tained by  some  of  the  most  distinguished  patriots  and  statesmen  in 
other  states;  and  in  his  own,  they  were  very  generally  approved. 
When  the  constitution  was  submitted  to  the  state  convention,  it  was 
ratified  only  by  a  majority  of  nineteen  voices,  in  an  assembly  of 
three  hundred  and  sixty  members,  and  to  the  ratification  were  ap- 
pended various  amendments,  coinciding  with  the  views  of  Mr.  Gerry. 

Although  this  would  seem  to  be  a  sufficient  justification  of  a 
manly  course,  which  could  have  been  dictated  by  no  ideas  of  per- 
sonal benefit  to  himself,  but  was  rather  opposed  to  them,  it  was  not 
sufficient  to  save  him  from  the  attacks  of  party  spirit.  He  was 
assailed  immediately  by  the  partisans  of  the  day,  and  censured  with 
all  the  illiberality  and  acrimony  that  hostile  politics  could  suggest. 

At  the  election  for  members  of  the  first  congress  under  the  new 
constitution,  the  inhabitants  of  the  district  in  which  Mr.  Gerry  re- 
sided, chose  him  as  their  new  representative,  and  under  a  new  form 
of  government  he  resumed  that  seat,  and  renewed  those  active  ser- 
vices, which  he  had  for  so  many  years  faithfully  discharged  under 
the  old  one.  Neither  the  character  nor  extent  of  this  memoir  will 
permit  us  to  enter  into  the  minute  detail  of  the  various  political 
i2 


162  ELBRIDGE    GERRV". 

movements  of  Mr.  Gerry,  dining  the  two  terms  that  he  served  in 
congress.  In  the  financial  operations  he  continued  always  to  take 
peculiar  interest,  and  on  such  subjects  was,  perhaps,  of  all  debaters 
in  the  house,  the  one  who  was  listened  to  with  the  most  confidence. 
The  army,  too,  was  not  forgotten,  for  he  never  allowed  an  occasion 
to  pass  unused  in  which  he  could  aid  them  in  their  difficulties,  or 
redress  their  grievances.  Fully  sensible  of  the  necessity  and  duty  of 
mutual  co-operation,  he  united  cheerfully  in  carrying  into  effect  that 
system,  to  which  he  had  indeed  been,  in  some  degree,  individually 
opposed,  but  which  had  received  the  approbation  of  his  country ; 
and  he  had  not  been  long  in  congress,  before  he  took  occasion  to 
make  the  manly  and  honourable  declaration,  "  that  the  federal  con- 
stitution having  become  the  supreme  raw  of  the  land,  he  conceived 
the  salvation  of  the  country  depended  on  its  being  carried  into 
effect."  After  serving  four  years  in  congress,  he  was  again  pro- 
posed as  a  delegate ;  but  anxious  to  return  to  the  enjoyments  of 
domestic  life,  from  which  the  new  state  of  things  had  drawn  him, 
he  declined  a  re-electien,  and  retired  to  his  farm  at  Cambridge. 

It  was  during  this  period  of  Mr.  Gerry's  retirement,  that  the 
aggressions  on  the  rights  and  commerce  of  the  United  States  were 
commenced  by  Fiance.  The  citizen  Genet  made  his  singular  pro- 
gress through  the  country,  and  after  an  embassy  unparalleled  in  the 
history  of  diplomacy,  was  recalled.  General  Pinckney  was  sent  to 
France  to  negotiate,  but  was  not  received.  American  vessels  were 
captured  by  French  cruisers,  wherever  found.  The  French  minis- 
ter had  endeavoured  to  interfere  directly  in  the  election  of  the  chief 
executive  magistrate.  And  in  a  word,  every  thing  had  been  done 
to  drive  the  nation  into  a  violation  of  that  neutrality  which  it  had 
determined  to  support.  It  was  in  this  state  of  things,  that  Mr.  Adams 
was  called  to  the  presidential  chair,  and  adopted  that  system  with 
regard  to  our  foreign  relations,  which  has  been  briefly  noticed  in 
the  preceding  sketch  of  his  life.  Though  keenly  sensible  of  the 
indignities  offered  to  his  country,  he  was  so  fully  impressed  with  the 
importance  of  peace,  to  its  advancement  and  happiness,  that,  in  his 
speech  to  congress,  in  June,  1797,  he  informed  them,  "that  as  he 
believed  neither  the  honour  nor  the  interest  of  the  United  States 
absolutely  forbade  the  repetition  of  advances,  for  securing  peace 
and  friendship  with  France,  he  should  institute  a  fresh  attempt  at 
negotiation."  To  give  all  the  weight  and  solemnity  that  he  could 
to  this  embassy,  the  president  determined  to  select  men,  whose  long 
services  and  acknowledged  talents   had  made  them  illustrious  at 


ELBRIDGE    GERRY.  163 

home  and  abroad.  His  choice  fell  on  Mr.  Gerry,  who  was  thus 
again  drawn  from  retirement ;  General  Pinckney,  who  had  already 
been  appointed  an  ambassador  to  France,  and  Mr.  Marshall,  the 
subsequently  distinguished  chief  justice  of  the  United  States.  These 
gentlemen  were  instructed  to  pursue  peace  and  reconciliation  by  all 
means  compatible  with  the  honour  and  faith  of  the  United  States. 
On  their  arrival  in  Paris,  the  directory,  under  frivolous  pretexts, 
delayed  to  accredit  them,  as  the  representatives  of  an  independent 
nation.  In  this  unacknowledged  situation,  they  were  addressed  by 
persons,  who,  though  not  invested  with  formal  authority,  exhibited 
evidence  of  their  being  tools  of  government.  In  direct  and  explicit 
terms,  they  demanded  a  large  sum  of  money  from  the  United  States, 
as  the  condition  which  must  precede  any  negotiation,  on  the  sub- 
sisting differences,  between  the  two  countries.  To  this  degrading 
demand,  the  envoys  returned  a  decided  negative.  The  unofficial 
agents,  nevertheless,  urged  them  to  comply,  and  enlarged  on  the 
immense  power  of  France;  and  particularly  insisted,  that  to  her 
friendship  alone  America  could  look  for  safety.  The  envoys,  after 
some  time,  refused  to  hold  any  further  communication  with  these 
agents.  Though  not  received  in  their  public  characters,  they  sent 
a  letter  to  the  French  secretary  of  foreign  relations,  in  which  they 
entered  into  the  explanations  committed  to  them  by  their  govern- 
ment, and  illustrated,  by  facts,  the  uniform  friendly  disposition  of 
the  United  States  towards  France.  This  effort  failed,  and  every 
circumstance  concurred  to  prove,  that  all  further  attempts  would  be 
equally  useless.  They  nevertheless  continued  to  wait  events,  with 
a  patience  that  demonstrated  their  sincere  desire  to  avert  a  rupture 
between  the  two  countries.  At  length,  however,  in  the  spring  of 
1798,  two  of  the  envoys,  Messrs.  Pinckney  and  Marshall,  were 
ordered  to  quit  the  territories  of  France;  but  Mr.  Gerry  was  in- 
vited to  remain  and  resume  the  negotiation  which  had  been  inter- 
rupted, and  he  consented  to  do  so. 

At  the  time,  the  course  thus  adopted  by  Mr.  Gerry  was  censured 
by  his  political  opponents.  Yet  calmly  and  dispassionately  examined, 
it  seems  to  be  one  dictated  by  prudence,  and  perfectly  consistent 
with  national  and  individual  honour.  Although  the  instructions  to 
him  and  his  colleagues  had  invested  them  with  a  separate  as  well 
as  joint  power  to  negotiate  a  treaty  of  peace,  Mr.  Gerry  uniformly 
refused,  after  the  departure  of  the  other  ministers,  to  enter  into 
suih  a  negotiation.  He  declared  at  once  and  distinctly,  that  his 
obioct  in  remaining  was  not  to  pursue  those  plans  which  could,  and 


164  ELBRIDGE    GERRY. 

if  intended,  ought  to  have  been  discussed  by  the  whole  embassy, 
but  to  promote,  as  far  as  his  individual  powers  allowed,  such  other 
objects  of  his  government  as  he  might  do  without  their  aid.  Alto- 
gether, this  mission  was  one  of  the  most  unpleasant  for  the  minis- 
ters, though  most  beneficial  for  the  nation,  in  which  our  government 
has  ever  been  engaged ;  for  although  it  did  not  succeed  in  effecting 
a  treaty,  and  was  never  even  publicly  acknowledged  by  the  French 
ministry,  yet  it  certainly  opened  the  way  for  a  termination  of  hostile 
feelings,  and  led  eventually  to  the  preservation  of  the  peace  of  the 
country.  That  these  ends  were  attained  in  no  small  degree  by  the 
prudence,  judgment,  and  ability  of  Mr.  Gerry,  seems  now  to  be 
generally  admitted;  but  if  it  were  not,  it  is  proved  by  an  authority 
so  strong,  that  impartial  history  will  not  hesitate  to  award  to  him 
the  merit  to  which  he  is  fairly  entitled.  Speaking  of  his  nomination 
on  this  embassy,  the  late  president,  Mr.  Adams,  has  thus  remark- 
ed:— "  he  was  nominated  and  approved,  and  finally  saved  the  peace 
of  the  nation,  for  he  alone  discovered  and  furnished  the  evidence 
that  X.  Y.  and  Z.  were  employed  by  Talleyrand;  and  he  alone 
brought  home  the  direct,  formal,  and  official  assurances,  upon  which 
the  subsequent  commission  proceeded,  and  peace  was  made." 

On  his  return  from  France,  Mr.  Gerry  was  supported  by  the 
republican  party  in  Massachusetts  for  the  office  of  governor,  and 
defeated.  Mr.  Gerry  subsequently  declined  being  a  candidate,  not- 
withstanding the  earnest  solicitations  of  his  political  friends.  He 
consented,  however,  to  have  his  name  placed  on  the  electoral  ticket 
of  1805,  when  the  republicans,  for  the  first  time,  succeeded. 

From  that  period  Mr.  Gerry  spent  his  time  in  the  cultivation  of 
his  farm,  and  in  correspondence  with  the  first  men  of  this  country 
and  Europe,  with  whom  his  active  public  life  had  connected  him. 
The  flagitious  attack  on  the  Chesapeake  frigate,  by  the  British  ship 
of  war  Leopard,  kindled  again  the  same  feelings  which  the  murder 
at  Lexington,  in  1775,  had  first  warmed  in  his  bosom;  with  the 
alacrity  of  youth  he  hastened  to  preside  at  a  large  meeting  of  his 
fellow  citizens  in  Boston,  collected  from  that  and  the  neighbouring 
towns,  and  in  the  animated  language  of  patriotism,  declared  to  the 
assembly,  that  "  at  a  crisis  so  momentous  and  interesting  to  our 
beloved  country,  he  held  it  to  be  the  duty  of  every  citizen,  though  he 
might  have  but  one  day  to  live,  to  devote  that  day  to  the  public  good." 

In  1810,  Mr.  Gerry  was  prevailed  upon  to  permit  his  name  to  be 
placed  on  the  republican  ticket,  as  a  candidate  for  the  chief  magis- 
tracy of  Massachusetts  and  was  elected.    The  elevation  of  Governor 


ELBRIDGE    GERRY.  165 

Gerry  to  this  honourable  station,  was   received  with   the   greatest 
satisfaction  by  his  republican  friends  throughout  the  United  States. 

From  the  whole  tenor  of  Mr.  Gerry's  actions  and  political  life,  it 
will  be  perceived  that  he  was  a  decided  friend  of  those  measures 
which  characterized  the  party  at  this  time  in  power.  The  Federal 
party  nominated  Mr.  Gore  in  opposition  to  him,  but  without  success; 
Mr.  Gerry  was  again  chosen  governor  of  the  state,  by  a  majority 
considerably  larger  than  that  of  the  preceding  year. 

Of  the  measures  of  Governor  Gerry,  one  especially  worthy  of 
record  is  his  recommendation  made  to  the  legislature  of  Massa- 
chusetts, in  January,  1812,  relative  to  the  patronage  and  improve- 
ment of  our  domestic  manufactures.  It  arose  from  a  complaint 
made  by  the  Indians,  that  owing  to  the  suspension  of  our  trade  with 
Great  Britain,  they  did  not  receive  the  usual  supplies  of  goods  with 
which  they  had  been  furnished.  "In  the  year  1775,"  says  Mr. 
Gerry,  "  when  our  war  with  Great  Britain  commenced,  and  when, 
immediately  preceding  it,  a  non-importation  act  had  been  strictly 
carried  into  effect,  the  state  of  Massachusetts  apportioned  on  their 
towns,  respectively,  to  be  manufactured  by  them,  the  articles  of 
clothing  wanted  for  their  proportion  of  the  army  which  besieged 
Boston  ;  fixed  the  price  and  qualities  of  those  articles,  and  they  were 
duly  supplied  within  a  short  period.  Thus  before  we  had  arrived 
at  the  threshold  of  independence,  and  when  we  were  in  an  ex- 
hausted state,  by  the  antecedent,  voluntary  and  patriotic  sacrifice 
of  our  commerce,  between  thirteen  and  fourteen  thousand  cloth 
coats  were  manufactured,  made,  and  delivered  into  our  magazines, 
within  a  few  months  from  the  date  of  the  resolve  which  first  com- 
municated the  requisition.  Thirty-six  years  have  since  elapsed, 
during  twenty-nine  of  which  we  have  enjoyed  peace  and  prosperity, 
and  have  increased  in  numbers,  manufactures,  wealth  and  resources, 
beyond  the  most  sanguine  expectations.  All  branches  of  this  govern- 
ment have  declared  their  opinion,  and  I  conceive,  on  the  most  solid 
principle,  that  as  a  nation,  we  are  independent  of  every  other  for 
the  necessaries,  conveniences,  and  for  many  of  the  luxuries  of  life. 
Let  us  not  then,  at  this  critical  period,  admit  any  obstruction  which 
we  have  power  to  remove,  to  discourage  or  retard  the  national 
exertions  for  asserting  and  maintaining  our  rights;  and  above  all, 
let  us  convince  Great  Britain,  that  we  can  and  will  be  independent 
of  her  for  every  article  of  commerce,  whilst  she  continues  to  be  the 
ostensible  friend,  but  implacable  foe,  of  our  prosperity,  government, 
union,  and  independence." 
14 


166  ELBRIDGE    GERRY. 

As  the  period  for  a  new  election  of  governor  approached,  the 
democratic  party  in  Massachusetts  a  third  time  solicited  Mr.  Gerry 
to  offer  himself  as  a  candidate;  this  he  at  first  declined,  but  viewing 
the  success  of  the  principles  which  he  had  avowed  as  in  some  degree 
connected  with  his  return,  he  consented  to  serve  again  in  the  exe- 
cutive office.  During  the  past  year,  however,  either  his  popularity 
had  decreased  or  his  political  opponents  had  augmented  their 
strength;  and  he  lost  his  election  by  a  small  majority. 

It  seemed,  however,  that  advanced  as  Mr.  Gerry  was  in  age,  and 
wearied  as  he  might  well  be  with  public  office,  (for  forty  years  had 
nearly  elapsed  since  he  had  entered  on  his  political  career,)  he  was 
yet  destined  to  serve  his  country,  and  to  close  his  active  life  in  the 
full  enjoyment  of  her  honours.  At  a  meeting  of  the  republican 
members  of  congress,  he  was,  in  June  1812,  by  a  unanimous  vote, 
recommended  to  the  people  of  the  United  States  as  a  proper  person 
to  fill  the  office  of  vice-president,  for  four  years,  from  the  fourth  day 
of  March  following.  This  was  announced  to  him  by  a  committee 
of  the  meeting,  in  a  letter,  to  which  he  immediately  replied.  "The 
question,"  he  observed,  respecting  the  acceptance  or  non-acceptance 
of  this  proposition,  involved  many  considerations  of  great  weight  in 
my  mind ;  as  they  related  to  the  nation,  to  this  state,  and  to  my 
domestic  concerns.  But  it  is  neither  expedient  or  necessary  to 
stale  the  points,  since  one  was  paramount  to  the  rest,  that  '  in  a 
republic,  the  service  of  each  citizen  is  due  to  the  state,  even  in  pro- 
found peace,  and  much  more  so  when  the  nation  stands  on  the 
threshold  of  war.'  I  have  the  honour  frankly  to  acknowledge  this 
distinguished  testimony  of  confidence,  on  the  part  of  my  congres- 
sional friends  and  fellow  citizens,  gratefully  to  accept  their  proffer, 
and  freely  to  assure  them  of  every  exertion  in  my  power,  for  meriting 
in  office  the  approbation  of  themselves  and  of  the  public."  The 
recommendation  was  accepted  by  his  countrymen,  and  he  was  elected 
to  the  second  office  of  the  republic,  by  a  majority  of  forty-one  votes. 

On  the  fourth  of  March,  1813,  Mr.  Gerry  was  inaugurated  vice- 
president  of  the  United  States,  being  attended,  at  the  time,  by  his 
venerable  friend  and  revolutionary  companion  John  Adams.  At  the 
meeting  of  the  senate  on  the  twenty-fifth  of  May  following,  he  took 
his  seat  as  constitutional  president  of  that  body,  and  delivered  an 
address  to  them,  setting  forth  at  large  his  opinions  and  views  on 
the  great  events  of  political  interest  which  then  occupied  the  attention 
of  the  nation.  He  concluded  it  in  the  following  terms :  "  Your 
fellow  citizen,  with  sensations  which  can  be  more  easily  conceived 


ELBRIDGE    GERRY.  107 

than  expressed,  perceives  that  there  are  in  the  government  many 
of  his  former  friends  and  compatriots,  with  whom  he  has  often  co- 
operated in  the  perilous  concerns  of  his  country;  and  with  unfeigned 
pleasure  he  will  meet  the  other  public  functionaries,  whose  acknow- 
ledged abilities  and  public  services  in  like  manner  claim  his  high 
consideration  and  respect.  With  a  sacred  regard  to  the  rights  of 
every  department  and  officer  of  government,  and  with  a  respectful 
deference  to  their  political  principles  and  opinions,  he  has  frankly 
declared  his  own ;  for  to  have  concealed  them  at  a  crisis  like  this, 
might  have  savoured  too  much  of  a  want  of  candour. 

"  And  may  that  Omnipotent  Being,  who  with  infinite  wisdom  and 
justice  superintends  the  destinies  of  nations,  confirm  the  heroic 
patriotism  which  has  glowed  in  the  breasts  of  the  national  rulers, 
and  convince  the  enemy,  that  whilst  a  disposition  to  peace,  on 
equitable  and  honourable  terms,  will  ever  prevail  in  their  public 
councils,  one  spirit,  animated  by  the  love  of  country,  will  inspire 
every  department  of  the  national  government." 

From  this  period  Mr.  Gerry  devoted  himself,  with  undeviating 
attention,  to  the  duties  of  his  office.  He  presided  constantly  over 
the  deliberations  of  the  senate,  and,  by  his  strict  impartiality  and 
candour,  gave  that  satisfaction  in  the  latest,  which  he  had  done  in 
the  earliest  actions  of  his  political  life.  Providence,  however,  did 
not  long  permit  him  to  enjoy  the  dignity  which  he  had  so  well  earned, 
but  called  him  in  the  midst  of  his  honours,  but  full  of  years,  from 
the  scene  of  his  earthly  labours.  The  date  and  circumstances  of 
his  death  are  thus  recorded,  on  a  plain  monument,  which  congress 
caused  to  be  erected  over  his  remains  in  the  congressional  burial 
ground  at  Washington. 

The  Tomb  of 
ELBRIDGE  GERRY, 

Vice-President  of  the  United  States, 

Who  died  suddenly  in  this  city,  on  his  way  to  the 

capitol,  as  President  of  the  Senate, 

November  23,  1814, 

Aged  70. 

Thus  fulfilling  his  own  memorable  injunction — "  It  is  the  duty  of 
every  citizen,  though  he  may  have  but  one  day  to  live,  to  devote 
that  day  to  the  service  of  his  country." 


JOSIAH   BAETLETT. 


Josiah  Bartlett  was  born  at  Amesbury,  Massachusetts,  in  No- 
vember, 1729.  He  was  instructed,  at  an  early  age,  in  the  rudi- 
ments of  the  Greek  and  Latin  languages,  which,  from  his  natural 
capacity  and  tenacious  memory,  he  rapidly  acquired.  At  the  age 
of  sixteen  he  commenced  the  study  of  physic. 

He  completed  his  medical  education  in  the  year  1750,  and,  at  the 
age  of  twenty-one,  commenced  the  practice  of  his  profession  at 
Kingston.  He  resided  in  the  family  of  the  Rev.  Joseph  Secombe, 
a  pious  and  well-informed  minister,  to  whose  collection  of  valuable 
books  he  had  free  access.  In  1752,  he  was  attacked  with  an  alarm- 
ing fever,  which  had  nearly  proved  fatal.  Exhausted  by  the  vio- 
lence of  the  medicines  administered,  and  by  the  exclusion  of  air 
from  his  chamber,  his  life  appeared  to  be  rapidly  drawing  to  a  close, 
and  his  physician  pronounced  his  case  to  be  hopeless ;  when  Dr.  Bart- 
lett, whether  actuated  by  a  belief  in  its  efficacy,  or  by  one  of  those 
inexplicable  longings  which  often  sway  the  mind  of  the  invalid,  pre- 
vailed upon  two  young  men,  who  attended  him  during  the  night,  to 
procure  him  a  quantity  of  cider,  and  give  it  to  him  as  he  should 
direct.  They,  at  first,  peremptorily  declined  acceding  to  a  wish, 
the  gratification  of  which  was  contrary  to  medical  orders,  and  might 
even  make  them  accessary  to  his  death.  His  arguments  and  impor- 
tunities, however,  prevailed,  and  the  cider  being  procured,  he  swal- 
lowed a  small  quantity  at  intervals  during  the  night.  Each  draught 
cooled  the  fever,  invigorated  his  body,  and  was  followed  by  evident 
amendment.  In  the  morning,  the  powers  of  nature  became  so  much 
revived,  that  a  copious  perspiration  took  place,  which  immediately 
checked  the  disease.  Ever  after  this  event,  Dr.  Bartlett  cautiously 
observed  the  operation  of  nature  in  all  diseases,  and  never  submitted 
to  dogmatical  rules  in  prescribing  for  his  patients.  This  practical 
experiment  having  emancipated  his  mind  from  the  trammels  of  an 
arbitrary  system,  he  founded  his  practice  upon  the  details  of  nature 
and  experience.  With  these  principles,  he  commenced  his  career 
168 


JOSIAH    BARTLETT. 


JOSIAH    BARTLETT.  169 

of  public  usefulness,  and  speedily  became  popular  as  a  physician, 
obtaining  a  large  portion  of  practice,  both  lucrative  and  honourable 
to  himself,  and  highly  useful  to  the  people.  He  first  discovered  the 
utility  of  the  Peruvian  bark  in  remedying  the  throat  distemper, 
or  angina  maligna  tonsillaris,  which  then  raged  at  Kingston,  and 
which  he  proved  to  be  a  highly  putrid,  instead  of  inflammatory 
disease:  the  physicians  had  previously  believed  it  to  be,  and  had 
unsuccessfully  treated  it,  as  the  latter. 

The  integrity  and  decision  of  character  which  Dr.  Bartlett  pos- 
sessed in  an  eminent  degree,  soon  attracted  the  attention  and  con- 
fidence of  his  fellow  citizens.  He  was  first  appointed  to  the  magis- 
tracy, and,  after  filling  various  honourable  offices,  finally  attained 
the  highest  dignities  of  the  state.  About  the  period  of  his  nomina- 
tion as  a  magistrate,  he  was  also  appointed  by  Governor  Wentworth 
to  the  command  of  a  regiment  of  militia,  in  which  he  discharged 
his  duties  with  promptness  and  fidelity. 

In  the  year  1765,  Dr.  Bartlett  began  his  political  career,  as  the 
representative  of  the  town  of  Kingston  in  the  legislature  of  the  pro- 
vince of  New  Hampshire.  Benning  Wentworth,  the  former  go- 
vernor, had  granted  charters  for  a  number  of  towns,  reserving  some 
of  the  best  rights  for  himself,  and  valuable  tracts  for  the  benefit  of 
the  Episcopal  church.  The  new  governor  re-granted  several  towns 
which  his  predecessor  had  before  chartered,  and  chartered  new 
towns  interfering  with  the  former  grants,  taking  care  to  follow  the 
example  of  the  late  governor,  by  appropriating  some  of  the  best 
lands  in  each  grant  to  himself.  The  injured  parties  and  their 
friends,  together  with  all  those  who  valued  rectitude  in  public  pro- 
ceedings, strongly  complained  of  this  infringement  of  common  jus- 
tice. The  greater  part  of  the  people  were  also  Puritans  in  senti- 
ment, and  disliked  the  grants  to  the  Church  of  England:  they  sus- 
pected that  the  British  government  intended  artfully  to  establish 
that  kind  of  religion  in  America.  This  produced  jealousies  and 
collisions  between  the  governor  and  his  party,  and  the  patriots  and 
aggrieved  people:  Dr.  Bartlett  took  an  active  part  in  support  of 
the  latter,  as  one  of  the  then  minority. 

But,  although  this  was  a  matter  of  considerable  interest  and  im- 
portance to  the  province,  another  subject  infinitely  dearer  to  them 
had  been  arising  for  some  years.  This  was  the  controversy  between 
Great  Britain  and  her  colonies. 

Dr.  Bartlett  was  a  zealous  and  active  member,  and  invariably 
acted  upon  principles  of  patriotism,  and  in  support  of  the  rights  of 
K 


170  JOSIAH    BARTLETT. 

the  people.  Private  meetings  of  the  leaders  of  opposition,  the  prin- 
cipal among  whom  were  Dr.  Bartlett,  Dr.  Thompson,  Colonel  Gid- 
dinge,  and  Colonel  Nathan  Folsom,  were  held.  At  the  meeting  of 
the  assembly  in  the  spring  of  1774,  the  house  of  representatives, 
conformably  to  the  proceedings  of  the  assemblies  in  the  other  colo- 
nies, appointed  a  committee  of  correspondence.  The  governor  im- 
mediately dissolved  the  assembly,  hoping  by  that  means  to  dissolve 
the  committee  also.  But  the  representatives  re-assembled,  and  ad- 
dressed circulars  to  all  the  towns  in  the  province,  requesting  them 
to  send  deputies  to  hold  a  convention  at  Exeter,  for  the  purpose  of 
choosing  delegates  to  a  general  congress,  to  meet  in  Philadelphia 
in  September,  1774. 

Dr.  Bartlett  retained  his  seat  in  the  provincial  assembly,  and  con- 
tinued to  oppose  himself  with  unabating  vigour  to  the  arbitrary  de- 
signs of  the  British  ministry.  The  collisions  between  the  governor 
and  assembly,  indeed,  were  now  continual,  and  the  former  was 
obliged  to  resort  to  repeated  prorogations;  these  he  continued  until 
the  year  1775,  when  it  became  manifest,  from  the  obstinacy  of  the 
British  parliament  and  royal  governors,  that  either  a  civil  war  or 
submission  to  slavery  would  speedily  take  place.  In  the  month  of 
February,  1775,  Dr.  Bartlett  received  very  flattering  testimonials 
of  the  spirited  and  patriotic  tenor  of  his  conduct:  he  was  formally 
notified  by  the  clerk  of  the  court  of  common  pleas  under  Governor 
Wentworth,  that  his  name  was  erased  from  the  commission  of  the 
peace  for  the  county  of  Rockingham,  and  received  a  letter,  bearing 
the  same  date,  advising  him  that  the  governor  had,  with  the  advice 
of  counsel,  dismissed  him  from  his  command  in  the  militia. 

The  events  of  the  year  1775  imposed  arduous  duties  upon  the 
committee  of  safety,  several  of  whom,  and,  among  the  rest  Dr.  Bart- 
lett, were  members  of  the  colonial  assembly,  in  which  a  strong 
majority  had  become  opposed  to  Governor  Wentworth.  On  the 
fourth  of  Jlay,  he  summoned  a  new  assembly,  and  determined,  as 
he  said,  "to  plant  the  root  of  peace  in  New  Hampshire;"  he  laid 
before  them  the  proposal  made  and  voted  in  parliament,  which  was 
called  Lord  North's  conciliatory  proposition.  The  house  desired  a 
short  recess,  and  the  governor  consented  to  adjourn  them  till  the 
twelfth  of  June.  But  the  American  blood,  which  had,  on  the  nine- 
teenth of  April,  been  shed  at  Lexington,  and  the  absurd  and  incon- 
sistent conduct  of  General  Gage,  had  highly  exasperated  the  people. 

At  the  adjourned  meeting  of  the  twelfth  of  June,  the  governor 
again   recommended   "the  conciliatory  proposition;"  but  the  first 


JOSIAH    BARTLETT.  171 

step  taken  by  the  house,  in  obedience  to  the  voice  of  the  convention, 
was  to  expel  the  three  members  whom  the  governor  had  summoned 
by  the  king's  writ;  upon  which  he  adjourned  the  assembly  to  the 
eleventh  of  July.  Colonel  Trenton,  one  of  the  expelled  members, 
having  freely  indulged  in  abusive  language  out  of  doors,  was  assault- 
ed by  the  populace  of  Portsmouth,  and  took  shelter  in  the  governor's 
house.  The  people  demanded  him,  and  planted  a  cannon  before 
the  door;  upon  which  the  offender  was  delivered  up  and  conveyed 
to  Exeter :  the  governor,  conceiving  himself  insulted,  retired  on 
board  the  Fowey  man  of  war,  then  lying  in  the  harbour. 

At  the  next  meeting  of  the  assembly,  on  the  eleventh  of  July,  the 
duties  of  Dr.  Bartlett  were  extremely  arduous,  being  at  the  same 
time  a  member  of  that  body,  of  the  committee  of  safety,  and  of 
the  provincial  convention.  He  was,  however,  soon  relieved  from 
the  first  mentioned,  as  Governor  Wentworth  sent  a  message  to  the 
house,  and  adjourned  them  to  the  twenty-eighth  of  September. 
Having  previously  retired  to  Boston,  the  governor,  in  September, 
went  to  the  Isle  of  Shoals,  and  there  issued  a  proclamation,  adjourn- 
ing the  assembly  to  the  next  April.  This  was  the  final  act  of  his 
administration,  and  the  last  time  he  was  within  the  boundaries  of 
the  province.  Thus  terminated  the  British  government  in  New 
Hampshire,  where  it  had  subsisted  ninety-five  years. 

In  September,  1775,  Dr.  Bartlett  was  appointed  to  command  a 
regiment  by  the  first  provincial  congress,  of  which  Matthew  Thorn- 
ton was  president.  The  committee  of  safety  was  continued  by  that 
congress,  and  had  full  executive  and  legislative  powers  granted  to 
them  during  its  recess.  They  planned  a  re-organization  of  the 
state,  and  framed  an  oath  of  allegiance,  which  every  individual  was 
compelled  to  take;  those  who  refused  were  confined  until  they 
acceded  to  it.  This  oath  was  called  in  pleasantry  the  "chevaux 
de  frise." 

On  the  twenty-third  of  August,  1775,  he  was  chosen  a  delegate 
to  the  continental  congress  in  the  room  of  John  Sullivan,  who  was 
engaged  in  the  army,  and  took  his  seat  in  that  body  on  the  sixteenth 
of  September  following.  His  attention  to  the  important  duties  of 
his  station  was  strict  and  incessant  until  the  month  of  March,  1775, 
when  he  returned  home.  After  a  short  stay,  he  again  repaired  to 
Philadelphia,  where  he  resumed  his  arduous  and  laborious  task. 

On  the  twenty-third  of  January,  1776,  a  second  election  for  dele- 
gates to  the  continental  congress  occurred,  and  Dr.  Bartlett  was 
again  chosen.     His  colleagues  in  this  honourable  office  were  two 


172  JOSIAH    BARTLETT. 

of  his  most  attached  personal  friends,  William  Whipple  and  John 
Langdon.  The  former  long  served  with  him  in  congress,  and  their 
signatures  are  found  together  on  the  charter  of  Independence.  Mr. 
Langdon,  owing  to  an  appointment  to  another  office  lost  the  oppor- 
tunity of  recording  his  patriotic  sentiments  in  the  same  conspicuous 
manner. 

The  question  of  independence  had  been  for  some  time  in  agitation, 
and  for  several  months  preceding  freely  and  fully  discussed.  In 
many  places,  it  may  be  observed,  public  opinion  was  much  divided; 
the  partisans  of  Great  Britain  of  course  strongly  opposed  it,  and 
there  were  not  a  few  of  the  best  friends  of  the  country  who  enter- 
tained strong  doubts  of  the  policy  of  the  measure  at  that  moment ; 
the  more  firm  and  zealous  patriots,  however,  used  every  argument 
in  its  support,  and  warmly  urged  its  adoption  without  delay.  The 
result  of  their  efforts  in  congress  was  the  vote  of  the  first  of  July, 
in  favour  of  independence.  From  that  period  until  the  fourth,  the 
measure  was  fully,  calmly,  and  deliberately  discussed,  so  that  as 
much  unanimity  as  possible  might  be  obtained  on  the  final  question. 
On  that  memorable  day,  the  decisive  vote  was  taken,  which  re- 
sulted in  the  unanimous  declaration  of  all  the  states  in  favour  of 
independence.  In  taking  the  question  the  northernmost  colony 
was  first  called  on,  and  Dr.  Bartlett  had  the  accidental,  but  inter- 
esting duty  of  first  giving  his  voice  in  favour  of  the  resolution.  Dur- 
ing the  autumn  of  the  year  he  remained  faithfully  at  his  post. 

On  the  twenty-fourth  of  December,  1776,  Dr.  Bartlett  was  re- 
appointed a  delegate  to  congress  by  the  provincial  government;  his 
health,  however,  had  been  so  much  impaired,  and  he  was  so  worn 
down  by  fatigue,  that  before  the  close  of  the  year  he  returned  to 
New  Hampshire,  and  did  not  again  take  his  seat  until  1778.  In  the 
mean  time,  however,  he  was  engaged  in  other  public  duties  in  New 
Hampshire,  and  also  in  providing  for  the  forces  of  the  intrepid 
Stark  at  Bennington,  whose  troops  were  solely  under  the  control 
of  that  state. 

Dr.  Bartlett  was  again  elected  a  delegate  to  congress,  which 
then  sat  at  Yorktown,  on  the  fourteenth  of  March,  1778,  together 
with  John  Wentworth,  junr.,  and  resumed  his  seat  on  the  twenty- 
first  of  May :  the  bad  health  of  Mr.  Wentworth  prevented  his  long 
attendance,  and  he  returned  the  first  of  August.  Dr.  Bartlett, 
however,  resumed  his  duties  with  his  former  vigour. 

After  the  evacuation  of  Philadelphia  by  the  British,  congress 
adjourned  on  the  twenty-seventh  of  June  to  meet  in  that  city  on  the 


JOSIAH    BAETLETT.  173 

second  day  of  July.  The  delegates  dispersed  from  Yorktown  at 
different  times,  and  in  different  companies,  according  to  their  con- 
venience. Dr.  Bartlctt,  however,  was  only  accompanied  by  his 
servant :  they  were  obliged  to  pass  through  a  wood  of  considerable 
extent,  which  was  infested  by  a  band  of  robbers,  supposed  to  be 
about  twenty  in  number,  who  plundered  all  who  travelled  through 
it.  In  those  times  of  violence  and  distress,  many  people,  who  had 
been  driven  from  their  homes  and  occupations  by  the  movements 
of  contending  armies,  resorted  to  this  desperate  mode  of  life,  to 
obtain  subsistence ;  or  probably  some  renegado  tories,  of  the  class 
then  called  "  cow  boys,"  may  have  composed  this  band.  When 
Dr.  Barlett  and  his  attendant  had  arrived  at  the  tavern  near  the 
wood,  they  stopped  to  refresh  themselves  and  their  horses :  here 
they  were  informed  that  it  was  dangerous  to  pass  alone,  as  the  rob- 
bers were  then  particularly  on  the  alert.  At  the  same  time  an 
anecdote  was  related  relative  to  the  paymaster  of  the  army,  who 
took  a  large  quantity  of  paper  money  from  Yorktown,  a  few  weeks 
before,  to  the  army  under  General  Washington.  This  gentleman 
was  an  officer  of  the  army;  he  was  alone,  and  when  he  reached  the 
skirts  of  the  wood,  he  learned  the  active  spirit  and  supposed  number 
of  the  gang.  Finding  that  it  would  be  hazardous  to  proceed  in  his 
proper  character,  he  laid  aside  his  military  coat  and  every  appear- 
ance of  rank,  took  an  old  shabby  horse,  saddle,  bridle,  and  farmer's 
saddle-bags,  in  which  he  deposited  his  money,  and  set  off  in  the 
steady  jog  of  a  country  friend.  When  he  had  arrived  at  a  certain 
part  of  the  forest,  he  was  met  by  two  of  the  band,  who  demanded 
his  money.  He  saw  others  around  at  some  distance  in  the  wood, 
but  his  presence  of  mind  and  equanimity  were  equal  to  the  task, 
and  assuming  the  Quaker  air  and  seriousness,  he  told  them  that  he 
possessed  little  money ;  but  that,  if  they  had  a  better  right  to  it  than 
himself  and  family,  they  might  take  it.  He  then  spoke  of  moral 
and  religious  duties,  at  the  same  time  taking  from  his  pocket  a  few 
small  silver  and  copper  pieces,  which  he  offered  to  them.  They 
were  so  completely  deceived  by  this  manoeuvre,  that,  after  observing 
that  he  was  "  a  poor  Quaker,  and  not  worth  robbing,"  they  suffered 
him  to  pass  on  without  touching  his  money.  He  saluted  them  with 
a  friendly  "farewell,"  and  proceeding  in  his  old  jog,  passed  through 
the  wood,  and  carried  the  money  safely  to  the  army. 

While  Dr.  Bartlett  was  refreshing  himself,  several  other  delegates, 
with  their  servants,  arrived:  they  all  prepared  their  side-arms,  and 
setting  off  together,  passed  through  the  forest  without  interruption. 
15  k  2 


174  JOSIAHBARTLETT. 

When  they  arrived  at  Philadelphia,  they  found  great  alterations 
made  by  the  enemy  in  that  city.  "  The  congress,"  he  writes, 
"  meets  in  the  college  hall,  as  the  state  house  was  left  by  the  enemy 
in  a  most  filthy  and  sordid  situation,  as  were  many  of  the  public  and 
private  buildings  in  the  city:  some  of  the  genteel  houses  were  used 
for  stables,  and  holes  cut  in  the  parlour  floors,  and  their  dung 
shovelled  into  the  cellars.  The  country  northward  of  the  city  for 
several  miles  is  one  common  waste  ;  the  houses  burnt,  the  fruit 
trees  and  others  cut  down  and  carried  off,  fences  carried  away, 
gardens  and  orchards  destroyed ;  Mr.  Dickinson's  and  Mr.  Morris' 
fine  seats  all  demolished;  in  short,  I  could  hardly  find  the  great 
roads  that  used  to  pass  that  way:  the  enemy  built  a  strong  abbatis 
with  the  fruit  and  other  trees,  from  the  Delaware  to  the  Schuylkill, 
and  at  about  forty  or  fifty  rods  distance  along  the  abbatis,  a  quad- 
rangular fort  for  cannon,  and  a  number  of  redoubts  for  small  arms; 
the  same  on  the  several  eminences  along  the  Schuylkill,  against  the 
city."  Nor  was  it  only  in  objects  of  this  kind,  that  the  consequences 
of  the  British  invasion  of  Philadelphia  were  seen;  their  various  de- 
vices became  more  palpable,  by  which  they  endeavoured  to  sway 
the  opinions  of  the  Americans,  and  lead  them  into  subjugation 
through  the  agency  of  their  own  credulity  and  vanity.  They  had 
tried  a  pretended  spirit  of  reconciliation  in  the  year  1776,  when  con- 
gress had  deputed  Dr.  Franklin,  Mr.  Adams,  and  Mr.  Rutledge, 
to  meet  Lord  Howe,  at  the  request  of  the  latter.  The  palpable 
intention  was  to  lessen  the  enthusiasm  of  the  people  in  favour  of 
liberty,  and  bias  their  sentiments  against  revolutionary  principles, 
and  not  to  come  to  an  equitable  accommodation:  the  commission 
of  Lord  Howe  did  not  contain  any  other  authority  than  that  expressed 
in  the  act  of  parliament,  which  was  that  of  granting  pardons,  with 
such  exceptions  as  the  commissioners  might  think  proper  to  make, 
and  of  declaring  America,  or  any  part  of  it,  to  be  in  the  king's  peace, 
upon  submission.  It  is  unnecessary  to  add  in  what  manner  a  con- 
ference grounded  upon  such  principles  terminated.  The  British 
had  also  endeavoured  to  impose  upon  the  credulity  of  the  Americans 
through  the  medium  of  a  paper  printed  in  New  York,  commonly 
known  among  the  whigs  by  the  name  of  the  "Bivington  Lying 
Gazette;"  it  was  disseminated  as  widely  as  possible,  and  attempts 
were  made  by  the  instrumentality  of  the  tories,  to  induce  American 
printers  to  copy  from  it.  They  tempted  the  venality  of  the  leading 
citizens  and  public  officers,  of  which  Arnold  was  a  dark  example, 
and  tried  the  force  of  fashion  amongst  the  vain  and  weaker  part  of 


JOSIAH    BARTLETT.  175 

the  community.  Public  sentiment  in  all  communities,  as  well  as 
manners  and  customs,  are  swayed  by  the  ideal  tyrant  fashion.  As 
colonies,  we  were  nurtured  under  this  imaginary  phantom,  emanating 
from  the  parent  country,  and  continually  changing-.  Since  the  non- 
intercourse  with  Great  Britain,  our  customary  habits  had  remained 
nearly  the  same,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  changes,  recommended 
by  the  government,  in  relation  to  tea,  to  mourning,  and  to  domestic 
manufactured  cloth.  But,  after  the  British  entered  Philadelphia,  the 
ladies  attendant  on  their  army  taught  the  American  ladies  of  that 
city  the  use  of  high  head-dresses,  crape  cushions,  and  other  extra- 
vagancies of  London  fashions.  When  the  British  evacuated  Phila- 
delphia, the  ladies  of  the  tory  families  always  appeared  with  their 
fashionable  apparatus,  while  the  gentlemen  had  dismissed  their 
small  round  hats,  and  substituted  a  large  kind,  decorated  with  three 
corners.  These  customs  beginning  to  prevail  among  the  other 
citizens,  some  of  the  wings,  in  order  to  check  their  progress  by 
salutary  ridicule,  dressed  a  negro  wench  in  the  full  costume  of  a 
loyal  lady,  conveyed  her  to  the  place  of  resort  where  the  fashionables 
displayed  their  towering  topknots  and  jutting  magnificence,  and 
seated  her  in  the  most  conspicuous  place.  They  afterwards  carried 
her  through  the  city,  to  the  great  chagrin  of  the  devotees  of  the 
visionary  divinity.  But  nothing  could  stem  the  progress  of  the 
fashion,  which,  for  a  season,  became  general  throughout  America. 

Dr.  Bartlett  was  again  elected  a  member  of  congress,  on  the 
nineteenth  of  August,  1778,  and  on  the  thirty-first  of  October  fol- 
lowing obtained  leave  of  absence,  and  returned  home  for  the  pur- 
pose of  attending  to  his  domestic  concerns,  which  had  greatly  suf- 
fered from  the  want  of  his  care  and  superintendence.  He  never 
again  appeared  as  a  member  of  that  body,  but  devoted  himself  with 
unabated  zeal  to  the  affairs  of  his  own  state,  in  the  political  trans- 
actions of  which  he  took  a  prominent  part. 

In  1779,  Dr.  Bartlett  was  appointed  chief  justice  of  the  court  of 
common  pleas,  for  the  state  of  New  Hampshire,  and  in  17S0,  mus- 
ter-master of  the  troops  then  raising  for  three  years  and  during  the 
war.  In  1782,  on  the  resignation  of  Judge  Thornton,  he  was  ap- 
pointed a  justice  of  the  superior  court,  which  office  he  held  until  he 
was  made  chief  justice,  in  1788. 

In  the  year  1788,  the  federal  constitution,  which  had  been  framed 
by  the  delegates  assembled  at  Philadelphia,  was  presented  to  the 
several  states  for  their  consideration.  For  this  purpose,  in  the  state 
of  New  Hampshire  a  convention  of  people  was  held,  and  the  new 


176  JOSIAHBARTLETT. 

constitution  was  acceded  to,  and  approved  by  them  on  the  twenty- 
first  of  June.  Dr.  Bartlctt  was  an  active  member  of  the  conven- 
tion, and  strenuously  supported  its  adoption.  In  April,  1789,  the 
old  confederation  expired,  and  the  new  form  of  government,  partly 
federal  and  partly  national,  succeeded  in  its  place,  to  the  universal 
joy  of  all  who  desired  the  happiness  of  the  United  States.  Dr.  Bart- 
lett  was  chosen  a  senator  to  congress,  in  the  same  year,  together 
with  his  old  friend  Mr.  Langdon ;  but  the  infirmities  of  age,  being 
now  in  his  sixtieth  year,  induced  him  to  decline  that  office. 

In  June,  1790,  he  was  chosen  president  of  New  Hampshire,  in 
which  office  he  continued  until  June,  1793,  when  he  was  elected  the 
first  governor  of  the  state.  He  discharged  the  duties  of  this  high 
station  with  his  usual  promptitude  and  fidelity:  he  was  a  ruler  in 
whom  the  wise  placed  confidence,  and  of  whom  even  the  captious 
could  find  nothing  to  complain. 

The  advanced  age  of  Governor  Bartlett  now  required  repose,  and 
he  closed,  by  the  resignation  of  the  chief  magistracy,  his  public 
career,  which,  in  its  purity  of  principle  and  love  of  country,  was 
not  excelled  even  in  what  has  been  emphatically  denominated  "  the 
age  of  men."  On  the  twenty-ninth  of  January,  1794,  he  addressed 
the  following  letter  to  the  legislature : — 

"Gentlemen  of  the  legislature:  After  having  served  the  public 
for  a  number  of  years,  to  the  best  of  my  abilities,  in  the  various 
offices  to  which  I  have  had  the  honour  to  be  appointed,  I  think  it 
proper,  before  your  adjournment,  to  signify  to  you,  and  through  you 
to  my  fellow  citizens  at  large,  that  I  now  find  myself  so  far  ad- 
vanced in  age,  that  it  will  be  expedient  for  me  at  the  close  of  the 
session,  to  retire  from  the  cares  and  fatigues  of  public  business  to 
the  repose  of  a  private  life,  with  a  grateful  sense  of  the  repeated 
marks  of  trust  and  confidence  that  my  fellow  citizens  have  reposed 
in  me,  and  with  my  best  wishes  for  the  future  peace  and  prosperity 
of  the  state." 

The  repose  which  he  anticipated,  so  inestimable  to  a  man,  the 
better  part  of  whose  life  had  been  consumed  amid  the  toils  and 
troubles  of  the  revolution,  and  the  dissensions  which  preceded  it, 
was  destined,  in  this  world,  to  be  of  short  duration.  On  the  nine- 
teenth of  May,  1795,  this  distinguished  patriot  was  gathered  to  his 
fathers,  in  the  sixty-sixth  year  of  his  age.  The  wife  of  Governor 
Bartlett  was  a  lady  of  Kingston,  who  possessed  the  same  family  name. 
She  was  a  woman  of  excellent  character,  and  an  ornament  to  society, 
and  died  in  1789,  six  years  previous  to  the  death  of  her  husband. 


JOSIAH    BA.RTLETT.  177 

The  stern  patriotism  and  inflexible  republicanism  which  adorned 
the  character  of  Dr.  Bartlett,  have  already  been  developed.  His 
mind  was  quick  and  penetrating,  his  memory  tenacious,  his  judgment 
sound  and  perspicacious.  His  natural  temper  was  open,  humane, 
and  compassionate.  In  all  his  dealings  he  was  scrupulously  just, 
and  faithful  in  the  performance  of  all  his  engagements.  These 
brilliant  talents,  combined  with  distinguished  probity,  recommended 
him  early  in  life  to  the  esteem  and  confidence  of  his  fellow  citizens. 
But  few  persons,  by  their  own  merit,  and  without  the  influence  of 
family  or  party  connexions,  have,  like  him,  risen  from  one  degree 
of  confidence  to  another;  and  fewer  still  have  been  the  instances, 
in  which  a  succession  of  honourable  and  important  offices  have  been 
held  by  any  man  with  less  envy,  or  executed  with  more  general 
approbation. 


WILLIAM  WHIPPLE. 


William  Whipple,  the  eldest  son  of  William  Whipple,  was 
born  at  Kittery,  Maine,  in  the  year  1730.  He  was  educated  at  one 
of  the  public  schools  in  that  town.  The  instruction  he  received  was 
snch  as  was  usually  given  to  youths  of  respectable  families,  destined 
to  make  their  fortunes  by  commercial  pursuits,  and  though  not  of 
that  general  and  extended  kind  which  is  now  bestowed,  certainly 
was  not  so  limited  or  deficient  as  has  been  supposed.  He  displayed 
throughout  his  whole  life  the  marks  of  early  attention  and  a  good 
elementary  education.  On  leaving  school  he  embarked  immediately 
on  board  of  a  merchant  vessel,  the  constant  and  customary  mode 
of  commencing  a  commercial  life  at  that  period,  but  not,  as  has 
been  intimated,  with  the  intention  or  view  of  adopting  a  seafaring 
life,  strictly  so  to  speak,  as  his  future  occupation.  In  this  pursuit  he 
made  several  voyages,  and  amassed  some  fortune;  his  intercourse 
appears  to  have  been  chiefly  with  the  West  Indies,  and  it  has  been 
said  that  he  engaged  in  the  slave  trade;  of  this  we  have  no  direct 
evidence,  but  it  is  not  improbable,  as  such  a  traffic  was  one  of  the 
most  frequent  in  those  times,  among  all  commercial  nations,  that 
the  vessels  in  which  he  embarked  were  occasionally  engaged  in  it. 

In  the  year  1759,  however,  he  abandoned  the  sea  entirely,  being 
then  in  the  twenty-ninth  year  of  his  age,  and  entered  into  business 
in  Portsmouth,  with  his  brother,  under  the  firm  of  William  and 
Joseph  Whipple.  This  connexion  was  discontinued  about  one  or 
two  years  previous  to  the  revolution. 

Mr.  Whipple  married  his  cousin,  Catharine  Moffat.  His  offspring 
was  limited  to  one  child,  which  died  in  its  infancy.  He  resided  in 
the  family  of  his  father-in-law  from  the  time  of  his  marriage  until 
his  death. 

At  an  early  period  of  the  contest,  he  took  a  decided  part  in  favour 

of  the  colonies,  in  their  opposition  to  the  claims  of  Great  Britain; 

and  his  townsmen,  placing  the  highest  confidence  in  his  patriotism 

and  integrity,  frequently  elected  him  to  offices  which  required  great 

178 


RES. OF    GEN^W"  WHIPPLE. 

jufHW.H.  -How  "Res  of    ■■  p  !.  Lfl_a    EsV 


WILLIAM    WHIPPLE.  179 

firmness  and  moderation.  In  January,  1775,  lie  was  chosen  one  of 
the  representatives  of  the  town  of  Portsmouth  to  the  provincial 
congress,  held  at  Exeter  for  the  purpose  of  choosing  delegates  to 
the  general  congress,  which  was  to  meet  in  Philadelphia  on  the 
tenth  of  May  following. 

When  the  disputes  between  the  two  countries  were  approaching 
to  a  crisis,  the  provincial  committee  of  safety  of  New  Hampshire 
recommended  that  a  provincial  congress  should  be  formed,  for  the 
purpose  of  directing  and  managing  the  public  affairs  of  the  state 
during  the  term  of  six  months.  The  delegates  from  the  town  of 
Portsmouth  were  five  in  number,  among  whom  was  Captain  Whip- 
ple. He  accordingly  attended  the  meeting  of  the  congress,  which 
convened  at  Exeter  in  the  beginning  of  May,  1775,  and  was  elected 
by  that  body  one  of  the  provincial  committee  of  safety,  who  were 
to  regulate  the  affairs  of  government  during  the  war.  In  the  early 
part  of  the  same  year,  he  was  also  chosen  one  of  the  committee  of 
safety  for  the  town  of  Portsmouth. 

At  the  close  of  the  year  1775,  the  people  of  New  Hampshire 
assumed  a  form  of  government,  consisting  of  a  house  of  represen- 
tatives and  a  council  of  twelve,  the  president  of  which  was  the  chief 
executive  officer.  Mr.  Whipple  was  chosen  one  of  the  council,  on 
the  sixth  of  January,  1776,  and  on  the  twenty-third  of  the  same 
month,  a  delegate  to  the  general  congress :  he  took  his  seat  on  the 
twenty-ninth  of  February  following.  He  continued  to  be  re-elected 
to  that  distinguished  situation  in  the  years  1777,  1778,  and  1779, 
and  applied  himself  with  diligence  and  ability  to  the  discharge  of  its 
duties,  when  the  military  services  which  he  rendered  during  that 
period  permitted  him  to  be  an  acting  member  of  the  New  Hamp- 
shire delegation.  In  the  middle  of  September,  1779,  he  finally 
retired  from  congress,  after  having  attended,  without  the  least  in- 
termission, at  his  post  of  duty,  from  the  fifth  of  the  preceding  month 
of  November. 

Whilst  in  congress,  he  was  considered  a  very  useful  and  active 
member,  and  discharged  the  duties  of  his  office  in  a  manner  alike 
honourable  to  himself  and  satisfactory  to  his  constituents.  In  the 
current  and  committed  business  of  the  house,  he  displayed  equal 
perseverance,  ability,  and  application.  His  early  pursuits  rendered 
him  particularly  useful  as  a  member  of  the  committees  of  marine 
and  of  commerce;  and,  as  one  of  the  superintendents  of  the  com- 
missary's and  quarter-master's  departments,  he  laboured,  with  much 
assiduity,  to  correct  the  abuses  which  had  prevailed,  and  to  place 


180  WILLIAM    WHIPPLE. 

those  establishments  upon  sueh  a  footing  as  might  best  conduce  to 
the  public  service.  When  the  depreciation  of  the  continental  cur- 
rency became  excessive,  he  strongly  opposed  new  emissions  of 
paper,  as  tending  to  the  utter  destruction  of  public  confidence. 

Soon  after  Mr.  Whipple's  returnto  New  Hampshire,  he  was  called 
on  to  exercise  his  patriotism  in  scenes  and  modes  yet  untried.  He 
had  buffeted  the  waves  as  a  seaman;  he  had  pursued  the  peaceful 
occupations  of  a  merchant;  and  he  had  distinguished  himself  as  a 
legislator  and  a  statesman;  but  he  was  now  called  on  to  undergo 
the  severer  personal  duties,  and  to  gather  the  more  conspicuous 
laurels  of  a  soldier.  The  overwhelming  force  of  Burgoyne  having 
compelled  the  American  troops  to  evacuate  their  strong  post  at 
Ticonderoga,  universal  alarm  prevailed  in  the  north.  The  com- 
mittee of  the  "  New  Hampshire  Grants,"  which  had  now  formed 
themselves  into  a  separate  state,  wrote  in  the  most  pressing  terms 
to  the  committee  of  safety  at  Exeter,  for  assistance.  The  assem- 
bly of  New  Hampshire  was  immediately  convened,  and  adopted  the 
most  effectual  and  decisive  measures  for  the  defence  of  the  country. 
They  formed  the  whole  militia  of  the  state  into  two  brigades,  giving 
the  command  of  the  first  to  William  Whipple,  and  of  the  second  to 
General  Stark.  General  Stark  was  immediately  ordered  to  march, 
"  to  stop  the  progress  of  the  enemy  on  our  western  frontiers,"  with 
one-fourth  of  his  brigade,  and  one-fourth  of  three  regiments  belong- 
ing to  the  brigade  of  General  Whipple. 

Burgoyne,  presuming  that  no  more  effectual  opposition  would  be 
made,  flattered  himself  that  he  might  advance  without  much  annoy- 
ance. To  the  accomplishments  and  experience  of  his  officers,  was 
added  a  formidable  train  of  artillery,  with  all  the  apparatus,  stores, 
and  equipments,  which  the  nature  of  the  service  required.  His 
army  was  principally  composed  of  veteran  corps  of  the  best  troops 
of  Britain  and  Germany,  and  American  loyalists  furnished  it  with 
spies,  scouts,  and  rangers:  a  numerous  body  of  savages,  in  their 
own  dress  and  with  their  own  weapons,  and  characteristic  ferocity, 
increased  the  terrors  of  its  approach.  Flushed  by  a  confidence  in 
his  superior  force,  and  deceived  in  his  opinion  of  the  number  of 
friendly  loyalists,  the  British  general  despatched  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Baum  from  Fort  Edward,  with  about  fifteen  hundred  of  his  Ger 
man  troops,  and  a  body  of  Indians,  to  overrun  the  "  Grants"  as  faj 
as  the  Connecticut  river,  for  the  purpose  of  collecting  horses  tc 
mount  the  dragoons,  and  cattle,  both  for  labour  and  provisions.  He 
was  encountered  at  Bennington  by  the  intrepid  Stark,  who  carried 


WILLIAM    WHIPPLE.  181 

the  works  which  he  had  constructed  by  assault,  and  killed  or  cap- 
tured the  greater  part  of  his  detachment ;  a  few  only  escaped  into 
the  woods,  and  saved  themselves  by  flight. 

This  victory  gave  a  severe  check  to  the  hopes  of  the  enemy,  and 
revived  the  spirits  of  the  people  after  a  long  depression.  The 
courage  of  the  militia  increased  with  their  reputation,  and  they 
found  that  neither  British  nor  German  regulars  were  invincible. 
Burgoyne  was  weakened  and  disheartened  by  the  event,  and  be- 
ginning to  perceive  the  danger  of  his  situation,  he  now  considered 
the  men  of  New  Hampshire  and  the  Green  Mountains,  whom  he 
had  viewed  with  contempt,  as  dangerous  enemies :  in  a  letter,  writ- 
ten about  this  time,  he  remarks  to  Lord  Germaine,  that  "  the  New 
Hampshire  Grants,  till  of  late  but  little  known,  hang  like  a  cloud 
on  my  left." 

The  northern  army  was  now  reinforced  by  the  militia  of  all  the 
neighbouring  states.  Brigadier  General  Whipple  marched  with  a 
great  part  of  his  brigade;  and  volunteers  from  all  parts  of  New 
Hampshire  hastened  in  great  numbers  to  join  the  standard  of  General 
Gates.  In  the  desperate  battles  of  Stillwater  and  of  Saratoga,  the 
troops  of  New  Hampshire  gained  a  large  share  of  the  honour  due 
to  the  American  army.  The  consequence  of  these  engagements 
was  the  surrender  of  General  Burgoyne.  When  the  British  army 
capitulated,  he  was  appointed,  with  Colonel  Wilkinson,  as  the 
representative  of  General  Gates,  to  meet  two  officers  from  General 
Burgoyne,  for  the  purpose  of  propounding,  discussing,  and  settling 
several  subordinate  articles  and  regulations  springing  from  the  pre- 
liminary proposals  of  the  British  general,  and  which  required  expla- 
nation and  precision  before  the  definitive  treaty  could  be  properly 
executed.  By  concert  with  Major  Kingston,  a  tent  was  pitched 
between  the  advanced  guards  of  the  two  armies,  where  they  met 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Sutherland,  and  Captain  Craig  of  the  forty- 
seventh  regiment,  on  the  afternoon  of  the  sixteenth  October,  1777. 
Having  produced  and  exchanged  credentials,  they  proceeded  to  dis- 
cuss the  objects  of  their  appointment,  and  in  the  evening  signed  the 
articles  of  capitulation.  After  the  attainment  of  this  grand  object, 
General  Whipple  was  selected  as  one  of  the  officers,  under  whose 
command  the  British  troops  were  conducted  to  their  destined 
encampment  on  Winter-hill,  near  Boston. 

General  Whipple  was  attended  on  this  expedition  by  a  valuable 
negro  servant  named  Prince,  whom  he  had  imported  from  Africa 
many  years  before.  On  his  way  to  the  army,  he  told  his  servant 
16  L 


182  WILLIAM    WHIPPLE. 

that  if  they  should  be  called  into  action,  he  expected  that  he  would 
behave  like  a  man  of  courage,  and  fight  bravely  for  his  country. 
Prince  replied,  "Sir,  I  have  no  inducement  to  fight;  but  if  I  had 
my  liberty,  I  would  endeavour  to  defend  it  to  the  last  drop  of  my 
blood."  The  general  manumitted  him  upon  the  spot.  This  anec- 
dote is  related  by  the  Marquis  de  Chasleleux  in  his  "  Travels  in 
North  America,"  but  is  erroneously  applied  to  Governor  Langdon, 
who  was  in  company  with  General  Whipple  at  the  time,  but  had  no 
negro  servant  with  him. 

While  he  was  thus  absent  from  congress  on  more  active  duties, 
he  kept  up  a  constant  correspondence  with  his  friends  in  Philadel- 
phia, so  as  to  be  informed  of  their  views  and  wishes,  and  to  co- 
operate as  much  as  possible  with  them. 

Nor  was  the  expedition  against  Burgoynethe  only  military  affair 
that  Mr.  Whipple  was  engaged  in  during  his  absence  from  congress. 
It  may  be  recollected  that  in  the  latter  part  of  this  summer,  when 
Count  d'Estaing  had  abandoned  his  project  of  attacking  the  British 
fleet  at  New  York,  a  plan  was  formed  for  his  co-operation  with 
General  Sullivan  in  retaking  Rhode  Island  from  the  British.  To 
aid  in  this  measure  the  militia  of  the  adjoining  states  were  called 
out,  and  the  detachment  of  New  Hampshire  was  placed  under  the 
command  of  General  Whipple.  The  scheme,  owing  to  some  acci- 
dent, or  the  neglect  of  a  proper  understanding,  proved  unsuccessful, 
and  General  Sullivan  was  only  able  to  save  his  army  by  a  judicious 
retreat.  During  this  brief  campaign  it  is  recorded,  that  one  morning 
whilst  a  number  of  officers  were  at  breakfast  in  the  general's 
quarters,  at  the  position  on  the  north  end  of  the  island,  the  British 
advanced  to  an  eminence  about  three  quarters  of  a  mile  distant ; 
perceiving  horses  and  a  guard  before  the  door,  they  discharged  a 
field  piece,  which  killed  one  of  the  horses,  and  the  ball,  penetrating 
(he  side  of  the  house,  passed  under  the  table  where  the  officers 
were  sitting,  and  shattered  the  leg  of  the  brigade  major  of  General 
Whipple  in  such  a  manner  that  amputation  was  necessary. — The 
design  for  which  the  militia  were  called  out  having  thus  proved 
abortive,  many  of  them  were  discharged,  and  General  Whipple 
with  those  under  his  command  returned  to  New  Hampshire.  Ac- 
cording to  the  pay-roll  for  the  general  and  staff  of  his  division  of 
volunteers,  it  appears  that  he  took  the  command  on  the  26th  of  July, 
and  returned  on  the  5th  of  September,  1778. 

Having  closed  his  military  career,  he  returned  to  Philadelphia 
without  delay,  and  resumed  his  duties  in  congress. 


WILLIAM    WHIPPLE.  183 

The  high  consideration  in  which  his  services  were  held  by  con- 
gress did  not  cease  to  accompany  Mr.  Whipple  in  his  retirement. 
In  the  beginning  of  the  year  1780  lie  was  appointed  a  commissioner 
of  the  board  of  admiralty,  which  office  he  declined  accepting,  owing 
to  the  situation  of  his  private  affairs.  In  a  letter  of  the  seventh  of 
February,  1780,  he  thus  expresses  himself  to  Nathaniel  Peabody, 
in  relation  to  this  appointment.  "  I  am  confident  that  your  wishes, 
that  I  would  accept  the  office  you  mentioned,  are  founded  on  the 
best  principles,  viz.  the  public  good ;  though  I  am  not  altogether  so 
clear  that  you  would  not  be  mistaken.  No  doubt  some  other  per- 
son may  be  found  that  will  fill  the  place  much  better;  at  least  this 
is  my  sincere  wish,  for  I  have  nothing  more  at  heart  than  our  navy. 
The  official  account  of  my  appointment  did  not  reach  me  till  some 
time  in  January,  although  the  letter  was  dated  the  27th  November; 
this  may  account  for  my  answer's  being  so  long  delayed:  indeed,  I 
took  a  fortnight  to  consider  the  matter  before  I  gave  my  answer, 
and  I  assure  you  considered  it  very  maturely;  and,  in  casting  up 
the  account,  I  found  the  balance  so  greatly  against  it,  that  I  was 
obliged,  on  the  principle  of  self-preservation,  to  decline." 

In  the  year  1780,  immediately  after  his  retirement  from  congress, 
he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  legislature,  to  which  office  he  was 
repeatedly  chosen,  «nd  continued  to  enjoy  the  confidence  and  appro- 
bation of  his  fellow  citizens. 

In  May,  1782,  the  superintendent  of  finance,  confiding  in  "  his  in- 
clination and  abilities  to  promote  the  interests  of  the  United  States," 
appointed  Mr.  Whipple  receiver  for  the  state  of  New  Hampshire,  a 
commission  at  once  arduous  and  unpopular.  It  was  invariably  the 
rule  of  Mr.  Morris  to  grant  this  appointment  only  to  men  of  tried 
integrity  and  invincible  patriotism.  The  duty  of  the  office  was  not 
only  to  receive  and  transmit  the  sums  collected  in  the  state,  but  to 
expedite  that  collection  by  all  proper  means,  and  incessantly  to  urge 
the  local  authorities  to  comply  with  the  requisitions  of  congress. 
The  station  now  held  by  Mr.  Whipple  was,  therefore,  extremely 
irksome,  not  only  from  the  urgent  and  necessary  representations  to 
the  legislature  and  the  people,  but  from  the  total  want  of  success 
which  attended  his  most  persevering  efforts.  So  shameful  was  the 
sluggishness  of  the  state  in  the  payment  of  revenue,  that  it  was 
necessary,  six  months  after  the  first  instalment  became  due,  to 
remit  money  to  New  Hampshire  for  the  purpose  of  finishing  a  single 
ship  on  the  stocks  at  Portsmouth.  The  discouraging  result  of  his 
exertions  induced  him,  on  the  third  of  August,  1783,  to  repeat  more 


184  WILLIAM    WHIPPLE. 

strongly  his  desire  to  abandon  an  office,  the  powers  and  effects  of 
which  were  so  little  desirable.  But  Mr.  Morris  was  not  disposed 
to  lose  the  services  of  a  faithful  and  able  agent,  without  an  effort  to 
shake  his  determination.  "If,"  he  remarked  in  a  letter  of  the 
nineteenth  August,  1783,  "a  number  of  competitors  would  appear, 
I  am  well  persuaded  that  you  would  not  have  accepted.  Your 
original  motives  must  continue  to  exist,  until  the  situation  of  our 
affairs  shall  mend.  Persist,  then,  I  pray  you,  in  those  efforts  which 
you  promised  me,  and  be  persuaded  that  the  consciousness  of  having 
made  them  will  be  the  best  reward.  If  this  is  not  the  case,  I  have 
mistaken  your  character." — Let  it  be  remembered  that  an  eulogium 
from  Robert  Morris  should  be  equally  venerated  as  though  it  had 
fallen  from  the  lips  of  Washington:  the  military  glory  of  the  hero 
can  never  be  separated  from  the  gigantic  talents  of  the  financier. — 
It  was  not  until  the  month  of  January,  1784,  that  Mr.  Whipple  was 
enabled  to  make  his  first  remittance  to  the  treasury:  this,  at  a 
time  when  the  public  necessities  were  most  urgent,  consisted  of 
three  thousand  dollars!  At  length,  he  was  resolved  no  longer  to 
submit  to  the  series  of  vexations  which  he  had  endured  for  more 
than  two  years,  and  which  the  infirm  state  of  his  health  rendered 
still  more  oppressive.  On  the  twenty-second  of  July,  1784,  he 
imparted  his  final  determination  to  Mr.  Morris,  and  retired  from 
the  office  of  receiver  in  the  course  of  the  following  month. 

A  dispute  had  long  subsisted  between  the  states  of  Pennsylvania 
and  Connecticut,  relative  to  certain  lands  at  Wyoming,  which,  from 
the  hostile  spirit  in  which  it  was  conducted,  demanded  the  serious 
consideration  of  congress.  On  the  sixteenth  of  July,  1782,  it  was 
resolved  that  the  agents  of  those  states  should  appoint  commissioners 
or  judges  to  constitute  a  court  for  hearing  and  determining  the 
matter  in  question,  agreeably  to  the  ninth  article  of  the  confedera- 
tion. On  the  eighth  of  August,  this  requisition  was  complied  with, 
and  Mr.  Whipple  was  included  in  the  commission  subsequently 
granted  by  congress.  The  court  of  commissioners  met  at  Trenton, 
in  New  Jersey,  on  the  twelfth  of  November,  but  did  not  constitute 
a  quorum  until  the  eighteenth ;  when  William  Whipple,  Welcome 
Arnold,  David  Brearly,  William  Churchill  Houston,  and  Cyrus 
Griffin,  Esqrs.  having  taken  the  necessary  oath,  opened  the  court 
in  lorm.  Mr.  Whipple  was  appointed  president,  and  throughout 
the  course  of  this  important  and  delicate  trial,  which  terminated  on 
the  thirtieth  of  December,  displayed  great  ability,  impartiality,  and 
moderation.     Their  final  sentence  and  decree  was  returned  to  con- 


WILLIAM    WHIPPLE.  185 

gress  on  the  third  of  January,  stating  it  as  the  unanimous  opinion 
of  the  court,  that  the  state  of  Connecticut  has  no  right  to  the  lands 
in  controversy. 

About  this  period  General  Whipple  began  to  be  afflicted  with 
strictures  in  the  breast,  which,  at  times,  proved  extremely  painful. 
A  little  exercise  would  induce  violent  palpitations  of  the  heart, 
which  were  very  distressing.  Riding  on  horseback  often  produced 
this  effect,  and  frequently  caused  him  to  faint  and  fall  from  his 
horse.  This  complaint  prevented  him  from  engaging  in  the  more 
active  scenes  of  life,  and  compelled  him  to  decline  any  further 
military  command. 

On  the  twentieth  of  June,  1782,  he  was  appointed  a  judge  of  the 
superior  court  of  judicature;  it  being  usual,  at  that  period,  to  fill 
the  office  with  persons  who  had  not  been  educated  in  the  profession 
of  the  law.  The  bench  consisted  of  four  judges,  and  the  chief 
justice  only  was  taken  from  the  bar.  A  discerning  mind,  sound 
judgment,  and  integrity,  were  deemed  adequate,  but  essential  quali- 
fications; and  these  virtues  were  possessed  by  General  Whipple. 
In  an  attempt  to  sum  up  the  arguments  of  the  counsel,  and  state  a 
cause  to  the  jury,  the  effort  brought  on  the  palpitation  of  his  heart, 
in  so  violent  a  degree,  that  he  proceeded  with  great  difficulty;  and 
this  was  the  only  instance  of  his  making  a  formal  speech,  whilst 
seated  upon  the  bench.  He  continued,  however,  to  ride  the  circuits 
with  the  court  for  the  term  of  two  or  three  years,  and  assisted  his 
brethren  with  his  opinion  in  the  decision  of  the  causes  before  them. 

On  the  twenty-fifth  of  December,  1784,  he  was  appointed  a  jus- 
tice of  the  peace  and  quorum  throughout  the  state,  under  the  new 
constitution.  In  the  fall  of  1785,  the  rapid  increase  of  his  disorder 
compelled  him  to  leave  the  court,  and  return  home  before  the  cir- 
cuit was  completed.  He  was  immediately  confined  to  his  chamber, 
and  the  nature  of  his  complaint  preventing  him  from  lying  in  bed, 
his  only  refreshment  from  sleep  was  received  whilst  sitting  in  a 
chair.  ■  The  nature  and  violence  of  his  disorder  being  beyond  the 
reach  of  medical  art,  he  expired  on  the  twenty-eighth  day  of  No- 
vember, 1785,  in  the  fifty-fifth  year  of  his  age. 

His  body  was  opened,  by  his  special  direction,  and  it  was  found 
that  an  ossification  had  taken  place  in  his  heart ;  the  valves  being 
united  to  the  aorta,  a  small  aperture,  about  the  size  of  a  large 
knitting  needle,  remained  open,  through  which  all  the  blood  flowed 
in  its  circulation;  and  when  any  sudden  motion  gave  it  new  im- 
pulse, it  produced  the  palpitation  and  faintness  to  which  he  was  lia- 
l2 


186  WIL  MAM    WHIPPLE. 

ble.     His  body  was  deposited  in  the  North  burying  ground  in  Ports- 
mouth. 

Mr.  Whipple  was  possessed  of  a  strong  mind,  and  quick  discern- 
ment :  he  was  easy  in  his  manners,  courteous  in  his  deportment, 
correct  in  his  habits,  and  constant  in  his  friendships.  He  enjoyed 
through  life  a  great  share  of  the  public  confidence,  and  although  his 
early  education  was  limited,  his  natural  good  sense,  and  accurate 
observations,  enabled  him  to  discharge  the  duties  of  the  several 
offices  with  which  he  was  intrusted,  with  credit  to  himself  and  bene- 
fit to  the  public.  In  the  various  scenes  of  life  in  which  he  engaged, 
he  constantly  manifested  an  honest  and  persevering  spirit  of  emu- 
lation, which  conducted. him  with  rapid  strides  to  distinction.  As  a 
sailor,  he  speedily  attained  the  highest  rank  in  the  profession;  as  a 
merchant,  he  was  circumspect  and  industrious;  as  a  congressman, 
he  was  firm  and  fearless ;  as  a  legislator,  he  was  honest  and  able ; 
as  a  commander,  he  was  cool  and  courageous;  as  a  judge,  he  was 
dignified  and  impartial;  and  as  a  member  of  many  subordinate 
public  offices,  he  was  alert  and  persevering.  Few  men  rose  more 
rapidly  and  worthily  in  the  scale  of  society,  or  bore  their  new 
honours  with  more  modesty  and  propriety. 


L>"'°F    M,TT"EW™0R"T0N 

■  atism  d  Independence, Dra.-ry  H"  a 


MATTHEW  THORNTON. 


Matthew  Thornton  was  a  native  of  Ireland,  where  he  was 
horn  about  the  year  1714.  Two  or  three  years  subsequent  to  his 
birth,  his  father,  James  Thornton,  emigrated  to  this  country  with 
his  family,  and  resided  at  Wiscasset,  in  Maine.  In  a  few  years  he 
removed  to  the  town  of  Worcester,  in  the  province  of  Massachusetts, 
where  he  conferred  the  benefits  of  an  academical  education  upon 
his  son,  whom  he  designed  for  one  of  the  learned  professions.  He 
accordingly  commenced,  and  prosecuted  his  medical  studies  under 
the  superintendence  of  Dr.  Grout,  of  Leicester,  in  Massachusetts, 
and  after  the  usual  preparatory  course,  embarked  in  the  practice  of 
medicine  in  Londonderry.  New  Hampshire.  He  rapidly  acquired 
extensive  and  well-merited  reputation  as  a  physician  and  surgeon, 
and  in  the  course  of  several  years'  successful  practice,  became  com- 
paratively wealthy. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  year  1745,  an  expedition  against  Cape 
Breton  was  planned  by  Governor  Shirley,  and  submitted  to  the  legis- 
lature of  Massachusetts,  in  which  it  was  adopted  by  a  majority  of 
one.  The  co-operation  of  New  Hampshire  being  required,  the 
legislature  of  that  province  evinced  much  greater  enthusiasm  and 
alacrity,  and  at  once  assented  to  the  measure.  A  corps  of  five  hun- 
dred men  was  raised  immediately,  prudent  officers  were  selected, 
and  the  whole  equipped  in  the  best  manner  that  the  resources  of 
the  province  would  permit.  Dr.  Thornton  was  selected  to  accom- 
pany it  as  a  surgeon,  and  in  the  course  of  the  expedition  gave  evi- 
dence of  those  superior  talents  which  afterwards  brought  him  for- 
wards into  public  notice  in  a  still  more  distinguished  manner. 

Dr.  Thornton,  of  course,  participated  in  the  perils  of  this  fortunate 
expedition,  and  it  is  a  creditable  evidence  of  the  professional  abili- 
ties and  attention  of  the  medical  department,  that,  from  among  a 
division  of  five  hundred  men,  only  six  individuals  died  from  sickness, 
previous  to  the  surrender  of  the  town,  notwithstanding  they  had 
been  subjected  to  excessive  toil  and  constant  exposure 

187 


188  MATTHEW    THORNTON. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  revolutionary  war,  Dr.  Thornton 
still  resided  in  Londonderry,  and  held  the  rank  of  a  colonel  in  the 
militia.  He  was  also  commissioned  a  justice  of  the  peace,  under 
the  administration  of  Benning  Wentworth. 

In  1775,  when  the  British  government  was  dissolved,  and  a  pro- 
vincial convention  formed  for  temporary  purposes,  Matthew  Thorn- 
ton was  appointed  the  first  president. 

Although  the  co-operation  of  the  inhabitants  of  Hew  Hampshire 
with  the  other  colonies,  in  their  opposition  to  the  stamp  tax,  did 
not  appear  very  cordial,  from  their  omission  to  send  delegates  to 
the  congress  of  1765,  yet  the  state  assembly,  at  their  next  meeting, 
adopted  the  same  measures,  and  forwarded  petitions  to  England, 
similar  to  those  which  had  been  prepared  by  congress.  The  pro- 
vinces of  New  Hampshire,  North  Carolina,  and  Virginia,  were  un- 
represented; but  the  legislatures  of  the  two  last  were  not  in  session, 
and  the  former  alone,  although  joining  in  the  general  opposition, 
declined  sending  delegates  to  the  convention.  This  defalcation,  so 
destructive  to  the  unanimity  which  ought  to  have  characterized  the 
proceedings  of  the  oppressed  colonists,  probably  arose  from  the 
exercise  of  the  same  influence  which  created  a  reluctance  on  the 
part  of  the  merchants  of  Portsmouth  to  adopt  the  non-importation 
•agreement,  in  1769;  but  the  popularity  and  power  of  Governor 
Wentworth  were  unable  to  cope  with  the  spirit  of  patriotism, 
strengthened  by  the  conviction  that  their  whole  intercourse  with  the 
other  colonics  would  be  suspended,  unless  they  followed  the  general 
example,  by  forming  an  association  similar  to  those  which  had  been 
elsewhere  adopted  ;  this  was  accordingly  effected  in  1770.  But  not- 
withstanding these  appearances,  the  popular  spirit  of  New  Hamp- 
shire was  decidedly,  but  temperately  displayed  upon  all  proper 
occasions,  in  opposition  to  the  odious  tax  which  had  been  imposed. 

The  events  which  succeeded,  and  the  gradually  increasing  oppo- 
sition of  the  people,  until  the  overthrow  of  the  royal  government  in 
the  province,  have  been  already  mentioned  and  need  not  be  here 
repeated.  Dr.  Thornton  took  an  active  and  zealous  part  in  all  of 
them,  and  was  looked  up  to  by  the  whole  community  as  one  of  the 
firmest  of  the  patriots,  and  one  of  the  most  prudent  leaders.  On 
the  flight  of  Governor  Wentworth,  he  arose  amid  a  perilous  and 
appalling  scene,  to  the  presidency  of  the  provincial  convention.  On 
the  second  of  June,  1775,  a  few  days  previous  to  the  flight  of  the 
British  governor,  an  address  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  state  was  pre- 
pared by  the  convention,  to  which  the  name  of  Matthew  Thornton 


MATTHEW    THORNTON.  189 

is  affixed,  and  which,  as  a  rare  document,  and  strongly  illustrative 
of  the  temper  and  firmness  of  that  assembly,  is  worthy  of  preserva- 
tion. It  bears  date  in  the  provincial  congress  at  Exeter,  on  the 
second  of  June,  1775,  and  is  addressed  to  the  inhabitants  of  the 
colony. 

On  the  third  of  November,  1775,  congress  took  into  considera- 
tion the  report  of  the  committee  to  which  these  instructions  had 
been  referred,  and  recommended  to  the  provincial  convention  to  call 
a  full  and  free  representation  of  the  people,  and  that  the  represen- 
tatives so  called  should  establish  such  a  form  of  government,  as,  in 
their  judgment,  would  best  promote  the  happiness  of  the  people, 
and  most  effectually  secure  peace  and  good  order  in  the  province, 
during  the  continuance  of  the  existing  dispute  between  Great  Bri- 
tain and  her  colonies.  The  members  of  the  convention  were  prin- 
cipally men  who  knew  nothing  of  the  theory  of  government,  and  had 
never  before  been  concerned  in  public  affairs ;  but  in  the  short  term 
of  six  months,  they  were  convinced  by  experience,  that  it  was 
improper  for  a  legislative  assembly  to  consist  of  one  house  only. 
Having  accordingly  framed  a  temporary  form  of  government,  they 
assumed  the  name  and  authority  of  a  house  of  representatives,  and 
elected  twelve  persons  to  constitute  a  distinct  branch  of  the  legisla- 
ture, under  the  title  of  a  council.  The  office  of  president  of  the  con- 
vention, held  by  Dr.  Thornton,  was  accordingly  annulled.  Meshech 
Weare,  an  old  and  faithful  servant  of  the  public,  was  appointed 
president  of  the  council.  The  non-election  of  Dr.  Thornton,  who 
then  held  the  highest  office  in  the  civil  service,  did  not  certainly 
proceed  from  a  want  of  confidence  in  his  abilities  and  patriotism, 
as  his  subsequent  speedy  nomination  to  congress  amply  attests,  but 
rather  from  the  superior  claims  of  Mr.  Weare.  On  the  fifth  of 
January,  1776,  he  was  elected  speaker  of  the  general  assembly. 

On  the  twelfth  of  September,  1776,  he  was  appointed,  by  the 
house  of  representatives,  a  delegate  to  represent  the  state  of  New 
Hampshire  in  congress,  during  the  term  of  one  year.  He  did  not 
take  his  seat  in  that  illustrious  body  until  the  fourth  of  November 
following,  being  four  months  after  the  passage  of  the  Declaration 
of  Independence;  but  he  immediately  acceded  to  it,  and  was  per- 
mitted to  place  his  signature  on  the  engrossed  copy  of  the  instru- 
ment, among  those  of  the  fifty-six  worthies,  who  have  immortal- 
ized their  names  by  that  memorable  and  magnanimous  act.  The 
case  of  Dr.  Thornton  is  not  singular :  neither  Benjamin  Rush,  George 
Clymer,  James  Wilson,  George  Ross,  nor  George  Taylor,  were  pre- 
17 


190  MATTHEW    THORNTON. 

sent  in  congress,  on  the  fourth  of  July,  1776,  not  having  been  chosen 
delegates  by  the  legislature  of  Pennsylvania  until  the  twentieth  da) 
of  that  month. 

On  the  tenth  of  January,  1776,  Dr.  Thornton  was  appointed  a 
judge  of  the  superior  court  of  New  Hampshire,  which  office  he 
retained  until  the  year  1782.  He  had  previously  received  the  ap- 
pointment of  chief  justice  of  the  court  of  common  pleas.  On  the 
twenty-fourth  of  December,  1776,  he  was  again  elected,  together 
with  William  Whipple  and  Josiah  Bartlett,  to  represent  the  state 
of  New  Hampshire  in  congress,  for  the  term  of  one  year,  from  the 
twenty-third  of  January,  1777.  At  the  expiration  of  that  time,  he 
concluded  his  congressional  labours,  which  had  been  performed  with 
undeviating  assiduity,  and  a  strict  regard  to  the  prosperity  and 
honour  of  the  country. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  year  1779,  he  removed  to  Exeter,  and, 
in  1780,  purchased  a  farm,  pleasantly  situated  on  the  banks  of  the 
Merrimack,  to  which  he  retired  a  short  time  after.  In  this  delight- 
ful abode,  he  connected  the  business  of  agriculture  with  his  other 
diversified  occupations.  Being  now  far  advanced  in  life,  he  relin- 
quished, in  a  great  measure,  the  practice  of  medicine;  but  when- 
ever his  professional  services  were  particularly  required,  they  were 
cheerfully  granted,  and  at  all  times  highly  appreciated.  He  inter- 
ested himself  in  the  municipal  affairs  of  the  town,  and  was,  for  seve- 
ral years,  chosen  one  of  the  select-men.  During  one  or  two  years, 
he  served  as  a  member  of  the  general  court;  and  was  elected  to 
the  office  of  senator  in  the  state  legislature.  On  the  twenty-fifth 
January,  1784,  he  was  appointed  a  justice  of  the  peace  and  quorum 
throughout  the  state  under  the  new  constitution,  which  office  he 
continued  to  hold  until  the  time  of  his  death.  In  1785,  he  appears 
to  have  terminated  his  political  career,  in  the  seventy-first  year  of 
his  age,  as  a  member  of  the  council,  under  the  presidency  of  John 
Langdon. 

The  deep  interest  entertained  by  Dr.  Thornton  in  relation  to  the 
welfare  of  the  community,  even  when  he  had,  in  a  great  measure, 
retired  from  active  political  life,  is  apparent  in  his  exertions  to  ter- 
minate the  unhappy  disputes  between  the  states  of  New  Hampshire 
and  Vermont.  The  latter,  not  then  an  acknowleged  state  of  the 
Union,  had  extended  its  jurisdiction  over  a  number  of  towns  within 
the  limits  of  the  former,  and  officers  of  justice,  appointed  by  the 
authority  of  both  states,  were  exercising  jurisdiction  in  the  same 
places,  and  over  the  same  persons.    Party  rage,  strong  contentions. 


MATTHEW    THORNTON.  191 

and  deep  resentments,  were  produced  by  these  clashing  interests  ; 
and  at  the  period  when  the  letter  of  Dr.  Thornton  was  written,  a 
serious  affray  in  the  town  of  Chesterfield, — during  which  the  respec- 
tive sheriffs  of  the  two  states  were  at  different  periods  committed  to 
prison  by  the  stronger  party,  and  orders  were  on  each  side  issued 
to  oppose  force  by  force, — threatened  to  lead  to  open  acts  of  hostility, 
-Dr.  Thornton  addressed  an  earnest  and  eloquent  letter  to  Pre- 
sident Weare,  urging  the  necessity  of  calmness  and  forbearance, 
and  no  doubt  greatly  contributed  to  the  amicable  adjustment  of  the 
dispute. 

In  private  life,  the  social  feelings  and  attachments  of  Dr.  Thornton 
attracted  the  general  esteem  of  those  by  whom  he  was  surrounded: 
the  young  and  the  old  were  alike  participators  in  the  agreeable  ver- 
satility of  his  powers,  and  the  inexhaustible  stock  of  information 
which  a  long  and  industrious  life  had  accumulated.  His  memory 
was  well  stored  with  a  large  fund  of  entertaining  and  instructive 
anecdotes,  which  he  could  apply  to  any  incident,  or  subject  of  con- 
versation. Hence  his  society  was  universally  courted,  and  few  ever 
left  his  presence  without  being  both  instructed  and  amused.  Nor 
were  his  instructions  speedily  forgotten ;  for  they  were  invariably 
interwoven  with  some  anecdote  of  the  character  or  event  which  he 
wished  to  describe,  and  illustrative  of  the  lesson  which  he  desired 
to  impart;  these  pleasant  intertextures  were  so  applicable,  that  the 
recollection  of  them  could  not  fail  to  recall  to  the  memory  the  cir- 
cumstances with  which  they  were  connected.  In  his  moments  of 
mental  recreation,  he  exhibited  the  very  essence  of  hilarity  and 
humour,  in  the  infinite  variety  of  his  stories,  and  his  mode  of  nar- 
rative, which  was  particularly  inviting.  In  this  rational  pastime, 
he  never  descended  to  vulgarity,  but  afforded  general  amusement, 
while  he  instructed  the  minds,  and  improved  the  morals,  of  his 
hearers :  like  the  great  Franklin,  whom  he,  in  many  traits  of 
character,  resembled,  he  illustrated  his  sentiments  by  fable;  in 
which  he  displayed  a  peculiar  and  original  talent.  His  inventive 
powers  in  exercises  of  this  nature  were  quick  and  judiciously 
directed:  he  frequently  commenced  a  fictitious  narrative  for  the 
amusement  of  his  auditors,  and,  like  an  Eastern  story-teller,  con- 
tinued it  for  the  space  of  an  hour,  supported  solely  by  instantaneous 
invention.  His  posture,  and  manner  of  narrating,  were  as  peculiar 
as  the  faculty  itself:  when  he  placed  his  elbows  upon  his  knees, 
with  his  hands  supporting  his  head,  it  was  the  signal  for  the  ereclis 
aiiribus  of  the  assembly.    Their  attention  became  instantly  arrested 


192  MATTHEW    THORNTON. 

and  irresistibly  fixed  upon  the  narrative  ;  the  curious  incidents  of 
which  were  evolved  in  the  most  masterly  manner.  Commencing 
with  a  slow  articulation,  and  a  solemn  countenance,  he  gradually 
proceeded  in  his  tale,  casting,  at  intervals,  his  black  and  piercing 
eyes  upon  the  countenance  of  his  hearers,  to  detect  the  emotions 
excited  in  their  breasts,  and  pausing  to  observe  its  full  effects.  His 
ingenuity  in  this  accomplishment  was  astonishing,  and  he  never 
failed  to  interest  the  feelings,  and  excite  admiration. 

His  house  was  at  all  times  open  to  those  who  were  houseless, 
and  his  table  was  frequently  surrounded  by  individuals,  from  whom 
gratitude  alone  could  be  anticipated  in  return  for  his  kindness  and 
hospitality.  Nevertheless  it  would  be  unreasonable  to  suppose  that 
all  the  high  qualifications  possessed  by  Dr.  Thornton,  were  wholly 
free  from  alloy — for  he  was  human.  It  is  asserted  that  the  ami 
sacra  fames,  in  some  degree,  detracted  from  the  dignity  of  the 
character  which  he  generally  sustained;  but  this  accusation  may 
have  sprung  from  the  observations  of  those  who  did  not  properly 
distinguish  economy  from  avarice.  He  was  never  known  to  be 
unjust,  although  he  rigidly  enforced  his  rights,  without  reference  to 
the  smallness  of  the  amount :  hence  he  was  considered  severe  in  his 
pecuniary  claims.  If  he  was  strict  in  obtaining  that  which  was 
due  to  him,  he  was  scrupulously  exact  in  liquidating  his  obligations 
to  others. 

Another  trait  in  his  character,  which  frequently  excited  unpleasant, 
but  momentary  feelings,  was  his  powers  of  satire.  Although  no 
man  more  patiently  endured  a  cutting  sarcasm,  but  few  were  inflicted 
on  Dr.  Thornton  without  a  prompt  and  keen  retaliation.  In  fact 
he  was  fond  of  pleasant  jests,  and  was  even  immoderately  pleased 
at  a  pungent  pun,  or  a  lively  repartee.  Many  diverting  anecdotes 
of  this  kind  are  preserved  by  his  surviving  companions. 

As  a  neighbour  he  was  universally  loved,  as  a  citizen  respected, 
and  as  a  physician,  he  gained  the  confidence  of  the  people  by  his 
skill  and  punctuality.  He  cherished  with  fondness  the  remembrance 
of  those  individuals  of  merit  with  whom  he  had  formed  an  acquaint- 
ance during  the  chequered  scenes  of  his  life,  and  endeavoured  to 
preserve  undiminished  their  respect  and  approbation.  In  the  eve- 
ning of  life,  after  his  professional  and  political  usefulness  was  almost 
exhausted,  he  was  in  the  habit  of  visiting  his  old  friends  in  London- 
derry, the  once  happy  scene  of  his  youthful  exertions.  In  these 
interviews,  he  was  feelingly  affectionate ; — grasping  the  hand  with 
a  real  sensibility  of  the  heart,  in  the  recollection  of  the  joys  of  by- 


MATTHEW    THORNTON.  193 

gone  days.  The  reiteration  of  this  social  formality  was  a  renewed 
pledge  of  his  kindness  and  affection:  his  recollection  of  tiic  children 
in  the  neighbourhood  was  remarkably  acute,  and,  without,  invidious 
distinctions,  he  was  a  particular  favourite  among  the  children  of  all 
his  acquaintances; — a  foible  perhaps  incident  to  the  character  of  a 
family  physician.  During  these  visits,  he  never  alighted  from  his 
chaise,  owing  to  the  infirmities  of  age ;  but  when  the  arrival  of  the 
judge  was  announced,  the  whole  family  was  laid  under  a  willing 
contribution,  and  old  and  young  alike  flocked  out  to  bid  him  welcome. 

His  own  children,  who  were  absent  from  home,  participated 
largely  in  his  warmest  affections:  he  visited  them  annually,  and 
expended  some  time  in  their  society.  Their  love  and  veneration 
for  him,  and  unceasing  solicitude  for  his  welfare,  amply  repaid  his 
paternal  anxiety,  and  were  a  soothing  consolation  to  his  declining 
years.  He  was  greatly  recreated  by  these  excursions,  and  never 
returned  from  them  without  apparent  satisfaction. 

Dr.  Thornton  was,  indeed,  a  man,  venerable  for  his  age  and  skill 
in  his  profession,  and  for  the  several  important  and  honourable  offices 
which  he  had  sustained; — noted  for  the  knowledge  which  he  had 
acquired,  and  his  quick  penetration  into  matters  of  abstruse  specu- 
lation. His  virtues  were  a  model  for  imitation,  and  while  memory 
does  her  office,  will  be  held  in  grateful  recollection.  His  character 
as  a  Christian,  a  father,  a  husband,  and  a  friend,  was  bright  and 
unblemished:  and  if  he  had  any  of  those  failings  which  are  insepa- 
rable from  humanity,  they  have  long  since  been  forgotten. 

On  the  great  question  which  was  decided  in  favour  of  our  national 
independence,  he  was  invariably  steadfast,  and  at  all  times  evinced 
his  readiness  to  support,  with  his  property  and  life,  the  declaration 
to  which  he  had  publicly  subscribed.  His  political  character  may 
be  best  estimated  by  the  fact,  that  he  enjoyed  the  confidence,  and 
was  the  unshaken  disciple,  of  Washington. 

In  relation  to  the  religious  sentiments  and  opinions  of  Dr.  Thorn- 
ton, it  is  not  ascertained  that  he  ranked  himself  among  any  of  the 
established  sects  of  Christians.  It  is,  however,  certain,  that  no  man 
was  more  deeply  impressed  with  a  belief  in  the  existence  and 
bounties  of  an  over-ruling  Providence,  which  he  strongly  manifested 
by  a  practical  application  of  the  best  and  wisest  injunctions  of  the 
Christian  religion:  a  believer  in  the  divine  mission  of  our  Saviour, 
he  implicitly  followed  the  great  principles  of  his  doctrine,  so  far  as 
human  frailty  would  permit.  Exemplary  for  his  regard  to  the  pub- 
lic institutions  of  religion,  and  for  his  constancy  in  attending  public 
M 


194  MATTHEW    THORNTON. 

worship,  he  trod  the  courts  of  the  house  of  God  with  steps  tottering 
with  age  and  infirmity. 

When  he  had  passed  the  eightieth  year  of  his  age,  he  was  attacked 
with  the  hooping-cough,  which  proved  extremely  distressing.  But, 
notwithstanding  the  violence  of  the  spasms,  which  nearly  deprived 
his  feeble  frame  of  breath  and  pulsation,  he  continued  his  practice 
of  visiting,  and  fully  retained  his  natural  pleasantry  and  humour 
For  many  years  previous  to  his  death,  a  slight  affection  of  the  palsy 
had  impaired  his  voice,  which  rendered  it  difficult  for  him,  at  certain 
seasons,  to  express  himself  intelligibly:  but  even  this  infirmity,  in 
such  a  man  as  Dr.  Thornton,  served  to  enhance  the  veneration  in 
which  he  was  held.  The  solemn  enunciation  of  his  voice  attracted 
fresh  attention,  and  increased  that  respect  and  awe  which  old  age 
is  wont  to  inspire. 

He  died  in  Newburyport,  Massachusetts,  while  on  a  visit  to  his 
daughters,  on  the  twenty-fourth  day  of  June,  1803,  in  the  eighty- 
ninth  year  of  his  age :  his  remains  were  conveyed  to  New  Hamp- 
shire, and  interred  on  the  succeeding  sabbath,  within  a  short  distance 
of  Thornton's  ferry,  on  the  Merrimack  river.  His  surviving  children 
consisted  of  two  sons  and  two  daughters. 

Dr.  Thornton  was  a  man  of  large  stature,  exceeding  six  feet  in 
height,  and  his  form  was  symmetrically  proportioned :  his  complexion 
was  dark,  and  his  eye  black  and  penetrating.  His  countenance 
was  invincibly  grave,  like  that  of  Cassius,  who  read  much,  and 
never  smiled;  and  this  trait  is  the  more  remarkable,  as  he  was  dis- 
tinguished for  his  good-humoured  hilarity.  In  his  deportment,  he 
was  dignified  and  commanding,  without  austerity  or  hauteur. 

The  grave  of  this  eminent  man  is  covered  hy  a  white  marble  slab, 
upon  which  are  inscribed  his  name  and  age,  with  the  brief  but  noble 
epitaph—"  AN  HONEST  MAN." 


MONUMENT   OF  STEPHEN    HOPKINS 


STEPHEN   HOPKINS. 


Stephen  Hopkins  was  born  in  that  part  of  the  then  town  of 
Providence,  Rhode  Island,  which  now  forms  the  town  of  Scituate, 
on  the  seventh  of  March,  1707.  Although  the  remembrance  and 
knowledge  of  the  youthful  days  of  Mr.  Hopkins  are  in  a  great  mea- 
sure lost,  yet  it  appears  on  record,  as  an  evidence  of  the  regularity 
of  his  conduct  at  that  period,  and  the  confidence  which  it  excited, 
that,  when  only  nineteen  years  of  age,  his  father  gave  him  a  deed  of 
gift  for  seventy  acres  of  land,  and  his  grandfather  bestowed  on  "his 
loving  grandson,"  an  additional  tract  of  ninety  acres. — He  received 
nothing  more  than  a  plain  country  education,  by  which  he  acquired 
an  excellent  knowledge  of  penmanship,  and  became  conversant  in 
the  practical  branches  of  the  mathematics,  particularly  surveying. 

Being  the  son  of  a  farmer,  he  continued  the  occupation  of  his 
father,  after  the  death  of  the  latter,  and  in  1731,  increased  his  estate 
in  Scituate,  by  the  purchase  of  adjoining  lands.  He  continued  this 
mode  of  life  until  his  removal  to  Providence,  in  1742,  when  he  sold 
his  farm,  and  built  a  mansion  in  that  town,  in  which  he  continued 
to  reside  until  his  death. 

In  March,  1732,  Mr.  Hopkins  made  his  first  appearance  in  the 
public  service,  in  the  humble  station  of  town-clerk  of  Scituate,  from 
which  he  rose,  through  almost  every  gradation  of  office,  to  the  high- 
est dignity  of  the  state.  He  continued  to  hold  the  situation  of  town- 
clerk,  and  of  president  of  the  town-council,  to  which  he  was  chosen 
in  March,  1735,  till  the  twenty-fourth  of  December,  1741,  when  he 
resigned  in  consequence  of  his  intended  removal  from  the  town. 
About  this  time,  he  was  also  clerk  of  the  court,  and  clerk  to  the 
proprietors  of  the  county.  In  June,  1732,  he  was  elected  a  repre- 
sentative to  the  general  assembly  from  Scituate,  and  continued  to 
discharge  the  duties  of  that  appointment,  with  fidelity  and  ability, 
until  the  year  1738.  In  May,  1736,  he  was  appointed  a  justice  of 
the  peace,  and  one  of  the  justices  of  the  court  of  common  pleas.  In 
May,  1739,  he  was  appointed  chief  justice  of  that  court. 

195 


196  STEPHEN    HOPKINS. 

He  was  extensively  employed,  till  an  advanced  age,  in  the  busi- 
ness of  surveying  lands.  In  1737,  he  revised  the  streets,  and  pro- 
jected a  map  of  Scituate,  for  the  proprietors ;  and  performed  the 
same  duty  in  Providence,  after  he  had  established  his  residence  in 
that  town.  In  1740,  he  was  chosen  surveyor  by  the  proprietors  of 
land  in  the  county  of  Providence,  to  make  returns,  and  an  index- 
book,  of  all  the  lands  laid  out  west  of  the  seven-mile  line:  the  com- 
pletion of  these  returns  was  attended  with  great  labour,  and  they 
continue  to  this  day  to  be  highly  useful.  The  nicety  of  his  calcula- 
tions, and  perfect  knowledge  of  the  business,  is  attested  by  a  vene- 
rable living  witness,  who,  about  the  year  1769,  accompanied  him  in 
the  survey  of  a  tract  of  land  in  Scituate.  Having  passed  through 
a  thick  shrubby  plain,  Mr.  Hopkins  found  that  his  watch,  which  cost 
twenty-five  guineas  in  London,  was  missing.  Supposing  that  the 
chain  had  become  entangled  in  the  bushes,  and  the  watch  thereby 
pulled  from  his  pocket,  he  set  the  course  back,  and  found  it  hang- 
ing on  a  bush. 

In  1741,  he  was  again  a  representative  of  Scituate  in  the  general 
assembly,  of  which  he  was  chosen  speaker.  In  1742,  he  sold  his 
farm  and  removed  to  Providence,  where  he  commenced  business  as 
a  merchant;  building,  owning,  and  fitting  out  vessels.  In  the  same 
year,  the  general  confidence  reposed  in  his  abilities  and  integrity, 
was  evinced  by  his  appointment  to  represent  the  town  into  which  he 
had  just  removed  his  residence,  in  the  assembly,  of  which  he  was 
again  elected  speaker.  After  an  interval  of  one  year,  he  was  again 
chosen  a  representative  in  1744,  as  well  as  speaker  of  the  house ; 
and  in  the  same  year,  was  appointed  a  justice  in  Providence.  In 
1746,  being  re-elected  to  the  same  responsible  stations,  he  continued 
faithfully  to  discharge  their  duties,  during  the  years  1747,  1748,  and 
1749.  In  May,  1751,  he  was,  for  the  fourteenth  time,  a  represen- 
tative in  the  assembly,  and  in  the  same  year,  received  the  appoint- 
ment of  chief  justice  of  the  superior  court,  which  he  continued  to 
hold  until  the  year  1754. 

In  the  year  1754,  a  convention  of  delegates  from  the  different 
colonics  was  appointed  to  meet  at  Albany,  to  hold  a  conference  with 
the  Five  Nations  of  Indians,  on  the  subject  of  French  encroach- 
ment, and  to  secure  their  friendship  in  the  approaching  war.  Avail- 
ing themselves  of  this  opportunity,  the  governors  of  the  different 
colonies,  at  the  recommendation  of  Governor  Shirley,  of  Massa- 
chusetts, advised  their  commissioners,  in  general  terms,  of  a  pro- 
Dosed  plan  of  union;  but  no  direct  authority  for  concerting  any  sys- 


STEPHEN    HOPKINS.  197 

tcm,  was  given  by  any  other  of  the  colonics  than  Massachusetts  and 
Maryland.  The  meeting  of  the  delegates  was  held  on  the  eleventh 
of  July,  and  after  the  business  with  the  Indians  had  been  concluded, 
a  committee,  consisting  of  one  member  from  each  colony,  was  direct- 
ed to  prepare  and  report  a  plan  of  union.  The  essential  principles 
of  the  plan  reported,  and  afterwards  agreed  to  on  the  fourth  of 
July,  were  objected  to,  both  in  America  and  England ;  and  it  con- 
sequently did  not  prevail. — Mr.  Hopkins  was  a  commissioner  to  this 
congress  from  Rhode  Island. 

In  the  month  of  May,  1756,  he  was  elevated  to  the  office  of  chief 
magistrate  of  the  colony  of  Rhode  Island,  and  continued  to  occupy 
this  dignified  station,  at  intervals,  for  seven  years.  In  1758,  he  was 
again  elected,  and  served  thereafter  with  firmness  and  justice,  dur- 
ing the  years  1759,  1760,  1761,  1763,  1764,  and  1767.  His  con- 
duct as  governor  was  dignified  and  decided.  Keeping  a  single  eye 
towards  the  prosperity  of  his  native  country,  he  did  not  hesitate  to 
urge  and  support  whatever  measures  appeared  best  calculated  to 
promote  the  colonial  interest,  nor  to  resist  every  encroachment  on 
the  just  rights  and  liberties  of  his  constituents.  During  a  long 
period,  he  was  engaged  in  a  party  contest,  grounded  upon  no  real 
principle  discoverable  to  a  modern  eye,  with  Governor  Ward,  in 
which  he  was  annually  alternately  successful,  or  defeated.  But  if 
Mr.  Hopkins,  from  a  conscientious  belief  in  the  propriety  of  his  poli- 
tical views,  was  opposed  to  particular  men  and  measures,  he  was 
neither  so  bigoted  nor  ambitious,  as  to  set  forth  his  own  particular 
opinions,  or  personal  aggrandizement,  in  array  against  the  peace 
and  prosperity  of  the  colony ;  and  the  real  nobility  of  soul  and  cha- 
racter, with  which,  like  the  illustrious  Roman,  he  voluntarily  resigned 
the  reins  of  government,  and  retired  (for  a  season)  to  private  life,  in 
order  to  appease  the  passions  of  party,  constitute  one  of  the  bright- 
est incidents  of  his  life. — In  the  year  1767,  while  Mr.  Hopkins  filled 
the  executive  chair,  the  politics  of  the  colony  were  carried  to  great 
excess.  Impressed  with  the  danger  to  be  apprehended  from  these 
growing  animosities,  and  anxious  to  conciliate  and  unite  the  con- 
tending factions  which  had  so  long  distracted  the  province,  he  nobly 
resolved  to  retire  from  the  office  of  governor,  rather  than  be,  in  any 
way,  instrumental  in  fostering  the  spirit  which  then  prevailed.  In 
a  message,  therefore,  to  the  general  assembly,  dated  the  twenty- 
eighth  of  October,  1767,  he  included  the  following  remarks: — 
•'  Thirdly,  I  must  mention  the  different  strifes  and  party  disputes, 
that  have  so  long  divided  and  harassed  this  unhappy  colony,  and 
18  m  2 


198  STEPHEN    HOPKINS. 

desire  you  to  discover  some  method  to  heal  our  breaches,  prevent 
animosities,  and  introduce  peace  and  harmony,  and  consequently 
happiness,  among  the  people.  In  order  to  this,  I  am  willing  and 
ready,  and  freely  offer,  to  resign  and  give  up  the  office  (of  governor) 
that  I  sustain,  and  do  every,  and  any  other  thing,  in  my  power,  that 
may,  in  any  way,  contribute  towards  so  desirable  an  end,  as  the 
peace  of  the  colony.  Neither  do  I  believe  this  to  be  a  business  un- 
becoming the  dignity  of  the  general  assembly ;  but  trust  that,  by 
their  care  and  wisdom,  assisted  by  the  sober  and  well-meaning  part 
of  the  people,  peace  may  be  restored  to  the  colony,  authority  to  its 
magistrates,  and  harmony  among  its  inhabitants." — Nor  was  his 
pen  otherwise  idle  in  support  of  so  desirable  a  consummation.  The 
essays  which  he  composed  on  the  subject,  display  considerable  merit, 
united  with  decision,  and  unsparing,  but  dignified  severity.  "  When 
we  draw  aside,"  he  remarked,  "the  veil  of  words  and  professions, 
when  we  attend  to  what  is  done,  not  to  what  is  said,  we  shall  find, 
in  the  present  age  of  our  country,  that  liberty  is  only  a  cant  term 
of  faction,  and  freedom  of  speaking  and  acting,  used  only  to  serve 
private  interest  and  a  party. — What  else  can  be  the  cause  of  our 
unhappy  disputes?  What  other  reason  for  the  continual  struggle 
for  superiority  and  office?  What  other  motive  for  the  flood  of 
calumny  and  reproach  cast  on  each  other? — Behold!  the  leading 
men  meeting  in  cabals,  and  from  thence  dispersing  themselves  to 
the  several  quarters  to  delude  and  deceive  the  people.  The  people 
are  called  together  in  tippling-houses,  their  business  neglected,  their 
morals  corrupted,  themselves  deluded;  some  promised  offices  for 
which  they  are  unfit ;  and  those  who  have  disputes  with  their  neigh- 
bours are  assured  of  their  causes,  whether  they  be  right  or  wrong : 
those  with  whom  these  arts  will  not  prevail,  are  tempted  with  the 
wages  of  unrighteousness,  and  offered  a  bribe  to  falsify  their  oath, 
and  betray  their  country.  By  these  scandalous  practices,  elec- 
tions are  carried,  and  officers  appointed. — It  makes  little  difference 
whether  the  officer  who,  in  this  manner,  obtains  his  place,  is  other- 
wise a  good  man,  or  not;  for,  put  in  by  a  party,  he  must  do  what 
they  order,  without  being  permitted  to  examine  the  rectitude  even 
of  his  own  actions.  The  unhappy  malady  runs  through  the  whole 
constitution :  men  in  authority  are  not  revered,  and,  therefore,  lose 
all  power  to  do  good;  the  courts  of  judicature  catch  the  infection, 
and  the  sacred  balance  of  justice  does  not  hang  even;  all  complain 
of  the  present  administration,  all  cry  out  the  times  are  hard,  and 
all  wish  they  might  grow  better;  but  complaints  are  weak,  wishes 


STEPHEN    HOPKINS.  199 

are  idle,  cries  are  vain,  even  prayers  will  be  ineffectual,  if  we  do 
not  universally  amend : — but  no  friend,  no  patriot,  will  step  in,  and 
save  the  commonwealth  from  ruin.  Will  no  good  Samaritan  come 
by,  and  pour  in  the  wine  and  oil  into  the  bleeding  wounds  of  his 
country?" — In  the  person  of  Stephen  Hopkins,  were  united  the 
friend,  the  patriot,  and  the  good  Samaritan.  Urging,  and  obtain- 
ing, the  co-operation  of  his  friends,  in  the  great  task  of  effecting  an 
union  of  clashing  sentiments  and  interests,  his  perseverance  and 
industry  at  length  prevailed,  after  great  labour  and  difficulty,  and 
the  two  parties  united  in  choosing  a  third  person,  not  particularly 
attached  to  cither  of  them,  as  governor  of  the  colony:  this  event, 
together  with  a  fair  division  of  offices,  was  followed  by  peace  and 
harmony,  and  the  spirit  of  party  in  a  great  measure  subsided. 

Governor  Hopkins  was,  whether  right  or  wrong,  the  founder  of 
that  measure  so  fiercely  reprobated  and  resisted  by  the  British  min- 
istry;— furnishing  the  French  and  Spanish  colonies  with  provisions 
and  supplies,  during  war;  and,  for  that  purpose,  he  was  accustomed 
to  grant  licenses  to  the  vessels  of  Rhode  Island. — A  trade  had  been, 
for  a  long  time,  carried  on  between  the  British  and  Spanish  colonies 
in  America,  to  the  great  advantage  of  both,  but  particularly  of  the 
former.  This  trade  did  not  clash  with  the  spirit  of  any  act  of  par- 
liament made  for  the  regulation  of  the  British  plantation  trade. 
Besides  this  trade  carried  on  between  the  British  American  colonies 
in  general,  there  had,  also,  for  a  long  time,  subsisted  one,  equally 
extensive,  between  the  British  North  American  colonies  in  particu- 
lar, and  the  French  West  India  ones,  to  the  great  benefit  of  both, 
as  it  consisted  of  such  goods,  as  must  otherwise  have  remained  a 
drug,  if  not  an  encumbrance,  upon  the  hands  of  the  possessors;  so 
that  it  united,  in  the  strictest  sense,  all  those  benefits  which  liberal 
minds  include  in  the  idea  of  a  well-regulated  commerce,  as  tending, 
in  the  highest  degree,  to  the  mutual  welfare  of  those  who  carry  it 
on.  The  mother  country  enjoyed  a  sufficient  share  of  the  benefits 
derived  from  this  trade,  to  wink  at  it,  although  it  was  not  strictly 
according  to  law;  and  it  was  permitted  to  be  carried  on,  for  a  long 
time,  even  after  hostilities  had  commenced  between  Great  Britain 
and  France  directly,  by  means  of  flags  of  truce,  and,  in  a  circuitous 
manner,  through  the  Dutch  and  Danish  Islands.  At  length,  the  vast 
advantages  which  the  French  received  from  it  above  what  the  Bri- 
tish could  expect,  in  consequence  of  all  their  West  India  Islands 
being,  in  a  great  measure,  blockaded,  determined  the  government 
to  put  a  ston  to  it. — The  correspondence  of  Governor  Hopkins  with 


200  STEPHEN    HOPKINS. 

Mr.  Pitt,  on  this  occasion,  exhibited  uncommon  marks  of  a  bold  and 
independent  spirit;  and  the  answers  of  the  minister  were  character- 
istic of  his  usual  firmness  and  sagacity. 

When  the  difficulties  between  the  colonies  and  Great  Britain  be- 
gan to  grow  more  certain  and  alarming,  Governor  Hopkins  evinced 
the  same  determined  zeal  for  the  rights  and  prosperity  of  the  for- 
mer, and  took  an  early,  active,  and  decided  part  in  their  favour.  In 
1765,  he  wrote  a  sensible  pamphlet,  containing  about  twenty-four 
pages,  quarto,  in  support  of  the  rights  and  claims  of  the  colonies,  and 
entitled,  "  The  Rights  of  the  Colonies  examined,"  which  was  read 
before  the  general  assembly,  and  by  them  ordered  to  be  printed. 
Although  this  pamphlet  was  principally  directed  against  the  stamp 
act,  passed  in  the  preceding,  and  repealed  in  the  succeeding  years, 
yet  it  embraced  pertinent  remarks  on  the  court  of  admiralty,  trials 
by  jury,  the  sugar  and  molasses  duty  act,  &c. 

In  1757,  during  the  French  war,  Mr.  Hopkins  was  active  and  promi- 
nent in  efforts  to  raise  the  inhabitants  of  the  colony  against  the  enemy. 

He  was  chosen  to  command  a  company  of  volunteers,  composed 
of  almost  all  the  leading  men  in  the  town  of  Providence.  The 
militia  of  the  state,  under  Colonel  John  Andrews,  had  already 
marched,  and  the  volunteers  were  preparing  to  follow  them,  when, 
on  the  day  preceding  their  intended  departure,  an  express  arrived 
with  intelligence  that  their  services  were  no  longer  necessary.  The 
return  of  Lord  Loudoun  to  New  York,  with  the  regular  army,  had  re- 
moved all  fear  of  an  invasion ;  the  militia  of  Rhode  Island  returned, 
and  the  heavy  affliction  created  among  the  families  and  friends  of 
the  fathers  of  the  town  and  their  associate  volunteers,  was  dispelled. 

Mr.  Hopkins  again  appeared  in  the  general  assembly,  as  a  repre- 
sentative from  Providence,  in  1772,  1773, 1774,  and  1775;  although, 
during  the  last  two  years,  he  was  also  a  delegate  to  the  general  con- 
gress. Having,  in  1775,  been  a  second  time  appointed  chief  justice 
of  the  superior  court,  he  presented,  in  his  person,  the  singular 
spectacle  of  an  individual  holding,  at  the  same  instant,  the  three 
honourable  and  important  offices  of  member  of  assembly,  delegate 
to  congress,  and  chief  justice. 

On  the  tenth  of  August,  1774,  he  was  appointed,  together  with 
the  honourable  Samuel  Ward,  to  represent  the  colony  of  Rhode 
Island,  in  the  general  congress  which  met  in  Philadelphia  on  the 
fifth  of  September.  Mr.  Hopkins  took  his  seat  in  that  august 
assembly,  on  the  first  day  of  its  session,  and  was  a  member  of  the 
first  two  committees,  appointed  by  congress  ; — the  one  to  state  the 


STEPHEN    HOPKINS.  203 

rights  of  the  colonies  in  general,  the  several  instances  in  which 
those  rights  were  violated  or  infringed,  and  the  means  most  proper 
to  be  pursued  for  obtaining  a  restoration  of  them; — the  other,  to 
examine  and  report  the  several  statutes  affecting  the  trade  and 
manufactures  of  the  colonies. 

But  while  he  principally  assisted  in  the  general  council  of  the 
nation,  in  1774  his  services  were  extended  to  the  assembly  of  Rhode 
Island,  of  which  he  was  also  a  member.  It  was  principally  owing 
to  his  influence  and  exertions,  that  an  act,  the  preamble  and  body 
of  which  were  dictated  by  him,  was  passed  by  that  assembly,  in 
June,  1774,  prohibiting  the  importation  of  negroes  into  the  colony. 

But  it  was  not  only  by  precept,  but  example,  that  his  views  of  slavery 
were  demonstrated.  In  the  year  1773,  he  emancipated  a  number  of 
people  of  colour  whom  he  had  before  held  as  slaves  ;  and  previous  to 
that  period,  he  had  decreed  their  freedom,  by  his  last  will  and  testa- 
ment. Many  of  their  descendants  are  now  living,  as  free  men  and 
women,  in  Providence,  of  good  character,  and  in  easy  circumstances. 

At  this  period,  Mr.  Hopkins  was  also  one  of  the  committee  of 
safety  of  the  town  of  Providence.  On  the  seventh  of  May,  1775, 
he  was  re-elected  a  delegate,  and  on  the  eighteenth  of  that  month, 
took  his  seat  in  the  second  congress;  being,  at  the  same  time,  a 
representative  in  the  legislature  of  his  native  state.  On  the  fourth 
of  May,  1776,  he  was  again  elected,  with  Mr.  Ellery,  to  congress, 
bearing  with  him  to  the  seat  of  the  general  government,  the  most 
firm  and  energetic  instructions.  Thus  he  was  a  memher  of  that 
immortal  congress  which  declared  the  colonies  to  be  free,  sovereign, 
and  independent  states;  and  his  signature  is  attached  to  that  sub- 
lime and  imperishable  instrument  which  has  no  prototype  in  the 
archives  of  nations.  His  signature  indicating  on  the  declaration  of 
independence,  a  very  tremulous  hand,  in  perfect  contrast  with  the 
bold,  nervous,  and  prominent,  writing  of  the  president,  (which  has 
been  alluded  to  in  exemplification  of  his  character,)  it  may  have 
engendered  surmises  unfavourable  to  the  determined  spirit  of  Mr. 
Hopkins,  as  acting  under  the  influence  of  fear.  It  is,  therefore, 
proper  to  state,  that,  for  a  number  of  years  previous,  he  had  been 
afflicted  with  a  nervous  affection;  and  when  he  wrote  at  all,  which 
was  seldom,  he  was  compelled  to  guide  his  right  hand  with  the  left. 
The  venerable  Moses  Brown,  of  Providence,  has,  on  various  occa- 
sions, acted  as  his  amanuensis,  on  committees  of  the  assembly,  in 
the  correspondence  of  the  committee  of  safety,  as  well  as  in  matters 
of  business.     In  this   manner  he  drew  up  the  ac   of  assembly,  of 


202  STEPHEN    HOPKINS. 

1774,  against  the  slave  trade,  while  Mr.  Hopkins,  daring  his  dicta- 
tion, was  walking  to  and  fro  in  the  room. 

In  1776,  he  was  chosen  a  commissioner  to  meet  delegates  from 
the  states  of  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  and  Connecticut,  and 
advise  and  consult  on  ways  and  means,  more  immediately  for  the 
defence  and  protection  of  the  New  England  States,  and,  generally, 
for  the  promotion  and  defence  of  the  common  cause.  These  com- 
missioners met  in  Providence,  and  elected  Mr.  Hopkins  their  pre- 
sident. In  the  following  year,  he  also  presided  over  the  meeting 
of  commissioners,  held  at  Springfield,  in  Massachusetts,  on  the 
thirtieth  of  July. 

After  the  intervention  of  a  year,  he  was,  for  the  last  time,  elected 
a  deputy  to  congress,  on  the  eighth  of  31ay,  1778 ;  and,  during  the 
years  1777,  1778,  and  1779,  served  with  untiring  zeal  in  the  general 
assembly  of  Rhode  Island,  although  he  was  now  seventy-two  years 
of  age. — He  discharged  his  congressional  duties  with  great  ability 
and  faithfulness,  and  with  equal  advantage  to  his  own  reputation 
and  to  the  public  interest.  Being  professionally  conversant  with 
the  business  of  shipping,  he  was  particularly  useful  in  the  commit- 
tees appointed  to  fit  out  armed  vessels,  to  devise  ways  and  means 
for  furnishing  the  colonies  with  a  naval  armament,  and  in  the  del'  • 
berations  on  the  rules  and  orders  for  the  regulation  of  the  navy. 
He  was  also  a  distinguished  member  of  the  committee,  appointed 
in  June,  1776,  to  prepare  and  digest  the  form  of  a  confederation  to 
be  entered  into  between  the  colonies,  which,  although  it  proved, 
under  future  circumstances,  to  be  but  a  rope  of  sand,  was,  at  the 
time  in  which  it  was  completed,  of  vast  importance  to  the  unanimity, 
and  consequent  success,  of  the  revolutionary  struggle. 

Mr.  Hopkins  was  one  of  those  strong-minded  men,  who,  by  pure 
love  of  learning,  and  devotedness  to  study,  have  overcome  the  defi- 
ciencies of  early  education;  and,  it  cannot  be  questioned,  although, 
in  most  cases,  preliminary  instruction  to  a  certain  extent  is  indis- 
pensable, that  information  voluntarily  acquired  is  more  strongly 
impressed  upon  the  mind,  and  invites  a  more  thorough  investiga- 
tion, than  general  tuition  at  all  seasons  and  on  all  subjects,  which  is 
not  unfrequently  regarded  with  apathy  and  indifference.  A  common 
country  school  education,  at  that  period,  afforded  little  more  than  a 
knowledge  of  reading  and  writing.  Upon  this  foundation,  Mr. 
Hopkins,  from  the  vigour  of  his  understanding,  and  the  intuitive 
energy  of  his  mind,  established  a  character  not  only  prominent  in 
the  annals  of  his  country,  but  in  the  walks  of  literature.     Possessing 


STEPHEN    HOPKINS.  203 

a  commanding  genius,  his  constant  and  assiduous  application  in  the 
pursuit  of  knowledge  eminently  distinguished  him  in  the  first  class 
of  literati.  A  leading  and  active  promoter  of  literary  and  scientific 
intelligence,  he  attached  himself  in  early  youth  to  the  study  of  books 
and  men,  and  continued  to  be  a  constant  and  improving  reader,  a 
close  and  careful  observer,  until  the  period  of  his  death.  Holding 
all  abridgments  and  abridgers  in  very  low  estimation,  it  is  cited,  in 
exemplification  of  his  habitual  deep  research,  and  the  indefatigability 
with  which  he  penetrated  the  recesses,  instead  of  skimming  the  sur- 
face of  things,  that,  instead  of  depending  upon  summaries,  and 
concentrated  authorities,  he  perseveringly  perused  the  whole  of  the 
great  collection  of  ancient  and  modern  history,  compiled  about  half 
a  century  ago,  by  some  distinguished  scholars  in  Europe;  and  that 
he  also  read  through  all  of  Thurloe's,  and  other  ponderous  collec- 
tions of  state-papers.  The  advantages  derived  from  this  assiduity 
were,  to  him,  particularly  extensive,  owing  to  his  retentive  memory, 
and  ready"  recollection.  An  instance  of  this  nature  has  been  pre- 
served: at  a  meeting  of  the  owners  of  a  vessel,  of  whom  he  was 
one,  Mr.  Hopkins  sat  down  and  made  out  his  account,  without  any 
reference  whatever  to  his  books,  although  it  necessarily  included 
many  items  of  small  amount  and  consequence. — As  a  public  speaker, 
he  was  an  example  worthy  of  imitation :  always  to  the  point,  clear, 
concise,  pertinent,  and  powerful;  his  eloquence  was  sometimes 
energetic,  but  generally  calm,  rational,  and  convincing; — never 
excursive,  but  commonly  short  and  pithy.  Skilled  in  many  branches 
of  the  liberal  arts,  the  poem  on  the  untimely  fate  of  his  son,  murdered 
by  the  Indians,  which  has  descended  to  our  times,  affords  no  indi- 
cation of  the  possession  of  poetic  talent. 

Mr.  Hopkins  was  esteemed  an  excellent  mathematician.  He 
greatly  assisted  in  the  important  observations  on  the  transit  of 
Venus  over  the  sun's  disk,  in  June,  1769,  a  rare  phenomenon,  of  the 
greatest  consequence,  because  it  affords  the  best,  and  indeed  the 
only  accurate  method  of  determining  that  most  important  problem  in 
astronomy,  the  sun's  parallax,  or  the  angle  under  which  the  earth's 
semi-diameter  appears  from  the  sun;  and  it  is  only  by  a  knowledge 
of  the  sun's  distance  from  the  earth,  in  some  known  measure,  that 
a  knowledge  of  the  true  dimensions  of  the  solar  system  can  be  ac- 
quired. The  first  transit  of  Venus  was  observed  in  1739;  and  only 
two  have  since  happened;  the  first  in  1761,  and  the  last  in  1769. 

Mr.  Hopkins  was  instrumental  in  forming  a  public  library  in  Provi- 
dence, about  the  year  1750;  and,  when  it  was  destroyed  by  fire,  in  the 


20 1  STEPHEN    HOPKINS 

winter  of  17G0,  was  equally  active  and  useful  in  promoting  its  re-esta- 
blishment.— He  was  a  member  of  the  American  Philosophical  Society, 
and,  for  many  years,  chancellor  of  the  college  of  Rhode  Island. 

But  it  was  in  the  character  of  the  statesman  and  the  patriot,  that 
Mr.  Hopkins  was  most  conspicuous.  In  an  age  fruitful  in  the  pro- 
duction of  eminent  men,  he  was  one  among  the  most  eminent. 
Warmed  by  an  inextinguishable  love  of  liberty,  and  considering  the 
happiness  of  his  country  as  the  first  object  of  pursuit,  he  obtained 
a  perfect  acquaintance  with  the  history  of  mankind,  the  policies  of 
the  civilized  world,  the  principles  and  systems  of  law,  and  the  pro- 
found art  of  governing  the  hearts,  as  well  as  the  persons  of  men. 

Possessed  of  a  sound,  discriminating  mind,  and  a  clear  and  com- 
prehensive understanding,  he  was  alike  distinguished  for  his  public 
and  private  virtues,  being  as  useful  a  private  citizen,  as  he  was  an 
able  and  faithful  public  officer.  An  universal  benevolence  adorned 
his  virtues,  and  his  great  study  and  delight  was  in  doing  good. 
Candid  and  upright  in  all  his  dealings  with  the  world,  he  was  more 
attentive  to  the  concerns  of  his  public  stations,  than  to  his  pecuniary 
and  private  affairs.  It  is  the  testimony  of  a  survivor,  who  was  in- 
timately acquainted  with  him  during  the  last  forty-five  years  of  his 
life,  that  they  were  passed  in  a  "  useful  and  honourable  manner." 
A  friend  to  the  poor,  the  fatherless,  and  the  widow,  he  often  tenderly 
advised  and  counselled  them;  maintaining  their  rights,  and  minis- 
tering to  their  comforts.  Free  of  access,  open  and  candid  in  his 
manners,  his  doors  were  as  open  as  his  heart  to  the  voice  and  relief 
of  affliction;  and  so  genuine  was  his  charity,  that  it  was  remarked 
by  his  friends,  that  he  conferred  more  benefits  on  his  political  ene- 
mies than  on  them.  An  affectionate  husband,  and  a  tender  parent, 
he  was  greatly  attached  to  the  regular  habits  of  domestic  life.  Ex- 
emplary, quiet,  and  serene  in  his  family,  he  governed  his  children 
and  domestics  in  an  easy  and  affectionate  manner.  A  visit  which 
General  Washington  made,  unattended,  to  Governor  Hopkins,  is 
stated  by  a  living  witness  of  the  interview,  to  have  strongly  exhi- 
bited the  simple,  friendly,  pleasant,  and  easy  manners  of  those  illus- 
trious men. — Although  his  pecuniary  circumstances  were  compara- 
tively small,  particularly  considering  his  abilities  and  station  in  life, 
yet  he  possessed  a  competency;  and  visiters,  particularly  travelling 
ministers,  &c.  of  the  society  of  Friends,  were  always  kindly  wel- 
comed and  entertained  at  his  hospitable  mansion. 

Stephen  Hopkins,  although  sectional  spirit  endeavoured  ineffec- 
tually to  brand  him  with  the  eternal  stigma  of  infidelity,  was  a  firm 


STEPHEN    HOPKINS.  205 

6eliever  in  the  Christian  religion;  and  he  has  been  heard  by  a  friend, 
now  living,  to  confound  gainsayers  by  the  force  of  his  arguments  in 
support  of  it. 

Governor  Hopkins  professed  the  principles  of  the  society  of 
Friends,  at  whose  places  of  worship  he  was  a  regular  attendant ; 
and  his  second  marriage  took  place  in  Friend's  meeting,  although 
he  does  not  appear  to  have  held  the  right  of  membership.  His 
house  was  the  resort  of  the  ministers,  elders,  and  other  members, 
engaged  in  religious  visits ;  and  the  usual  place  of  meeting  in  Pro- 
vidence being  contracted,  the  general  religious  meetings  of  the 
society  were,  in  the  winter  season,  frequently  held  at  his  dwelling. 

He  was  a  perfect  man  of  business;  having  been  extensively  en- 
gaged in  trade  and  navigation,  and  also  concerned  in  agriculture 
and  manufactures.  As  a  farmer,  he  devoted  himself,  when  disen- 
gaged from  public  affairs,  to  the  practical  parts  of  agriculture;  as 
a  merchant,  he  was  skilled  in  almost  all  kinds  of  commerce;  and, 
as  a  manufacturer,  he  was  concerned  in  iron  works,  which  made 
pig-iron,  hollow-ware,  cannon  for  the  United  States,  &c.  He  pur- 
sued these  employments  with  various  success,  without  having  become 
rich,  nor  yet  destitute  of  the  comforts  of  life. 

In  the  year  1726,  he  married  Sarah  Scott,  the  paternal  great- 
grandfather of  whom  was  the  first  settler,  of  the  society  of  Friends. 
in  Providence.  She  died  of  a  lingering  disorder,  on  the  ninth  of 
September,  1753,  in  the  forty-seventh  year  of  her  age. 

On  the  second  of  January,  1755,  Governor  Hopkins  found  a  second 
wife  in  the  person  of  Anna  Smith,  widow  of  Benjamin  Smith.  She 
was  a  pious  and  amiable  woman,  and  a  member  of  the  society  of 
Friends,  according  to  whose  regulations  the  marriage  ceremony  was 
performed. — In  person,  he  was  of  the  middle  size,  well  formed  and 
proportioned ;  his  manners  were  mild  and  unostentatious ;  and  his 
features  manly,  comely,  and  prepossessing. 

This  great  and  good  man  closed  his  long,  honourable,  and  useful 
life,  on  the  thirteenth  of  July,  1785,  in  the  seventy-ninth  year  of 
his  age.  His  last  illness  was  a  lingering  fever,  slow  in  its  advances, 
and  mild  in  its  features ;  and  he  retained  full  possession  of  his  facul- 
ties and  tranquillity,  to  the  period  of  his  dissolution.  A  full  persua- 
sion of  the  unbounded  goodness  of  the  Deity  brightened  the  pros- 
pect of  his  future  happiness.  As  in  life  he  had  despised  the  follies, 
so  in  death  he  rose  superior  to  the  fears,  of  an  ignorant  and  licen- 
tious world;  and  he  expected  with  patience,  and  met  with  pious  and 
philosophic  intrepidity,  the  stroke  of  death. 
19  N 


WILLIAM  ELLEEY. 


William  Ellery  the  elder  was  descended  from  a  family  origi- 
nally of  Bristol,  in  England,  which  settled  in  the  latter  part  of  the 
seventeenth  century  at  Newport,  in  Rhode  Island.  He  held  succes- 
sively the  offices  of  judge,  senator,  and  lieutenant-governor  of  the 
colony,  and  died  in  1764. 

William  Ellery,  the  son  of  this  gentleman,  and  the  subject  of 
the  following  memoir,  was  born  at  Newport,  on  the  twenty-second 
of  December,  1727.  His  early  education  he  received  chiefly  from 
his  father,  who  devoted  to  it  much  time  and  sedulous  attention. 
When  he  had  arrived  at  the  age  requisite  for  his  admission  into  a 
university,  he  was  sent  to  Harvard  college,  an  institution  which  even 
at  that  early  period  had  obtained  the  celebrity  which  it  still  continues 
to  enjoy.  Here  he  remained  until  the  twentieth  year  of  his  age, 
and  during  his  collegiate  course  bore  the  character  of  a  zealous 
student;  not,  however,  indisposed  to  partake  of  the  amusements 
natural  to  his  years,  and  to  which  the  vivacity  of  his  disposition  in- 
clined him.  The  Greek  and  Latin  languages  were  the  favourite 
objects  of  his  pursuit ;  these  he  studied  with  great  fidelity,  and  made 
himself  so  good  a  scholar  in  them,  that  during  all  the  engagements 
and  bustle  of  his  subsequent  life,  he  retained  not  merely  his  fond- 
ness for  them,  and  general  acquaintance  with  classical  literature, 
but  much  critical  accuracy  and  correct  grammatical  knowledge.  In 
the  year  1747,  he  commenced  bachelor  of  arts  and  left  Cambridge. 
Immediately  on  his  return  to  Newport,  he  set  himself  to  the  study 
of  the  law,  to  the  practice  of  which  he  was  afterwards  admitted. 

Mr.  Ellery  pursued  the  practice  of  the  law  for  about  twenty  years, 
devoting  himself  to  it,  during  that  period,  with  great  zeal.  Few 
particulars,  however,  of  this  part  of  his  life  have  descended  to  us, 
lost  as  they  have  been  in  the  lapse  of  time,  or  obscured  by  subse- 
quent events  of  more  general  interest  than  the  details  of  domestic 
duties.  He  succeeded,  however,  in  attaining  the  two  objects  which 
are  most  dear  to  a  man  of  honourable  ambition  and  independent 
20G 


WILLIAM     ELLE 


WILLIAM    ELLEEY.  207 

feelings,  a  competent  fortune,  and  that  rank  and  esteem  among  his 
fellow  citizens,  which,  while  it  secured  their  affection,  taught  them 
to  look-up  to  him  with  confidence  in  times  of  difficulty. 

Of  these  feelings  he  was  soon  destined  to  receive  a  decided  proof. 
The  aggressions  of  the  mother  country  were  becoming  every  day 
more  violent,  and  all  prudent  and  thinking  men  began  to  look  round 
and  inquire  what  was  to  be  the  result. 

As  soon  as  the  idea  had  been  suggested  of  a  general  meeting  of 
delegates  from  all  the  provinces,  by  the  formation  of  a  continental 
congress,  Rhode  Island  cheerfully  fell  in  with  the  proposition,  and 
sent  two  of  her  most  distinguished  citizens,  Governor  Hopkins  and 
Mr.  Ward,  to  represent  her  in  that  venerable  body.  In  her  in- 
structions to  these  gentlemen,  we  find  nothing  expressed  of  that 
anxious  desire  to  conciliate  the  British  government,  which  is  visible 
in  those  of  some  of  the  other  colonies — not  indeed  that  any  were 
disposed  to  surrender  their  liberties,  whatever  might  be  the  peril, 
yet  some  were  certainly  more  desirous  than  others,  that  no  opening 
should  be  given  to  accuse  them  of  defection  from  their  union  with 
the  mother  country.  Rhode  Island  simply  directed  her  delegates 
to  "  meet  and  join  with  the  commissioners  or  delegates  from  the 
other  colonies,  in  consulting  upon  proper  measures  to  obtain  a  repeal 
of  the  several  acts  of  the  British  parliament,  for  levying  taxes  upon 
his  majesty's  subjects  in  America,  without  their  consent,  and  parti- 
cularly an  act  lately  passed  for  blocking  up  the  port  of  Boston,  and 
upon  proper  measures  to  establish  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the 
colonies,  upon  a  just  and  solid  foundation." 

Finding,  however,  that  nothing  short  of  resolute  measures  would 
be  of  any  avail,  it  was  determined  by  the  province,  that  her  dele- 
gates should  carry  to  the  congress  which  met  in  the  spring  of  1776, 
the  strongest  powers  to  adopt  them;  and  in  order  that  they  might 
not  want  the  sanction  of  her  actions,  as  well  as  her  declarations, 
she  anticipated  congress  in  the  assertion  of  independence;  for  by  a 
solemn  act  of  her  general  assembly,  she  dissolved  all  connexion 
with  Great  Britain,  in  the  month  of  May.  She  withdrew  her  alle- 
giance from  the  king,  and  renounced  his  government  for  ever,  and, 
in  a  declaration  of  independence,  put  down  in  a  condensed,  logical 
statement,  her  unanswerable  reasons  for  so  doing. 

To  fulfil  her  wishes,  to  carry  out  the  plans  which  she  had  thus 
commenced,  Rhode  Island  selected  as  her  representatives,  her  for- 
mer delegate  Governor  Hopkins,  and  William  Ellery,  the  sub- 
ject of  this  notice.     Ever  since  Mr.  Ellery  had  been  engaged  in  the 


208  WLLIAM    ELLERY. 

practice  of  the  law,  he  had  been  very  prominent  in  the  vigorous  and 
patriotic  measures  adopted  to  resist  the  British  government;  there 
was  scarcely  an  important  transaction  of  the  time  in  which  he  had 
not  borne  a  leading  part.  Fully  impressed  with  the  solemn  trust 
delegated  to  him,  and  prepared  to  assert  and  support  in  their  fullest 
extent  the  wishes  and  views  of  his  constituents,  he  took  his  seat  in 
congress  on  the  fourteenth  of  May,  1776;  being  authorized  and 
empowered  to  consult  and  advise  with  the  other  delegates,  upon  the 
most  proper  measures  for  promoting  and  confirming  the  strictest 
union  and  confederation  between  the  United  Colonies,  for  exerting 
their  whole  strength  and  force  to  annoy  the  common  enemy,  and  for 
securing  to  the  colonies  their  rights  and  liberties,  both  civil  and 
religious,  whether  by  entering  into  treaties  with  any  prince,  state, 
or  potentate,  or  by  such  other  prudent  and  effectual  ways  and 
means  as  should  be  devised  and  agreed  on;  and,  in  conjunction 
with  the  delegates  from  the  United  Colonies,  or  the  major  part  of 
them,  to  enter  into  and  adopt  all  such  measures,  taking  the  greatest 
care  to  secure  to  the  colony,  in  the  strongest  and  most  perfect  man- 
ner, its  established  form,  and  all  the  powers  of  government,  so  far 
as  related  to  its  internal  police  and  conduct  of  its  own  affairs,  civil 
and  religious.  They  were  also  instructed  and  directed  to  exert 
their  utmost  abilities,  in  carrying  on  the  just  and  necessary  war,  in 
which  they  were  engaged  against  cruel  and  unnatural  enemies,  in 
the  most  vigorous  manner,  until  peace  should  be  restored  to  the 
colonies,  and  their  rights  and  liberties  secured  upon  a  solid  and  per- 
manent basis. 

By  referring  to  the  journals  of  congress,  we  find  that  while  Mr. 
Ellery  remained  in  that  body,  he  was  a  member  of  many  important 
committees,  and  it  is  well  known  that  he  was  a  very  active  and  in- 
fluential member  of  the  house.  He  was  on  the  committee  appointed 
to  consider  the  ways  and  means  of  establishing  expresses  between 
the  several  continental  posts;  on  that  to  consider  what  provision 
ought  to  be  made  for  such  as  are  wounded  or  disabled  in  the  land 
or  sea  service;  on  the  treasury  committee;  on  a  grand  committee, 
consisting  of  one  delegate  from  each  state,  who  had  authority  to 
employ  proper  persons  to  purchase,  in  their  respective  states,  a  suf- 
ficient number  of  blankets  and  woollens  fit  for  soldiers'  clothes,  and 
to  take  the  most  effectual  and  speedy  methods  for  getting  such 
woollens  made  up,  and  distributed  among  the  regular  continental 
army,  in  such  proportion  as  would  best  promote  the  public  service: 
and  also  to  purchase  all  other  necessary  clothing  for  the  soldiers,  in 


WILLIAM    ELLERY.  209 

such  proportions  as  they  judged,  upon  the  best  information,  would 
be  wanted;  on  the  committee  on  marine  affairs,  of  which  he  was 
always  a  particularly  useful  and  active  member;  indeed,  it  was  the 
wish  of  his  state,  that  in  this  respect  her  delegates  should  take  a 
high  ground  in  congress,  and  urge  on  that  body  the  propriety,  and 
in  their  present  circumstances,  the  evident  advantage  of  giving  to 
the  war  a  naval  cast.  Distinguished  for  her  commercial  marine, 
and  for  the  enterprize  and  intrepidity  of  her  mariners,  she  felt  the 
necessity  and  urged  the  expediency  of  naval  military  exertion.  The 
first  little  fleet,  the  germ  of  our  present  naval  character  and  fame, 
was  commanded  by  a  native  Rhode  Islander,  Commodore  Ezek 
Hopkins,  a  brother  of  the  subject  of  the  preceding  memoir,  who 
surprised  New  Providence,  captured  the  governor,  lieutenant-go- 
vernor, and  other  officers  of  the  crown,  seized  a  hundred  pieces  of 
cannon,  and  carried  off  all  the  munitions  of  war  from  the  island. 

It  was  during  this  session  of  congress,  too,  that  Mr.  Ellcry  affixed 
his  name  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence  ;  and  his  fine  bold  sig- 
nature is  in  striking  contrast  with  the  tremulous  characters  of  his 
colleague,  whose  limbs  trembled  with  age  and  illness,  while  his 
spirit  was  as  bold  and  his  intellect  as  vivid  as  any  of  those  around 
him.  He  was  fond,  in  his  later  years,  of  relating  the  events  and 
characteristic  anecdotes  of  the  times  about  which  we  are  speaking, 
and  had  they  been  preserved,  they  would  have  afforded  a  rich  fund 
of  interest  to  our  own  and  future  generations;  but  unfortunately, 
even  tradition  itself  has  retained  but  few  of  them,  and,  as  in  man}' 
other  instances,  we  are  left  to  cold  generalities,  where  it  would  be 
delightful  to  dwell  on  minute  incidents.  He  often  spoke  of  the 
signing  of  the  declaration;  and  he  spoke  of  it  as  an  event  which 
many  regarded  with  awe,  perhaps  with  uncertainty,  but  none  with 
fear.  "I  was  determined,"  he  used  to  say,  "to  see  how  they  all 
looked,  as  they  signed  what  might  be  their  death  warrant.  I  placed 
myself  beside  the  secretary,  Charles  Thomson,  and  eyed  each 
closely  as  he  affixed  his  name  to  the  document.  Undaunted  reso- 
lution was  displayed  in  every  countenance." 

During  the  year  1777,  we  find  Mr.  Ellery  still  a  member  of  con- 
gress, not  less  useful  than  before.  Following  up  the  peculiar  wishes 
and  views  of  his  state,  he  continued  to  pay  great  attention  to  naval 
affairs,  and  early  in  the  year  we  find  him  appointed  on  a  committee, 
to  which  seem  to  have  been  intrusted  all  the  admiralty  transactions 
of  the  government ;  they  were  appointed  to  hear  and  determine 
upon  appeals  brought  against  sentences  passed  on  libels  in  the 
n  2 


210  WILLIAM    ELLEEY. 

courts  of  admiralty  in  the  respective  states,  agreeably  to  the  reso- 
lutions of  congress;  and  the  several  appeals,  when  lodged  with  the 
secretary,  were  to  be  by  him  delivered  to  them  for  their  final  deter- 
mination. Among  other  duties  assigned  him  this  year,  we  may 
mention  that  of  devising  ways  and  means  to  support  the  continental 
currency  and  replenish  the  exhausted  treasury ;  that  of  affording 
aid  and  assistance  to  officers  who  had  been  taken  prisoners  and  re- 
leased on  parole ;  superintending  the  commercial  affairs  of  the 
country;  investigating  the  unfortunate  occurrences  which  attended 
the  capture  of  Ticondcroga ;  preventing  the  admission  into  offices 
of  trust  of  persons  secretly  hostile  to  the  government;  and  various 
others,  requiring  great  attention  and  industry.  To  these  we  may 
add  a  plan  relative  to  his  own  state,  brought  forward  by  the  marine 
committee,  of  which  we  have  seen  he  was  a  member,  and  no  doubt 
at  his  instance. 

While  Mr.  Ellery  was  thus  exerting  himself  for  the  public  good, 
he  was  destined  also  to  suffer  for  it.  The  British  army,  under 
General  Piggot,  had  seized  Rhode  Island,  taken  possession  of  New- 
port, and  fortifying  themselves  in  an  advantageous  position,  made 
it  the  head  quarters  of  a  large  portion  of  their  force.  With  a 
foreign  army  thus  among  them,  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  the  whole 
population  of  the  island  did  not  suffer ;  but  the  vengeance  of  the 
officers  and  soldiers  was  particularly  directed  against  those  who  had 
taken  a  leading  part  in  the  revolutionary  conflict,  especially  the 
delegates  in  congress.  This  Mr.  Ellery  felt  in  the  injury  of  much 
of  his  property  in  and  around  Newport,  and  the  burning  of  his 
dwelling-house  in  that  place.  His  ardour,  however,  in  the  cause 
remained  unabated,  and  he  determined  at  all  hazards  to  adhere  to 
the  congress,  where  he  believed  himself  useful.  His  old  companion 
in  that  body,  Governor  Hopkins,  had  retired ;  but  being  solicited  by 
his  countrymen  to  remain,  he  determined  to  do  so,  leaving  the  pro- 
tection of  his  property  to  their  care  or  to  chance. 

During  the  whole  of  the  year  1778,  with  the  exception  of  a  few 
weeks  of  the  summer  passed  in  Rhode  Island,  Mr.  Ellery  was  a 
faithful  attendant  in  congress,  pursuing  the  same  useful  course 
which  had  marked  all  his  political  career.  To  trace  him  through 
this  would  lead  us  too  much  into  detail,  and  it  seems  proper  rather 
to  pass  them  over  in  a  general  notice,  than  to  enter  into  the  minute 
particulars  of  events,  which  were  in  their  nature  and  consequences 
connected  more  with  the  history  of  the  nation  than  the  private  life 
of  an  individual.     We  may,  however,  mention  with  just  praise,  the 


WILLIAM    ELLERY.  211 

efforts  and  arguments  of  Mr.  Ellcry  in  the  cause  of  a  portion  of  his 
countrymen  who  suffered  under  a  mode  of  warfare  equal  dishonour- 
aide  and  cruel,  that  of  seizing  them  in  their  homes  and  carrying 
them  off  to  the  enemy.  This  practice  had  proceeded  to  great 
lengths,  so  as  to  render  a  residence  on  the  sea-hoard  terrifying  to 
the  most  resolute;  and  no  measures  seemed  too  severe,  which  could 
put  a  stop  to  such  a  horrible  system.  Mr.  Ellcry  therefore  urged 
the  subject  with  all  his  powers  on  the  attention  of  congress,  and 
aided  by  several  of  the  most  distinguished  members  of  that  body, 
was  fortunate  enough  to  obtain  the  passage  of  the  following  reso- 
lution on  the  subject.  "  Whereas  a  few  deluded  inhabitants  of  these 
states,  prompted  thereto  by  the  arts  of  the  enemy,  have  associated 
together  for  the  purpose  of  seizing  and  secretly  conveying  to  places 
in  possession  of  the  British  forces,  such  of  the  loyal  citizens,  officers 
and  soldiers  of  these  states,  as  may  fall  into  their  power;  and  being- 
assisted  by  parties  furnished  by  the  enemy,  have  in  several  instances 
carried  their  nefarious  designs  into  execution  ;  and  such  practices 
being  contrary  to  their  allegiance  as  subjects,  and  repugnant  to  the 
rules  of  war  ;  Resolved,  that  whatever  inhabitant  of  these  states 
shall  kill  or  seize,  or  take  any  loyal  citizen  or  citizens  thereof,  and 
convey  him,  her,  or  them,  to  any  place  within  the  power  of  the 
enemy,  or  shall  enter  into  any  combination  for  such  purpose,  or 
attempt  to  carry  the  same  into  execution,  or  hath  assisted  or  shall 
assist  therein;  or  shall,  by  giving  intelligence,  acting  as  a  guide,  or 
in  any  other  manner  whatever,  aid  the  enemy  in  the  perpetration 
thereof,  he  shall  suffer  death  by  the  judgment  of  a  court-martial,  as 
a  traitor,  assassin  and  spy,  if  the  offence  be  committed  within  seventy 
miles  of  the  head  quarters  of  the  grand  or  other  armies  of  these 
states,  where  a  general  officer  commands." 

In  the  month  of  June,  in  this  year,  Mr.  Ellery,  with  the  other 
delegates  in  Congress,  ratified  the  articles  of  confederation  on  be- 
half of  Rhode  Island,  having  received  from  their  constituents  autho- 
rity so  to  do. 

We  have  noticed  the  absence  of  Mr.  Ellery  from  congress  during 
a  part  of  the  summer  of  this  year.  His  object  in  returning  home, 
was  not,  however,  on  his  private  business,  but  it  was  to  assist  and 
co-operate  with  some  of  the  patriots  of  the  state,  in  arranging  a 
plan  to  drive  out  the  British  army  stationed  there. 

Circumstances,  however,  did  not  permit  the  execution  of  a  design 
thus  resolutely  formed  ;  for  it  was  found,  after  the  desertion  of  the 
harbour  of  Newport  by  the  French  fleet,  that  the  British  were  receiv- 


212  WILLIAM    ELLERY. 

ing  constant  supplies',  so  as  to  render  them  considerably  superior  in 
men  and  resources  to  the  Americans.  It  was  therefore  wisely  re- 
solved to  quit  the  lines  which  they  had  formed  around  Newport; 
which  they  did  on  the  night  of  the  twentieth  of  August.  General 
Sullivan  retreated  with  great  order.;  but  he  had  not  been  five  hours 
at  the  north  end  of  the  island,  when  his  troops  were  fired  upon  by 
the  British,  who  had  pursued  them,  on  discovering  their  retreat. 
The  pursuit  was  made  by  two  parties,  and  on  two  roads ;  to  one 
was  opposed  Colonel  Henry  B.  Livingston,  to  the  other  John  Laurens, 
aid-de-camp  to  General  Washington,  and  each  of  them  had  a  com- 
mand of  light  troops.  In  the  first  instance,  these  light  troops  were 
compelled  by  superior  numbers  to  give  way;  but  they  kept  up  a 
retreating  fire.  On  being  re-inforced,  they  gave  their  pursuers  a 
check,  and  at  length  repulsed  them.  By  degrees  the  action  became 
in  some  respects  general,  and  near  twelve  hundred  Americans  were 
engaged.  The  loss  on  each  side  was  between  two  and  three 
hundred. 

On  the  following  day,  a  cannonade  was  kept  up  by  both  armies, 
but  neither  chose  to  attack  the  other.  The  British  waited  for  a 
re-inforcement,  which  they  every  moment  expected,  and  General 
Sullivan  was  on  the  watch  for  the  first  favourable  moment  to  with- 
draw his  troops  from  the  island.  Throughout  the  day  he  continued 
to  take  those  measures  which  were  calculated  to  produce  an  im- 
pression of  his  being  determined  to  maintain  his  ground.  About 
six  in  the  afternoon  of  the  thirtieth,  his  orders  to  prepare  for  a 
retreat  were  given,  and  his  whole  army  crossed  over,  and  had  dis- 
embarked on  the  continent  about  Tiverton,  by  two  in  the  morning, 
without  having  created  in  the  enemythe  slightest  suspicion,  that  he 
had  contemplated  the  movement  which  was  now  completed.  The 
troops  were  stationed  along  the  coast  from  Tiverton  to  Providence. 

Never  was  retreat  more  fortunate.  The  next  day  sir  Harry 
Clinton  arrived,  and  the  return  of  the  American  army  to  the  conti- 
nent would  have  become  impracticable. 

The  conduct  of  Sullivan  was  highly  approved  by  the  commander- 
in-chief,  and  by  congress.  A  resolution  passed  in  that  body,  de- 
claring his  retreat  to  have  been  "  prudent,  timely,  and  well  .con- 
ducted." They  also  voted  their  thanks  to  the  general  and  the  army 
under  his  command,  for  their  fortitude  and  bravery,  in  the  action 
of  the  twenty-ninth  of  August. 

Thus  ended  the  expedition  on  Rhode  Island,  the  success  of  which 
had    been  generally   considered   certain.     Its    failure   was    indeed 


WILLIAM    ELLERY.  213 

unfortunate,  but  it  was  to  be  attributed  to  one  of  tliose  accidents 
which  so  often  derange  military  plans;  and  however  much  it  is  to 
be  regretted  that  the  Count  D'Estaing  deemed  it  his  duty  to  remove 
his  fleet  from  Narragansett  bay,  his  subsequent  conduct  proves  that 
he  entertained  towards  this  country  feelings  full  of  gallantry  and 
kindness.  Shortly  after  the  failure  of  the  expedition  Mr.  Ellery 
returned  to  Philadelphia,  and  resumed  his  seat  in  congress. 

In  January,  1779,  Mr.  Ellery  was  appointed  by  congress  a  mem- 
ber of  a  large  committee,  to  which  was  intrusted  the  delicate  task 
of  arranging  and  settling  some  diplomatic  difficulties  which  had 
occurred  among  the  commissioners  sent  by  the  United  States  to 
Europe ;  and  received  at  the  same  time  full  authority  to  enter  into 
the  whole  subject  of  our  foreign  relations.  This  was  speedily  fol- 
lowed by  his  being  made  chairman  of  a  committee  to  take  into  con- 
sideration the  distresses  of  many  of  the  inhabitants  of  his  own  state, 
caused  by  the  occupation  of  it  by  the  British,  and  he  brought  into 
congress  a  strong  report  on  the  subject,  which  induced  them  to  pass 
the  following  resolution :  "  Whereas,  the  delegates  of  the  state  of 
Rhode  Island  and  Providence  Plantations,  in  pursuance  of  an  ex- 
press vote  of  the  general  assembly  of  the  said  state,  have  repre- 
sented to  congress  that  many  of  its  inhabitants,  especially  those 
who  have  come  off  from  the  island  of  Rhode  Island,  must  inevitably 
perish  unless  they  are  speedily  supplied  with  the  necessaries  of  life, 
and  have  in  the  strongest  terms  requested  us  to  recommend  to  the 
states  of  Connecticut  and  New  York  to  repeal  their  acts  laying  an 
embargo  on  provisions,  so  far  as  respects  supplying  the  said  inha- 
bitants with  provisions  by  land :  Resolved,  that  the  president  write 
to  the  governors  of  the  states  of  Connecticut  and  New  York,  re- 
questing them  to  afford  such  supplies  of  flour  and  other  provisions, 
for  the  distressed  inhabitants  of  the  state  of  Rhode  Island  and  Pro- 
vidence Plantations,  as  their  necessities  call  for,  so  far  as  circum- 
stances will  admit,  and  under  such  regulations  as  may  best  answer 
the  end  proposed." 

During  his  attendance  on  congress  this  year,  and  it  was  with  very 
little  interruption  constant,  Mr.  Ellery  devoted  much  of  his  time  to 
the  standing  committees  of  which  he  was  a  member,  especially 
those  relative  to  appeals  and  admiralty  transactions;  this,  owing  to 
the  loose  constitution  of  the  government  under  the  articles  of  con- 
federation, was  absolute  necessary,  as  it  formed,  in  fact,  the  execu- 
tive power,  and  through  this  medium  all  the  public  affairs  were 
transacted.  Sometimes,  indeed,  it  led  into  difficulties,  especially 
20 


214  WILLIAM    ELLERY. 

when  any  circumstance  occurred  which  seemed  to  lead  to  a  conflict 
between  the  powers  of  congress  and  of  the  individual  states  ;  and 
the  arrangement  was  often  one  of  delicacy  and  importance.  Such 
had  nearly  been  the  case  during  the  present  year,  relative  to  some 
proceedings  of  the  admiralty  court  of  Pennsylvania ;  and  on  its 
coming  to  the  knowledge  of  congress,  it  was  without  delay  referred 
to  a  committee,  of  which  Mr.  Ellery  was  a  principal  member.  In 
reporting  afterwards  on  the  subject,  he  laid  before  the  house  a 
succinct  statement  of  all  the  facts  that  had  occurred,  showed  the 
propriety  and  indeed  necessity  that  there  was  of  an  appeal  to  the 
general  government,  in  all  cases  in  which  questions  touching  our 
relations  with  foreign  countries  might  arise;  and  concluded  with  a 
series  of  propositions,  so  evidently  consistent  with  the  system  which 
had  been  previously  organized,  as  to  meet  the  immediate  approba- 
tion of  congress,  and  set  the  affair  entirely  at  rest. 

In  the  spring  of  this  year,  Mr.  Ellery  had  the  painful  duty  in- 
trusted to  him,  as  a  chairman  of  a  committee  of  congress,  of  exer- 
cising, from  motives  of  policy,  a  course  of  conduct  deeply  at  variance 
with  his  feelings  and  inclination.  The  Bermuda  islands,  placed  far 
in  the  Atlantic,  small,  barren  and  unprotected,  ravaged  by  the 
fiercest  tempests,  and  exposed  to  the  incursions  of  every  enemy, 
had  always  depended  for  absolute  subsistence  on  the  American 
colonies.  By  the  war,  their  intercourse  had  been  destroyed,  and 
reduced  to  the  extremity  of  distress,  they  sought  from  the  compas- 
sion of  congress  that  aid  which  distress  alone  entitled  them  to 
receive.  Their  petition  was  referred  to  Mr.  Ellery  and  two  other 
members,  who  deliberated  upon  it,  with  every  wish  to  extend  their 
assistance  to  the  suffering  islanders.  Finding,  however,  that  British 
vessels  of  war  were  stationed  at  the  island  ;  that  it  was  garrisoned 
by  British  troops ;  and  that  it  was  doubtful  whether  the  provisions 
they  might  send  would  ever  reach  those  whose  sufferings  they  were 
intended  to  relieve,  they  expressed  their  opinion  to  congress,  that 
so  long  as  Bermuda  should  continue  to  be  guarded  by  British  ships 
and  garrisoned  by  British  soldiers,  how  powerfully  soever  humanity 
might  plead  in  their  behalf,  and  the  disposition  of  congress  incline 
them  to  relieve  the  distresses  of  Bermuda,  yet  sound  policy  and  the 
duty  they  owed  to  their  constituents,  constrained  them  to  refuse  a 
compliance  with  the  request  of  the  memorialists.  Whether,  how- 
ever, some  incident  occurred,  which  rendered  the  probability  of 
assistance  being  more  effectual,  or  the  solicitations  of  the  poor 
islanders  were  renewed,  or  for  what  other  cause,  is  not  apparent, 


WILLIAM    ELLEEY.  215 

yet  little  more  than  a  week  elapsed  after  this  recommendation, 
when  Mr.  Ellery  brought  up  one  of  a  different  character,  and  more 
consonant  to  his  wishes ;  in  it  he  represented  to  the  house,  "  that 
from  a  re-consideration  of  the  deplorable  circumstances  of  those 
unhappy  persons,  who  are  deprived,  as  it  hath  been  represented  to 
your  committee,  of  the  means  of  supplying  themselves  with  bread, 
which  are  allowed  to  other  inhabitants  who  openly  profess  their 
attachment  to  the  enemies  of  these  states,  they  are  of  opinion,  that 
it  be  recommended  to  the  executive  powers  of  the  states  of  Penn- 
sylvania, Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia  and  North  Carolina,  re- 
spectively, to  permit  one  thousand  bushels  of  Indian  corn  to  be 
exported  from  each  of  the  said  states,  for  the  relief  of  the  dis- 
tressed inhabitants  of  those  islands."  Congress,  however,  still 
deemed  the  measure  inexpedient;  fearful  that  while  it  did  not 
answer  the  ends  for  which  it  was  undertaken,  it  might  involve 
them  in  disagreeable  results,  and  interfere  with  the  course  which 
they  had  hitherto  adopted  in  the  conduct  of  the  war.  They  there- 
fore took  the  report  of  the  committee  into  consideration,  and  after 
much  discussion,  resolved  that  they  would  not  at  that  time  proceed 
farther  in  the  matter. 

We  have  already  alluded  to  the  vivacity  and  sprightliness  of  Mr. 
Ellery's  disposition.  This  was  constantly  displayed  throughout  his 
life;  and  even  in  the  severest  times,  he  often  enlivened  the  discus- 
sions of  congress  by  his  ready  wit.  It  is  seldom,  however,  that 
genius  of  this  kind  can  be  sufficiently  or  properly  appreciated  by 
posterity;  arising  out  of  some  accident  or  circumstance  of  the  day, 
depending  on  some  local  or  temporary  allusion,  struck  off  in  the 
ardour  of  conversation,  it  passes  away,  leaving  indeed  to  the  indi- 
vidual from  whose  happy  genius  it  has  sprung,  the  reputation  of  a 
wit,  but  to  those  who  have  not  heard  it,  nothing  by  which  to  know 
or  taste  its  excellence. 

In  the  year  1781,  Mr.  Ellery  did  not  take  his  seat  in  congress 
until  the  nineteenth  of  November,  when  he  appeared  there  with  his 
colleague,  Mr.  Cornell.  Before  he  had  been  many  weeks  in  the 
house,  the  old  subject  of  admiralty  jurisdiction  again  occurred,  and 
he  found  that  it  was  necessary  to  form  some  plan,  by  which  the  con- 
flicting interests  or  feelings  of  the  general  government,  and  the 
separate  states  might  be  less  excited.  The  matter  being  accord- 
ingly referred  to  him  and  two  other  gentlemen,  was  taken  into  con- 
sideration, with  a  determination  to  adopt  some  measure  which  would 
place  it  eventually  at  rest,  and  the  following  resolution  was  brought 


216  WILLIAM    ELLERY. 

in  and  passed  by  congress  with  that  object.  "  To  render  more  effec- 
tual the  provision  contained  in  the  ordinance,  ascertaining  what  cap- 
tures on  water  shall  be  lawful,  for  the  capture  and  condemnation  of 
goods,  wares,  and  merchandizes  of  the  growth,  produce  or  manu- 
facture of  Great  Britain,  or  the  territories  depending  thereon,  in  cer- 
tain cases  :  Resolved,  that  it  be  earnestly  recommended  to  the  legis- 
lature of  each  state,  to  pass  acts  to  be  in  force  during  the  continu- 
ance of  the  present  war,  for  the  seizure  and  condemnation  of  all 
goods,  wares,  and  merchandizes  of  the  growth,  produce  or  manu- 
facture of  Great  Britain,  or  of  any  territory  depending  thereon, 
which  shall  be  found  on  land  within  their  respective  jurisdictions, 
unless  the  same  shall  have  been  imported  before  the  first  day  of 
March,  1782,  or  shall  have  been  captured  from  the  enemy." 

In  the  month  of  February,  1782,  we  find  Mr.  Ellery  a  member 
of  a  very  important  committee,  that  on  a  plan  for  the  settlement  of 
public  accounts,  which  at  this  period  of  the  war  had  become  so 
greatly  deranged,  as  to  render  a  general  revision  absolutely  neces- 
sary. The  committee  brought  in  a  long  report,  and  congress  passed 
several  resolutions,  conforming  with  their  views.  A  few  days  after, 
as  chairman  of  a  committee  to  whom  the  subject  had  been  referred, 
he  presented,  for  the  consideration  of  the  house,  a  plan  for  insti- 
tuting and  organizing  a  department  of  foreign  affairs — a  branch  of 
government  long  wanted,  and  now  become  absolutely  necessary. 
Tn  the  succeeding  year,  Mr.  Ellery  had  the  satisfaction  of  acting  as 
the  organ  of  congress,  in  expressing  to  his  noble  fellow-citizen, 
General  Greene,  their  sense  and  that  of  his  country,  for  the  benefit 
of  his  military  services.  This  he  did  in  the  following  resolutions, 
offered  by  a  committee  of  which  he  was  chairman:  "Resolved, 
That  two  pieces  of  the  field  ordnance,  taken  from  the  British  army 
at  the  Cowpens,  Augusta,  or  Eutaw,  be  presented  by  the  comman- 
der-in-chief of  the  armies  of  the  United  States,  to  Major-General 
Greene,  as  a  public  testimonial  of  the  wisdom,  fortitude,  and  mili- 
tary skill  which  distinguished  his  command  in  the  southern  depart- 
ment, and  of  the  eminent  services  which,  amidst  complicated  difficul- 
ties and  dangers,  and  against  an  enemy  greatly  superior  in  numbers, 
he  has  successfully  performed  for  his  country:  and  that  a  memo- 
randum be  engraved  on  the  side-pieces  of  ordnance,  expressive  of 
the  substance  of  this  resolution.  Resolved,  That  the  commander- 
in-chief  be  informed,  that  Major-General  Greene  hath  the  permis- 
sion of  congress  to  visit  his  family  at  Rhode  Island." 

In  the  year  1784,  Mr.  Ellery  was  a  member  of  the  committee  to 


WILLIAM    ELLERY.  217 

whom  was  referred  the  definitive  treaty  of  peace  with  Great  Bri- 
tain, and  who  recommended  its  ratification;  he  also  continued  zeal- 
ously his  labours  on  several  other  committees  of  importance,  espe- 
cially directing'  his  attention  to  affairs  of  marine  and  finance;  and 
when  the  grand  committee  of  states  was  appointed  to  prepare  and 
report  to  congress,  an  ordinance  for  making  the  necessary  arrange- 
ments of  the  treasury,  and  for  more  particularly  defining  the  powers 
of  the  board  of  treasury,  and  also  to  revise  the  institution  of  the 
office  for  foreign  affairs,  and  of  the  war  office,  and  to  report  such 
alterations  as  they  might  judge  necessary,  he  was  elected  as  the 
representative  therein  of  his  own  state. 

The  year  1785  was  the  last  during  which  Mr.  Ellery  remained  a 
member  of  the  old  continental  congress,  and  took  a  very  active  part 
in  public  affairs.  Yet  we  cannot  pass  over  the  notice  of  his  long 
services  in  this  body  without  mentioning  one  act  which  attended 
its  close,  and  which  will  render  him  ever  dear  to  the  friends  of 
humanity;  it  was  his  seconding  and  supporting,  with  all  his  abilities, 
the  following  resolution,  which  was  offered  by  Mr.  King:  "That 
there  shall  be  neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude  in  any  of  the 
states,  described  in  the  resolve  of  congress  of  the  twenty-third  of  April, 
1784,  otherwise  than  in  punishment  of  crimes,  whereof  the  party  shall 
have  been  personally  guilty ;  and  that  this  regulation  shall  be  an  arti- 
cle of  compact,  and  remain  a  fundamental  principle  of  the  constitu- 
tions between  the  thirteen  original  states,  and  each  of  the  states 
described  in  the  said  resolve  of  the  twenty-third  of  April,  1784." 

In  the  following  spring,  Mr.  Ellery,  having  retired  from  public  life, 
was  elected  by  congress  a  commissioner  of  the  continental  loan- 
office  for  the  state  of  Rhode  Island;  and  soon  after,  by  his  own 
fellow  citizens,  chief  justice  of  their  superior  court;  a  station,  how- 
ever, which  he  did  not  long  retain.  A  few  years  after,  and  imme- 
diately on  the  organization  of  the  federal  government,  he  received 
from  his  old  friend  General  Washington,  the  appointment  of  collector 
of  the  customs  for  his  native  town  of  Newport,  and  in  that  office  he 
quietly  spent  the  remainder  of  his  days.  Not  desirous  of  wealth,  the 
small  revenues  of  his  situation,  added  to  what  he  had  been  able  to 
save  from  neglect  and  destruction  during  the  war,  though  from  these 
he  had  severely  suffered,  afforded  him  a  competence,  and  he  passed 
happily  and  delightfully  through  the  calm  evening  of  a  life,  whose 
morning  and  noon  had  been  devoted  to  the  labours  of  industry,  vir- 
tue, and  patriotism.  In  small  things  he  maintained  the  character  he 
had  won  in  greater,  for  in  the  whole  of  the  period  during  which  he 
0 


218  WLLIAM    ELLERY. 

held  his  office  in  the  customs — and  it  was  thirty  years — such  was  his 
prudence  and  punctuality,  that  the  government  suffered  by  the  loss 
of  but  one  bond,  for  two  hundred  dollars,  and  on  that  he  had  exer- 
cised the  uncommon  caution  of  taking  five  securities. 

His  death,  which  occurred  on  the  fifteenth  of  February,  1820,  and 
when  he  had  passed  the  venerable  age  of  ninety-two  years,  was  in 
unison  with  his  life;  and  as  the  circumstances  have  been  related  by 
a  distinguished  gentleman  of  Rhode  Island,  intimately  acquainted 
with  him,  they  present  a  picture  as  interesting  as  has  ever  been 
framed  by  romance,  or  handed  down  to  us  in  the  annals  of  ancient 
times.  His  end  was,  indeed,  that  of  a  philosopher.  In  truth,  death, 
in  its  common  form,  never  came  near  him.  His  strength  wasted 
gradually  for  the  last  year,  until  he  had  not  enough  left  to  draw  in 
his  breath,  and  so  he  ceased  to  breathe.  The  day  on  which  he  died, 
he  got  up  and  dressed  himself,  took  his  old  flag-bottomed  chair, 
without  arms,  on  which  he  had  sat  for  more  than  half  a  century, 
and  was  reading  Tally's  Offices  in  the  Latin,  without  glasses, 
though  the  print  was  as  fine  as  that  of  the  smallest  pocket  Bible. 
The  physician  stopped  in  on  his  way  to  the  hospital,  as  he  usually 
did;  and,  on  perceiving  that  the  old  gentleman  could  scarcely  raise 
his  eye-lids  to  look  at  him,  took  his  hand,  and  found  that  his  pulse 
was  gone.  After  drinking  a  little  wine  and  water,  the  physician 
told  him  his  pulse  beat  more  strongly.  "  O !  yes,  doctor,  I  have  a 
charming  pulse.  But,"  he  continued,  "  it  is  idle  to  talk  to  me  in 
this  way.  I  am  going  off  the  stage  of  life,  and  it  is  a  great  bless- 
ing that  I  go  free  from  sickness,  pain,  and  sorrow."  Some  time 
after,  his  daughter,  finding  he  had  become  extremely  weak,  wished 
him  to  be  put  to  bed,  which  he  at  first  objected  to,  saying  he  felt  no 
pain,  and  there  was  no  occasion  for  his  doing  so.  Shortly  after- 
wards, however,  fearing  he  might  possibly  fall  out  of  his  chair,  he 
told  them  they  might  place  him  upright  in  the  bed,  so  that  he  could 
continue  to  read.  They  did  so,  and  he  continued  reading  Cicero 
very  quietly  for  some  time;  presently  they  looked  at  him  and  found 
him  dead,  sitting  in  the  same  posture,  with  the  book  under  his  chin, 
as  a  man  who  becomes  drowsy  and  goes  to  sleep. 

"  Of  no  distemper,  of  no  blast  he  died, 
But  fell  like  autumn  fruit  that  mellow'd  long; 
E'en  wonder'd  at  because  he  falls  no  sooner. 
Fate  seem'd  to  wind  him  up  for  fourscore  years, 
Yet  freshly  ran  he  on  twelve  winters  more : 
Till  like  a  clock,  worn  out  with  eating-  time, 
The  wheels  of  weary  life  at  last  stood  still." 


WILLIAM    ELLERY.  219 

The  preceding  sketch  of  the  incidents  of  Mr.  Ellery's  life  will  he 
sufficient  to  enable  a  reader  to  form  a  just  estimate  of  his  character 
and  excellence;  and  with  this  it  might  he  sufficient  to  commit  this 
memoir,  which  can  pretend  to  little  merit,  to  the  world.  We  have, 
however,  been  fortunate  enough  to  obtain  from  one,  who  knew  him 
well  and  long,  some  information  whfch  may  tend  more  fully  to 
develope  his  disposition  and  virtues,  and  with  a  summary  of  these, 
authentic  as  they  are,  we  shall  close  our  notice  of  his  well-spent 
life.  A  firm  whig  under  the  colonial  government,  and  of  the  Wash- 
ington school  under  the  federal,  he  was  always  attached  ardently  to 
a  free,  efficient,  impartial,  protecting  government. — He  studied  the 
Scriptures  with  reverence,  diligence,  and  a  liberal  spirit;  feeling 
their  value,  seeking  for  the  truth,  and  aiming  at  the  obedience  they 
require. 

He  was  indeed  tenacious  of  his  own  opinion;  and  some  might 
have  thought  him  obstinate  where  he  was  inflexible,  and  rash  where 
he  had  been  most  patient  and  careful ;  and  perhaps  he  was  not 
always  free  from  asperity  towards  others;  and  the  calmness  of  his 
later  years  may  have  appeared  to  those  who  had  long  known  him, 
more  as  the  fruit  of  self-watchfulness,  mellowed  by  age,  than  of  a 
naturally  gentle  temper.  But  never  was  there  a  man  more  earnest 
for  the  right  of  others  to  their  own  judgment,  more  indignant  at  the 
pretensions  of  any  man,  or  any  set  of  men,  to  lord  it  in  matters  of 
religious  or  political  opinion,  or  more  happy  at  seeing  all  truth 
brought  to  the  trial  of  fair  discussion. 

He  was  fond  of  profound  study  and  of  elegant  literature,  exer- 
cising his  powers  to  the  end  of  life  upon  the  works  of  distinguished 
writers  in  theology,  intellectual  philosophy,  and  political  economy; 
continuing  his  acquaintance  with  the  best  Latin  works,  of  which  he 
was  always  fond,  and  amusing  himself  with  such  fictions  especially 
as  abounded  in  humour,  and  such  poetry  as  was  distinguished  for 
wit,  elegance,  close  sense,  and  exact  description. 

He  is  understood  to  have  been  very  intimate  with  the  distin- 
guished men  with  whom  he  was  in  public  life,  and  to  have  been 
highly  valued  by  them  for  his  excellent  judgment,  sound  principle, 
and  fine  colloquial  powers  and  social  spirit.  He  was  but  little  in 
the  habit  of  alluding  to  his  public  services ;  but  his  memory  sup- 
plied him  with  anecdotes  of  others,  with  which  he  was  always  ready 
to  instruct  or  entertain,  and  his  narratives  and  sketches  were  mark- 
ed with  singular  distinctness  and  spirit,  and  often  with  the  finest 
humour.     He  was  always  averse  from  display,  as  to  all  that  con- 


220  WILLIAM    ELLERY. 

cerned  himself;  and  so  little  did  he  seem  to  be  conscious  of  the  im- 
portant part  he  had  acted  in  the  affairs  of  his  country,  that  one, 
who  knew  only  his  parental  tenderness,  would  hardly  have  believed 
that  he  was  ready  at  any  moment  to  part  with  all,  for  the  cause  he 
had  engaged  in.  While  attending  Upon  his  duties  in  congress,  he 
received  accounts  of  the  death  of  a  child;  and  in  a  letter  to  a  friend, 
after  speaking  of  this  affliction,  and  expressing  his  grief  and  his 
sympathy  with  his  distant  family,  he  applies  to  himself  and  to  the 
cause  he  had  so  deeply  at  heart,  words  too  awful  to  be  lightly  used 
by  any  man.  "He  that  loveth  father  or  mother,  he  that  loveth  son 
or  daughter  more  than  liberty,  is  not  worthy  of  her."  His  quiet 
disregard  of  notoriety  is  well  shown  in  his  reply  about  fourteen  years 
since,  to  a  friend  who  had  alluded  to  his  being  in  congress  at  the 
time  of  Chatham's  celebrated  eulogy — "Probably  I  was  a  member 
of  congress  when  Chatham  eulogized  that  body,  and  possibly  I  might 
have  been  vain  enough  to  have  snuffed  up  part  of  that  incense  as 
my  due;  but  the  more  I  have  known  of  myself,  the  more  reason  I 
have  had  not  to  think  too  highly  of  myself.  Humility,  rather  than 
pride,  becomes  such  creatures  as  we  are."  Those  who  knew  him 
only  during  the  last  twenty  or  thirty  years  of  his  life,  speak  of  the 
religious  serenity  with  which  he  looked  upon  the  world  and  its  con- 
vulsions; estimating  and  using  aright  its  good  and  evil,  and  fearing 
little  from  man,  either  as  to  himself  or  nations.  "  The  Lord  reign- 
eth,"  were  the  words  with  which  he  usually  ended  whatever  he  had 
to  say  of  public  sufferings  and  dangers  here  and  abroad. 

To  the  young  he  was  dear  for  good,  cheering  counsel,  and  almost 
youthful  sympathy.  His  mind  and  affections  never  seemed  to  grow 
old,  but  only  to  ripen  with  age.  His  conversation  never  lost  its 
humour,  richness,  and  variety,  its  freedom  and  temperate  earnest- 
ness, and  the  originality  of  a  thoroughly  sincere  and  natural  mind ; 
nor  his  advice  its  authority;  nor  his  opinions  the  marks  of  wide  and 
deliberate  observation  and  thought.  It  was  a  privilege  to  be  with 
him;  and  next  only  to  that,  to  enjoy  his  familiar  correspondence. 
This,  we  believe,  was  almost  confined  to  his  connexions.  We  have 
seen  but  few  of  his  letters ;  of  which  thousands,  perhaps,  are  still 
preserved,  though  he  frequently  expressed  a  wish,  some  years  before 
his  death,  that  they  might  be  destroyed.  They  are  said  to  be  re- 
markably happy  specimens  of  letter-writing.  They  were  written, 
principally,  after  he  had  retired  from  public  life,  but  are  full  of 
observations  upon  the  past  as  well  as  the  present,  and  marked  with 
the  same  variety  of  sedateness  and  mirth,  and  wisdom  and  domestic 


WILLIAM    ELLERY.  2'21 

interest,  which  were  observable  in  bis  conversation.  His  grave  or 
tranquil  manner,  always  so  becoming  in  age,  gave  proper  weight  to 
his  serious  remarks,  and  sometimes  bad  an  air  of  indescribable 
archness  or  covert  humour,  when  lie  allowed  it  to  run  into  his 
lighter  conversation  or  writings.  He  continued  to  correspond  with 
some  of  his  young  relatives  till  the  close  of  bis  days.  Only  three 
weeks  before  his  death,  he  wrote  a  long  letter,  containing  remarks 
on  Latin  prosody;  on  the  faults  of  public  speakers  at  the  present 
day,  with  expressions  of  the  kindest  and  most  familiar  interest  in 
his  friends  and  their  concerns,  written  too  in  a  strong  close  hand, 
that  might  be  expected  from  one  in  middle  life. 

In  stature,  he  was  of  moderate  height;  his  person  neither  spare 
nor  corpulent,  but  indicating  perfect  health,  and  an  easy  mind.  His 
head  and  features  were  large  and  impressive.  He  was  not  fond  of 
bodily  activity,  and  always  walked  with  a  regular,  measured  step, 
as  if  he  were  consulting  his  ease,  as  far  as  he  could,  in  doing  a 
thing  for  which  he  had  small  relish.  His  mind  kept  pace  with  the 
world ;  his  courtesy  and  hospitality  could  not  have  altered  but  for 
the  worse;  but  his  habits  of  life,  bis  dress,  and  many  things  that 
belong  to  one's  comfort,  and  yet  may  not  be  worth  enumerating, 
appear  to  have  undergone  little  if  any  change  for  years,  and  to  have 
shown,  as  well  as  the  cast  of  his  conversation,  that  he  was  of  an- 
other generation. 

21  o2 


ROGER  SHERMAN. 


The  Declaration  of  Independence  was  signed  on  behalf  of  th  3 
state  of  Connecticut  by  four  delegates,  Roger  Sherman,  Samuel 
Huntington,  William  Williams,  and  Oliver  Wolcott. 

Among  the  illustrious  characters  whose  names  are  inscribed  upon 
the  brightest  record  that  adorns  the  annals  of  our  country,  few 
possessed  more  Solid  attainments  than  the  first  of  these,  Roger 
Sherman.  In  the  display  of  rhetorical  embellishment,  he  had 
many  superiors;  but  this  inequality  was  amply  compensated  by  the 
close  reasoning  and  convincing  arguments  which  justified  the  pro- 
priety of  his  political  opinions,  and  supported  those  measures  which 
his  judgment  pointed  out  as  best  adapted  to  promote  the  welfare  of 
his  country.  The  acuteness  of  his  understanding,  and  the  solidity 
of  his  judgment,  were  powerfully  aided  by  his  unremitting  applica- 
tion, and  intimate  knowledge  of  human  nature.  Possessed  of  a 
strong,  discriminating  mind,  and  guided  by  the  most  rigid  rules  of 
prudence,  his  stern  integrity  and  general  good  sense,  together  with 
his  cautious  perseverance,  elevated  him  to  a  prominent  station 
among  the  most  successful  politicians  of  his  time,  and  gave  him  a 
great  and  merited  ascendancy  in  the  several  deliberative  bodies  of 
which  he  was  a  member. 

His  mind  was  early  impressed  with  the  truth  of  the  Christian 
religion,  and,  faithful  to  its  precepts,  he  passed  through  the  turbu- 
lent and  conflicting  scenes  of  the  revolution  without  a  blemish  on 
his  character. 

Before  he  had  attained  the  age  of  twenty-one  years,  he  made  a 
public  profession  of  his  religion,  and  continued  more  than  half  a 
century  a  zealous  defender  of  its  doctrines.  Exemplary  in  his  at- 
tention to  the  forms  and  discipline  of  the  church  to  which  he  was 
attached,  he  evinced,  by  his  conduct,  the  importance  of  the  applica- 
tion of  the  moral  doctrines  of  Christianity  to  the  duties  of  social  life. 

The  father  of  Roger  Sherman,  was  a  farmer  in  moderate  circum- 
stances, and  resided  at  Newton,  Massachusetts,  where  Roger  Sher- 
222 


&M 


ROGER    SHERMAN.  225 

man  was  born  on  the  nineteenth  day  of  April,  1721.  Roger 
Sherman  received  no  other  education  than  the  ordinary  country 
schools  in  Massachusetts  at  that  period  afforded.  He  was  neither 
assisted  by  a  public  education,  nor  private  tuition,  and  the  substan- 
tial abilities  which  he  evinced  during  his  public  life  were  wholly  the 
offspring  of  his  own  exertions.  Without  those  advantages  which, 
in  early  youth,  are  so  essential  in  directing  and  impelling  the  mind 
to  useful  studies,  and  compelled  to  assiduous  labour  for  a  mainte- 
nance, his  vigorous  mind  surmounted  all  the  obstacles  which  his 
situation  interposed,  and,  availing  himself  of  every  moment  of 
leisure,  he  acquired,  from  self-instruction,  an  extensive  knowledge 
and  capacity  of  usefulness,  which  placed  him  on  a  level  with  his 
distinguished  compatriots,  who  have  received  all  the  advantages  of 
education. 

The  nature  of  his  early  employment  more  decidedly  claims  our 
admiration  in  relation  to  his  self-advancement  in  life,  and  the  eager- 
ness which  impelled  him  to  prosecute  his  intellectual  improvements. 
It  is  a  remarkable  fact,  that  the  man  who  stood  among  the  fore- 
most in  the  ranks  of  patriots  and  legislators,  and  served  his  country 
with  distinguished  ability  in  various  high  and  honourable  offices 
during  a  period  of  forty  years,  was  apprenticed  to  a  shoemaker,  and 
pursued  that  occupation  for  some  time  after  he  was  twenty-two 
years  of  age.  Upon  the  removal  of  the  family,  in  1743,  Mr.  Slier 
man  travelled,  with  his  tools,  on  foot,  to  New  Milford,  where  he 
continued  to  work  at  his  trade  for  some  time. 

Mr.  Sherman  was  not  one  of  those  to  whom  the  retrospect  of  past 
life  gave  any  pain.  During  the  revolutionary  war,  he  was  placed 
on  a  committee  of  congress  to  examine  certain  army  accounts, 
among  which  was  a  contract  for  the  supply  of  shoes.  He  informed 
the  committee  that  the  public  had  been  defrauded,  and  that  the 
charges  were  exorbitant,  which  he  proved  by  specifying  the  cost  of 
the  leather  and  other  materials,  and  of  the  workmanship.  The 
minuteness  with  which  this  was  done  exciting  some  surprise,  he  in- 
formed the  committee  that  he  was  by  trade  a  shoemaker,  and  was 
perfectly  acquainted  with  the  cost  of  the  article. 

At  the  time  of  his  father's  death,  which  occurred  in  the  year  1741 , 
Mr.  Sherman  was  only  nineteen  years  of  age;  yet,  from  the  absence 
of  his  elder  brother,  who  had  previously  removed  to  New  Milford  in 
Connecticut,  the  principal  charge  of  the  family  devolved  upon  him. 
At  this  early  period  of  life,  the  care  of  his  mother,  who  lived  to  a 
great  age,  and  the  education  of  a  numerous  family  of  brothers  and 


226  ROGER    SHERMAN. 

sisters,  brought  into  profitable  action  those  feelings  of  filial  piety 
and  paternal  affection,  which  are  the  unerring  tokens  of  a  virtuous 
and  benevolent  heart.  The  restrictions  which  had  been  placed  on 
his  own  education,  and  the  difficulties  which  they  necessarily  created, 
no  doubt  particularly  impressed  upon  his  mind  the  utility  of  liberal 
instruction  in  early  life.  The  assistance  subsequently  afforded  by 
him  to  two  of  his  younger  brothers,  enabled  them  to  obtain  this  in- 
calculable advantage,  and  they  became  clergymen  of  some  eminence 
in  the  colony  of  Connecticut. 

In  1745,  two  years  after  his  removal  into  the  colony  of  Connecti- 
cut, he  was  appointed  a  surveyor  of  lands  for  the  county  in  which 
he  resided,  which  is  proof  of  his  early  improvement  in  mathematical 
knowledge.  His  self-advancement  in  this  important  branch  of  edu- 
cation, so  little  connected  with  his  actual  occupations,  or  future 
prospects  in  life,  serves  to  demonstrate  the  universal  character  of 
his  studies,  and  the  indefatigability  of  his  literary  ambition.  Astro- 
nomical calculations  of  so  early  a  date  as  the  year  1748  have  been 
discovered  among  his  papers,  made  by  him  for  an  almanac  then 
published  in  New  York,  and  which  he  continued  to  supply  for 
several  successive  years.  In  addition  to  these  numerous  vocations, 
his  application  to  the  study  of  the  law  must  have  been  close  and 
indefatigable,  to  enable  him  to  surmount  the  disadvantages  of  his 
early  education,  and  qualify  himself  for  the  profession  which  he  was 
about  to  assume. 

At  the  age  of  twenty-eight  years,  he  married  Miss  Elizabeth 
Hartwell,  of  Stoughton  in  Massachusetts,  by  whom  he  had  seven 
children.  She  died  in  October,  1760.  After  his  removal  to  New 
Haven,  he  married  Miss  Rebecca  Prescot  of  Danvers,  Massachu- 
setts, by  whom  he  had  eight  children. 

Although  he  had  not  profited  by  a  regular  professional  education, 
his  acquisition  of  legal  knowledge,  and  his  increasing  reputation 
as  a  counsellor,  were  so  great  and  flattering,  that  he  was  persuaded 
by  his  friends  to  adopt  the  profession,  and  was  accordingly  admitted 
an  attorney  at  law,  in  December,  1754. 

In  1755,  he  was  placed  in  the  commission  of  the  peace  for  New 
Milford,  and  in  the  same  year  chosen  by  the  freemen  to  represent 
them  in  the  colonial  assembly;  an  appointment  which  he  continued 
to  hold  during  the  greater  part  of  his  residence  in  that  town. 

He  continued  to  pra;tise  the  law  with  reputation  until  May,  1759, 
when  he  was  appointed  judge  of  the  court  of  Common  Pleas  for  the 
county.     In   1761,  he  removed  from  New  Milford,  where  he  was 


ROGEfe    SHERMAN.  227 

highly  and  universally  respected,  and  settled  in  New  Haven.  He 
was  soon  made  a  justice  of  the  peace  for  the  county  of  New  Haven, 
and  frequently  represented  the  town  in  the  legislature.  In  1765, 
he  was  appointed  one  of  the  judges  of  the  court  of  Common  Pleas, 
and  was  for  many  years  the  treasurer  of  the  college  in  New  Haven, 
receiving  at  that  time  the  honorary  degree  of  master  of  arts. 

In  1760,  he  was  elected,  by  the  freemen  of  the  colony,  an  assist- 
ant; i.  e.  a  member  of  the  council,  or  upper  house  in  the  legislature 
of  Connecticut.  The  assistants,  who,  with  the  governor  and  lieu- 
tenant-governor formed  a  separate  branch  in  the  legislature,  were 
twelve  in  number.  As  they  deliberated  with  closed  doors,  the 
measures  proposed  or  advocated  by  particular  individuals  cannot 
now  be  ascertained,  but  they  are  considered  to  have  acted  with 
great  unanimity  in  the  common  cause. 

The  period  of  Mr.  Sherman's  election  to  the  council,  was  pecu- 
liarly momentous:  a  partial  revolution,  about  that  time,  took  place 
in  the  colony,  and  several  of  the  old  members,  who  were  suspected 
of  not  being  sufficiently  decided  in  their  opposition  to  the  new 
claims  of  the  mother  country,  were  obliged  to  retire,  and  give  place 
to  others  who  possessed  different  feelings. 

The  definitive  treaty  of  peace,  signed  in  Paris  on  the  tenth  of 
February,  1763,  infused  great  and  universal  joy  among  the  English 
colonies  in  America.  But  the  burthens  and  losses,  particularly  of 
the  northern  colonies,  had  been  very  great.  New  England,  in 
general,  had,  during  the  war,  ten  thousand  men  in  the  field ;  and 
for  some  years,  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  alone  furnished  that 
number.  The  colonies  probably  sustained  the  loss  of  more  than 
twenty  thousand  men,  who  were,  generally,  their  bravest  and  most 
active  young  men ;  the  flower  of  the  country.  This  loss  was 
severely  felt  in  New  England,  which  had  furnished  much  the  great- 
est number  of  men,  and  by  no  colony  more  than  by  Connecticut. 

Mr.  Sherman  commenced  his  public  life  as  a  member  of  the  legis- 
lature, in  the  same  year  (1755,)  that  hostilities  began  in  America, 
and  continued  to  serve  in  that  situation  during  the  greater  part  of 
the  war.  Being  thus  practically  acquainted  with  the  extraordinary 
exertions  of  Connecticut  during  that  period,  and  her  proportionate 
loss  of  blood  and  treasure,  he  was  rendered  more  sensible  of  the 
oppressive  measures  of  the  British  ministry,  which  almost  imme- 
diately succeeded  the  return  of  peace. 

The  power  of  parliament  to  tax  the  colonies,  appears  never  to 
have  been  doubted  by  those  who  guided  the  councils  of  Great  Bri- 


228  ROGER    SHEE'M  AN. 

tain.  An  attempt  had  been  made,  previous  to  the  French  war,  to 
confirm  the  supremacy  of  parliament,  and  its  right  to  establish  a 
system  of  internal  taxation  in  this  country.  Had  the  attempt  been 
then  persisted  in,  it  would  probably  have  been  for  a  time  successful. 
The  encroachments  of  the  French  had  created  universal  alarm,  and 
their  influence  with  the  numerous  bands  of  Indians  which  surround- 
ed our  frontier  plainly  evinced,  that  a  declaration  of  war  would  be 
followed  by  all  the  horrors  and  devastations  of  savage  hostility. 
Under  such  circumstances,  and  with  feelings  of  attachment  to  the 
mother  country  yet  unimpaired,  although  the  measure  would  have 
occasioned  great  discontent,  it  would  probably  not  have  been  openly 
resisted.  But  there  were  many  in  Great  Britain  who,  although  they 
admitted  the  right,  had  great  doubts  of  the  policy  of  the  measure. 
The  parent  state  possessed  a  monopoly  of  the  colonial  trade;  that 
trade  was  becoming  every  day  more  extensive  and  lucrative  to  the 
mother  country;  any  measures  which  had  a  tendency  to  create  dis- 
turbances in  the  colonies  would  be  prejudicial  to  it;  and  they  were 
of  opinion  that  the  trifling  sum  which  could  be  drawn  from  them 
by  taxation,  was  not  of  sufficient  consequence  to  justify  an  attempt 
which  might  interrupt  that  trade,  and  endanger  the  large  debts 
owing  by  the  colonies  to  British  merchants.  These  reasons  seem 
to  have  restrained  the  government  from  a  direct  attempt  to  enforce 
the  right  asserted  by  them  at  that  period;  but  the  pressure  of  the 
public  debt  of  Great  Britain  at  the  close  of  the  war  with  France, 
and  the  difficulty  of  providing  funds  for  the  payment  of  the  interest,  in- 
duced them  soon  after  to  adopt  another  policy,  which  laid  the  founda- 
tion of  those  disputes  and  animosities  that  severed  the  two  countries. 
In  1764  commenced  that  series  of  measures  which  "  tore  asunder 
all  the  bonds  of  relationship  and  affection  which  had  for  ages  sub- 
sisted, and  planted  almost  inextinguishable  hatred  in  bosoms  where 
the  warmest  friendship  had  been  so  long  cultivated."  During  all 
this  conflicting  period,  Mr.  Sherman  continued  an  influential  mem- 
ber of  the  council  of  Connecticut,  and  co-operated  with  his  fellow- 
members  in  the  general  opposition  to  parliamentary  supremacy. 
Although  the  secret  sittings  of  that  body  preclude  the  detail  of 
his  services  therein,  and  the  precise  rank  which  he  held  amongst 
his  colleagues,  we  may  fairly  infer,  from  his  appointment  to  the 
ofEce  of  judge  of  the  superior  court,  in  May,  17CC,  that  he  emi- 
nently possessed  the  confidence  of  his  fellow  citizens;  and  this  pre- 
ferment would  not  have  been  conferred  on  one  who  had  not  parti- 
cularly distinguished  himself  in  the  common  cause.    His  seat  in  the 


ROGER    SHERMAN.  229 

council  was  not  vacated  by  this  appointment:  he  continued  a  mem- 
ber of  it  during  nineteen  years,  at  the  expiration  of  which  time  a 
law  was  enacted,  rendering  the  two  offices  incompatible.  Mr.  Sher- 
man preferred  the  station  of  judge,  and  continued  in  that  office 
until  the  year  1789,  when  he  resigned  it  in  consequence  of  his  elec- 
tion to  congress  under  the  federal  constitution.  It  is  uniformly 
acknowledged,  by  those  who  have  witnessed  his  conduct  and  abili- 
ties on  the  bench,  that  he  discovered,  in  the  application  of  the  prin- 
ciples of  law,  and  the  rules  of  evidence  to  the  cases  before  him,  the 
same  sagacity  that  distinguished  him  as  a  legislator. 

In  the  controversy  between  Connecticut  and  Pennsylvania,  in 
relation  to  a  large  tract  of  territory,  granted  to  both  and  claimed 
by  both,  but  finally  yielded  to  Pennsylvania,  Mr.  Sherman  greatly 
distinguished  himself  by  his  zeal  and  ability.  The  subject,  however, 
rather  belongs  to  history  than  to  biography;  and  we  forbear  from 
following  him  through  its  details. 

In  the  controversy  which  arose  between  Great  Britain  and  her 
colonies,  Mr.  Sherman  was  one  of  those  who,  from  the  commence- 
ment of  hostilities,  foresaw  the  necessity  of  our  entire  union  and 
complete  independence,  and  urged,  with  energy,  the  boldest  and 
most  decisive  measures.  He  engaged  in  the  defence  of  our  liber- 
ties, not  with  the  rash  ardour  of  political  enthusiasm,  nor  the  ambi- 
tious zeal  of  a  lover  of  popularity,  but  with  the  deliberate  firmness 
of  an  experienced  statesman,  conscious  of  the  magnitude  of  the 
undertaking,  able  to  foresee  dangers,  resolute  to  meet  them,  and 
sagacious  in  devising  the  means  of  successful  opposition. 

In  August,  1774,  the  committee  of  correspondence  nominated 
Mr.  Sherman,  in  conjunction  with  Joseph  Trumbull,  Eliphalet  Dyer, 
and  Silas  Deane,  as  proper  persons  to  attend  the  general  congress 
of  the  colonies,  for  the  purpose  of  consulting  and  advising  "  on  pro- 
per measures  for  advancing  the  best  good  of  the  colonies."  Mr. 
Sherman,  agreeably  to  this  appointment,  was  present  at  the  open 
ing  of  the  first  congress;  and  it  is  an  honour  of  which  few  can 
boast,  that  he  invariably  continued  a  member  of  congress  until  his 
death  in  1793,  embracing  the  long  period  of  nineteen  years,  when- 
ever the  law,  requiring  a  rotation  in  office,  admitted  it. 

It  is  impossible  to  enumerate  the  various  services  rendered  by 
Mr.  Sherman  during  his  congressional  career.  The  novel  and  re- 
sponsible situation  to  which  he  was  now  elevated,  was  well  calcu- 
lated to  elicit  the  firmness  of  his  character,  and  the  comprehensive- 
ness of  his  political  sagacity.     Although  he   united  his  efforts  to 


230  ROGER    SHERMAN. 

those  of  the  assembled  representatives,  in  their  honest  endeavours 
to  preserve  at  once  the  peace  of  the  country,  and  the  rights  of  its 
citizens,  he  appears  to  have  been  decidedly  convinced,  that  nothing 
but  unconditional  submission  could  avert  the  horrors  of  civil  war; 
and  he  fully  evinced,  by  the  energetic  measures  which  he  zealously 
supported,  that,  in  his  opinion,  it  was  far  preferable  to  endure  sor- 
row for  a  season,  than  sink  into  a  long  and  degrading  servitude. 

As  a  representative  and  senator  in  congress,  he  appeared  with 
distinguished  reputation.  Others  were  more  admired  for  brilliancy 
of  imagination,  splendour  of  eloquence,  and  the  graces  of  polished 
society;  but  there  were  few,  even  in  that  assemblage  of  eminent 
characters,  whose  judgment  was  more  respected,  or  whose  opinions 
were  more  influential.  The  boldness  of  his  counsels,  the  decisive 
weight  of  his  character,  the  steadiness  of  his  principles,  the  inflexi- 
bility of  his  patriotism,  his  venerable  appearance,  and  his  republican 
manners,  presented  to  the  imagination  the  idea  of  a  Roman  senator, 
in  the  early  and  most  exemplary  days  of  the  commonwealth. 

In  the  business  of  committees,  generally  so  arduous  and  fatiguing, 
he  was  undoubtedly  one  of  the  most  serviceable  and  indefatigable 
members  of  that  body.  His  unwearied  application,  the  remarkable 
perseverance  with  which  he  pursued  and  completed  the  matters  con- 
fided to  his  investigation,  and  the  regular  system  by  which  all  his 
proceedings  were  governed,  when  joined  to  his  great  prudence, 
acknowledged  talents,  and  unshaken  virtue,  attracted  universal  con- 
fidence; hence  a  large  and  important  share  of  the  public  business, 
particularly  when  referred  to  committees,  was  assigned  to  him,  in 
conjunction  with  other  leading  members  of  the  house. 

On  the  tenth  of  May,  1775,  Mr.  Sherman  again  appeared  as  one  of 
the  delegates  from  Connecticut,  having  been  re-elected  by  the  house 
of  representatives  of  that  colony,  on  the  third  of  November,  1774. 

Among  the  principal  committees,  of  which  Mr.  Sherman  was  a 
member  during  the  year  1776,  were  those  to  prepare  instructions 
for  the  operations  of  the  army  in  Canada;  to  establish  regulations 
and  restrictions  on  the  trade  of  the  United  Colonies;  to  regulate  the 
currency  of  the  country ;  to  purchase  and  furnish  supplies  for  the 
army;  to  devise  ways  and  means  for  providing  ten  millions  of  dol- 
lars for  the  expenses  of  the  current  year;  to  concert  a  plan  of  mili- 
tary operations  for  the  campaign  of  1776;  to  prepare  and  digest  a 
form  of  confederation ;  to  repair  to  head-quarters,  near  New  York, 
and  examine  into  the  state  of  the  army,  and  the  best  means  of  sup- 
plying their  wants,  &c.  &c.  &c. 


ROGER    SHERMAN.  '231 

The  duty  assigned  to  him,  (September  20th,  1776,)  relative  to 
the  state  of  the  arm}',  was  arduous  and  distressing.  On  the  twenty- 
fourth  of  that  month,  General  Washington,  in  a  communication  to 
congress,  exhibited,  in  a  serious  and  solemn  manner,  the  critical 
situation  of  America,  the  approaching  dissolution  of  the  army  by 
the  expiration  of  the  time  for  which  the  troops  had  been  engaged, 
and  their  urgent  distresses  and  increasing  dissatisfaction. 

Every  principle  of  sound  policy  had  required,  that,  as  the  conti- 
nuance of  the  war  was  inevitable,  it  should  be  conducted  in  a  differ- 
ent manner,  and  that  the  character  of  the  parties  should  be  changed: 
it  was,  indeed,  a  wise  and  well-timed  measure  to  destroy  the  rela- 
tions of  king  and  subject,  by  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and 
thereby  alter  not  only  the  name  but  the  nature  of  the  contest.  On 
the  eleventh  of  June,  1770,  the  high  confidence  placed  in  the  abili- 
ties of  Mr.  Sherman  was  again  amply  proved  by  his  appointment, 
in  conjunction  with  that  brilliant  constellation  of  talents  and  patriot- 
ism, Adams,  Jefferson,  Franklin,  and  Livingston,  to  prepare  the 
Declaration  of  Independence. 

Besides  the  incidental  business  in  which  his  services  as  a  com- 
mittee-man were  employed,  he  was  successively  a  member  of  the 
board  of  war  and  ordnance,  of  the  marine  committee,  and  of  the 
board  of  treasury.  His  financial  knowledge,  and  systematic  atten- 
tion to  the  most  rigorous  rides  of  frugality  in  relation  to  public  ex- 
penditures, which  might  appear  inconsistent  with  the  character  and 
expanded  views  of  more  modern  statesmen,  was,  in  that  day  of 
national  poverty  and  peril,  of  primary  importance,  and  proved,  in 
the  aggregate,  essentially  beneficial  to  the  interests  of  the  country. 

Notwithstanding  his  almost  constant  attention  at  the  post  of  duty 
in  the  general  congress,  the  citizens  of  Connecticut  continued  to 
load  their  distinguished  representative  with  additional  honours,  and 
to  testify,  in  the  most  flattering  manner,  their  strong  sense  of  his 
worth,  virtues,  and  abilities.  He  was,  during  the  war,  a  member 
of  the  governor's  council  of  safety;  and  in  February,  1784,  when 
city  privileges  were  granted  to  New  Haven,  he  was  elected  to  the 
office  of  mayor,  which  he  held  during  the  remainder  of  his  life. 

At  the  close  of  the  revolutionary  war,  it  became  necessary  to 
revise  the  statutes  of  Connecticut,  and  in  May,  1783,  Mr.  Sherman, 
and  the  honourable  Richard  Law,  both  judges  of  the  superior  court, 
were  appointed  a  committee,  with  instructions  to  digest  all  the  sta- 
tutes relating  to  the  same  subject,  into  one ;  to  reduce  the  whole  to 
a  regular  code,  in  alphabetical  order,  with  such  alterations,  addi- 
22  P 


232  ROGER    SHERMAN. 

tions,  exclusions  and  amendments,  as  they  should  deem  expedient, 
and  to  submit  the  same  to  the  general  assembly.  This  arduous  ser- 
vice was  performed  with  great  approbation ;  the  temporary  and 
repealed  statutes  were  omitted;  the  arrangement  was  simplified 
and  improved;  and  many  valuable  emendations  and  additions  were 
introduced. 

In  1787,  he  was  appointed,  by  the  state  of  Connecticut,  a  dele- 
gate to  the  general  convention  to  form  the  federal  constitution  of 
the  United  States,  in  conjunction  with  Mr.  Ellsworth  and  Dr.  John- 
son. The  inefficacy  of  the  old  confederation  for  the  preservation  of 
the  public  peace,  became  palpable  soon  after  the  close  of  the  war, 
when  the  strong  and  general  excitement  which  existed  during  the 
struggle  for  independence,  and  bound  the  several  states  in  close  unity 
together,  had  yielded  to  less  patriotic,  and  more  selfish,  considera- 
tions. The  powers  vested  in  the  several  states  were  too  great  to 
afford  any  prospect  of  permanent  union,  and  it  was  only  by  the  for- 
mation of  a  supreme  head,  to  direct  the  clashing  measures,  guard 
the  opposing  interests,  and  coerce  the  ill-advised  and  dangerous 
views  of  the  several  subordinate  governments,  that  the  indepen- 
dence and  tranquillity  which  had  succeeded  one  of  the  noblest  efforts 
recorded  in  the  political  history  of  the  world,  could  be  preserved. 
It  appears  that  Mr.  Sherman  discovered,  at  an  early  date,  many 
radical  defects  in  the  old  confederation,  although  he  was  a  member 
of  the  committee  by  which  it  had  been  framed.  A  manuscript  left 
among  his  papers,  and  containing  a  series  of  propositions  prepared 
by  him  for  the  amendment  of  the  old  articles  of  confederation,  the 
greater  part  of  which  are  incorporated,  in  substance,  in  the  new 
constitution,  displays  the  important  part  which  he  acted  in  the  gene- 
ral convention  of  1787. 

Mr.  Sherman  advocated  several  propositions  in  the  convention,  in 
which  he  signally  failed;  and  in  some  of  them,  perhaps,  fortunately 
for  the  durability  of  the  government.  He  wished  the  house  of  re- 
presentatives to  be  chosen  by  the  state  legislatures,  saying,  "  the 
people  should  have  as  little  to  do  as  may  be  with  the  government : 
they  want  information,  and  are  constantly  liable  to  be  misled."  He 
advocated  regulating  the  ratio  of  representatives  by  the  free  inha- 
bitants only.  He  opposed  the  resolution  introduced  by  Mr.  Gerry, 
that  the  number  of  representatives  from  the  new  states  should  never 
exceed  in  numbers  those  from  the  originai  states,  and  was  in  favour 
of  admitting  western  states  on  liberal  terms;  as  we  were,  he  said, 
in  doing  so,   "  providing  for  our  children  and  grand-children,  wh<: 


ROGER    SHERMAN.  233 

>vere  as  likely  to  be  residents  of  the  new  as  the  old  states."  In  dis- 
cussing the  eligibility  of  foreigners  to  office,  he  observed  that  "  the 
United  States  had  not  invited  foreigners,  nor  pledged  their  faith 
that  they  should  enjoy  the  same  privileges  with  natives,  and  have  a 
perfect  right  to  make  any  discriminations  they  may  judge  necessary. 
He  was  in  favour  of  an  absolute  prohibition,  in  the  constitution,  of 
paper  money;  and  said  if  the  state  legislatures  could  authorize  issuing 
it,  speculators  would  use  every  kind  of  intrigue  and  corruption  to  get 
an  ascendency  in  the  legislature,  in  order  to  control  its  emission  for 
selfish  purposes. 

Mr.  Sherman  was  not  present  at  the  opening,  nor  his  colleague, 
Mr.  Ellsworth,  at  the  close,  of  the  convention.  Their  absence  was 
owing  to  necessity;  both  being  judges  of  the  superior  court,  the 
presence  of  one  of  them  was  requisite  at  each  of  those  periods. 

Many  members  of  that  august  body,  and  among  others,  General 
Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney,  have  borne  testimony  to  the  very 
considerable  part  which  Mr.  Sherman  took  in  the  convention.  The 
correspondence  which  passed  between  him  and  the  honourable  John 
Adams,  relative  to  the  federal  constitution,  must  have  been  highly 
interesting,  from  the  zealous  feelings  of  the  respective  writers  on 
the  subject,  and  the  experience  and  abilities  which  enabled  them  to 
expatiate  with  clearness  and  precision  upon  a  document,  which, 
with  the  sole  exception  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  ranks 
foremost  in  the  records  of  our  political  existence ;  which,  if  defeated, 
or  rendered  ineffectual  by  discord,  would  have  probably  rendered 
that  Declaration,  in  a  certain  degree,  unavailable;  and  which,  as  it 
now  subsists,  will  continue  to  uphold  the  great  and  glorious  structure 
which  rests  upon  its  basis. 

Happily  for  our  fathers,  and  happily  for  their  posterity,  the  ob- 
stacles which  threatened  the  rejection  of  the  constitution  were  over- 
come, and  the  prophetic  language  of  Mr.  Sherman  is  now  verified 
by  twenty  millions. 

His  exertions  in  procuring  the  ratification  of  that  constitution  by 
the  State  Convention  of  Connecticut,  were  conspicuous  and  suc- 
cessful. He  published  a  series  of  papers,  with  the  signature  of  "  A 
Citizen,"  which  are  said  to  have  materially  influenced  the  public 
mind  in  favour  of  its  adoption;  a  fact  which  is  corroborated  by  the 
testimony  of  the  late  Chief  Justice  Ellsworth.  The  full  majority  by 
which  the  ratification  was  determined  in  the  convention  of  Con- 
necticut, is  stated,  by  a  living  witness,  to  have  been  owing,  in  a 
considerable  degree,  to  the  influence  and  arguments  of  Mr.  Slier- 


234  ROGER    SHERMAN. 

man.  The  instrument  was  discussed  by  sections,  and  the  delegates 
to  the  general  convention  were  required  to  explain  their  operation, 
as  they  successively  came  under  consideration :  this  task  was  uni- 
formly performed  by  him  with  great  plainness  and  perspicuity. 

After  the  ratification  and  adoption  of  the  federal  constitution,  he 
was  elected  a  representative  of  the  state  in  congress,  and  on  the 
eighth  of  April  the  oath  required  by  that  instrument  was  adminis- 
tered to  him  by  the  chief  justice  of  the  state  of  New  York.  As  this 
office  was  then  incompatible  with  his  station  as  a  judge,  he  resigned 
the  latter,  which  he  had  held  with  unblemished  reputation  during 
twenty-three  years. 

Although  verging  towards  the  seventieth  year  of  his  age,  Mr. 
Sherman's  exertions,  and  interest  in  public  affairs,  continued  undi 
minished.  During  the  first  two  years  of  the  sessions  of  congress 
under  the  new  constitution,  at  the  expiration  of  which  he  was  ele- 
vated to  the  senate,  he  took  an  active  part  in  the  proceedings  of 
that  body.  His  sentiments,  which  were  of  great  weight,  were  prin- 
cipally delivered  in  favour  of  an  excise  law,  prudently  and  con- 
siderately administered ;  of  a  duty  on  merchandize,  rather  than  a 
direct  tax;  of  the  existing  mode  of  reporting  plans  by  the  secretary 
of  the  treasury;  of  the  propriety  of  appointing  peculiar  days  of 
thanksgiving;  of  the  commitment  of  the  memorial  of  Friends,  or 
Quakers,  in  relation  to  the  abolition  of  slavery;  of  the  assump- 
tion of  the  state  debts;  of  the  lights  of  conscience  relative  to  bear- 
ing arms,  &c.  He  strenuously  opposed  any  discrimination  in  our 
relations  .with  foreigners,  urging  that  commercial  restrictions  should 
be  met  by  commercial  restrictions;  but  that  the  commerce  of  this 
nation  with  any  others,  ought  not  to  be  laid  under  any  disadvan- 
tages merely  because  we  had  no  commercial  treaty  with  them. 
The  proper  principle,  he  maintained,  upon  which  government  should 
act,  was  the  impost  of  heavy  duties  upon  all  goods  coining  from 
any  port  or  territory,  to  which  the  vessels  of  the  United  States  were 
denied  access. 

After  the  exposition  which  has  been  given  of  the  character  and 
feelings  of  Mr.  Sherman,  it  is  almost  superfluous  to  state  that  he 
was  uniformly  and  conscientiously  opposed  to  the  slave  trade.  Soon 
after  the  commencement  of  the  first  session  of  congress,  Mr.  Parker, 
of  Virginia,  made  an  effort  to  discountenance  that  inhuman  traffic, 
by  moving  the  insertion  of  a  clause  in  the  impost  bill,  then  under 
consideration,  imposing  a  duty  on  the  importation  of  slaves  of  ten 
dollars  on  each    individual.     His  exertions  were  confined   to   this 


ROGER    SHERMAN.  235 

narrow  compass  by  the  fifth  article  of  the  new  constitution,  which 
deprived  congress  of  any  power  to  prohibit  the  importation  of  slaves 
before  the  expiration  of  twenty-one  years ;  but  the  first  clause  of 
the  ninth  section  of  the  first  article  authorized  the  imposition  of  a 
duty  on  each  person,  not  exceeding  the  amount  proposed  by  Mr. 
Parker.  Although  Mr.  Sherman  fully  approved  of  the  object  of  the 
motion,  he  could  not  reconcile  himself  to  the  insertion  of  human 
beings,  as  an  article  of  duty,  among  goods,  wares,  and  merchandize. 
He  considered  the  principles  of  the  motion,  and  those  of  the  bill,  as 
inconsistent;  the  purpose  of  the  first  was  to  raise  a  revenue,  and  of 
the  latter,  to  correct  a  moral  evil;  and,  therefore,  he  believed  that 
the  motion  ought,  on  the  principles  both  of  humanity  and  policy,  to 
be  separately  considered.  Notwithstanding  the  exertions  of  their 
opponents — men  who  had  themselves  so  lately  shaken  off  the  yoke 
of  servitude — Mr.  Sherman  and  his  colleagues  were  triumphant, 
and  the  question  was  favourably  determined,  forty-three  members 
having  supported,  and  only  eleven  opposed,  the  commitment  of  the 
memorial. 

In  the  course  of  the  debate  on  the  impost  bill,  (May  9th,  1789,) 
several  members  had  recourse  to  popular  opinion  in  support  of  their 
arguments,  which  drew  from  Mr.  Sherman  the  following  remarks : 
"Popular  opinion  is  founded  in  justice,  and  the  only  way  to  know 
if  the  popular  opinion  is  in  favour  of  a  measure,  is  to  examine 
whether  it  is  just  and  right  in  itself.  I  believe  that  whatever  is  just 
and  right,  the  people  will  judge  of  and  comply  with.  The  people 
wish  that  the  government  may  derive  respect  from  the  justice  of 
its  measures,  and  they  have  given  it  support  on  that  account.  I 
believe  the  popular  opinion  is  in  favour  of  raising  a  revenue  to  pay 
our  debts,  and  if  we  do  right,  they  will  not  neglect  their  duty ;  there- 
fore, the  arguments  that  are  urged  in  favour  of  a  low  duty,  will 
prove  that  the  people  are  contented  with  what  the  bill  proposes. 
When  gentlemen  have  recourse  to  public  opinion  to  support  their 
arguments,  they  generally  find  means  to  accommodate  it  to  their 
own:  the  reason  why  I  think  public  opinion  is  in  favour  of  the  present 
measure,  is  because  this  regulation,  in  itself,  is  reasonable  and  just." 

He  uniformly  and  zealously  opposed  those  amendments  of  the 
constitution  which  were,  at  different  periods,  submitted  to  the  house, 
almost  immediately  after  its  adoption.  He  maintained  that  the 
more  important  objects  of  government  ought  first  to  be  attended 
to;  and  that  the  executive  portion  of  it  needed  organization,  as 
well  as  the  business  of  the  revenue,  and  of  the  judiciary.  His 
p2 


236  ROGER    SHERMAN. 

endeavours,  however,  to  postpone  the  consideration  of  these  amend- 
ments, until  the  more  important  matters  of  government  were 
arranged,  and  experience  had  tested  the  efficacy,  and  weak  points, 
of  the  constitution,  were  unsuccessful.  He  then  directed  his  at- 
tention to  the  mode  of  amendment  proposed,  and  earnestly  opposed 
the  insertion,  or  abstraction,  of  any  part  whatever,  of  the  original 
instrument.  "  We  ought  not,"  he  exclaimed,  "  to  interweave  our 
propositions  in  the  work  itself,  because  it  will  be  destructive  of  the 
whole  fabric.  We  might  as  well  endeavour  to  mix  brass,  iron,  and 
clay,  as  to  incorporate  such  heterogeneous  articles ;  the  one  contra- 
dictory to  the  other.  Its  absurdity  will  be  discovered  by  comparing 
it  with  a  law:  would  any  legislature  endeavour  to  introduce  into  a 
former  act  a  subsequent  amendment,  and  let  them  stand  so  con- 
nected? When  an  alteration  is  made  in  an  act,  it  is  done  by  way 
of  supplement;  the  latter  act  always  repealing  the  former  in  every 
specified  case  of  difference." 

A  proposition  having  been  made  to  introduce  a  clause  into  the 
constitution,  conferring  upon  the  people  the  unalienable  right  of  in- 
structing their  representatives,  Mr.  Sherman  opposed  it  with  great 
justice  and  ability.  He  urged  that  it  would  mislead  the  people  by 
conveying  an  idea  that  they  possessed  the  right  of  controlling  the 
debates  of  the  legislature,  a  right  destructive  to  the  object  of  their 
meeting ;  that  the  duty  of  a  representative  was  to  consult,  and  agree 
with  others,  from  the  different  parts  of  the  union,  relative  to  such 
acts  as  might  be  beneficial  to  the  whole  community ;  that,  if  they 
were  to  be  guided  by  instructions,  there  would  be  no  use  in  delibe- 
ration, and  a  representative  would  consider  nothing  more  necessary 
than  to  produce  those  instructions,  lay  them  on  the  table,  and  let 
them  speak  for  him ;  that  the  duty  of  a  good  representative  was  to 
inquire  what  measures  would  best  tend  to  promote  the  general  wel- 
fare, and,  after  he  had  discovered,  to  give  them  his  support;  that, 
if  his  instructions  should  coincide  with  his  ideas  of  any  measure, 
they  would  be  unnecessary,  and,  if  they  were  contrary  to  the  con- 
viction of  his  own  mind,  he  would  be  bound  by  every  principle  of 
justice  to  disregard  them.  Hence  he  considered  it  a  fixed  doctrine, 
that  the  right  of  the  people  to  consult  for  the  common  good,  can  go 
no  further  than  to  petition  the  legislature  for  a  redress  of  grievances. 
His  opinion  was  confirmed  by  a  large  majority. 

Mr.  Sherman  strongly  advocated  the  funding  system  reported  by 
Alexander  Hamilton,  secretary  of  the  treasury,  and  particularly  the 
assumption  of  the  state  debts,  which  formed  a  part  of  it. 


ROGER    SHERMAN.  237 

In  1791,  a  vacancy  having  occurred  in  the  senate  of  the  United 
States,  he  was  elected  to  fill  that  elevated  station,  in  which  he  con- 
tinued to  devote  his  time  and  talents  to  the  benefit  of  that  govern- 
ment whose  cause  he  had  firmly  espoused,  and  whose  independence 
he  had  fearlessly  proclaimed,  fifteen  years  before. 

On  the  twenty-third  day  of  July,  1793,  this  great  and  good  man 
was  gathered  to  his  fathers,  after  a  long  life  of  usefulness  and  vir- 
tue. He  sustained  many  and  important  offices  with  uniform  honour 
and  reputation;  he  maintained  an  amiable  character  in  every  pri- 
vate relation ;  and  he  died  in  a  ripe  old  age,  fully  possessed  of  all 
his  honours  and  of  his  powers,  both  of  mind  and  body.  The  loss 
of  such  a  man  was  indeed  great.  It  was  great  to  the  whole  country, 
for  he  was  still  capable  of  eminent  usefulness;  it  was  great  to  the 
state  of  Connecticut,  in  whose  service  he  had,  for  half  a  century, 
been  indefatigable ;  it  was  great  to  the  city  of  New  Haven,  of  which 
he  was  the  chief  magistrate;  it  was  still  greater  to  the  church  and 
the  society  of  which  he  was  so  eminent  and  useful  a  member;  but 
greatest  of  all  to  his  bereaved  family. 

The  genius  and  talents  of  Mr.  Sherman  were  particularly  calcu- 
lated for  eminent  usefulness  in  the  judiciary  department.  Cool,  at- 
tentive, deliberate,  and  impartial,  skilled  in  all  the  forms  and  prin- 
ciples of  law,  he  was  not  liable  to  be  misled  by  the  arts  of  sophistry, 
or  the  warmth  of  declamation.  He  formed  his  opinions  on  a  care- 
ful examination  of  every  subject,  and  delivered  them  with  dignity 
and  perspicuity.  His  decisions  were  too  firmly  founded  on  correct 
and  admitted  principles  to  be  readily  shaken,  and  he  necessarily 
enjoyed,  in  his  important  judicial  station,  a  confidence  and  esteem, 
highly  honourable  to  himself,  as  well  as  to  the  professional  gentle- 
men by  whom  those  sentiments  were  entertained. 

The  foundation  of  his  usefulness  as  a  man,  and  his  distinction  as 
a  statesman,  was  integrity,  which,  at  an  early  period,  formed  one 
of  the  principal  groundworks  of  his  character,  and  was  founded 
upon  religious  principle.  All  his  actions  seem  to  have  been  pre- 
ceded by  a  rigorous  self-examination,  and  the  secret  interrogatories 
of  "  What  is  right?" — "  What  course  ought  I  to  pursue?"  He  never 
propounded  to  himself  the  questions  of  "  How  will  it  affect  my  in- 
terest?"— "  Will  it  be  popular?"  Hence  his  reputation  for  integrity 
was  so  unquestionable,  that,  in  all  the  various  decisions  of  public 
questions  in  which  he  had  a  voice,  it  is  not  probable  that  any  man 
suspected  him  of  a  selfish  bias,  or  of  sinister  motives,  however 
strongly  he  may  have  been  opposed  to  the  measures  which  Mr.  Slier- 


238  ROGER    SHERMAN. 

man  considered  it  his  duty  to  support.  Many  anecdotes  attest  the 
unbounded  confidence  which  was  entertained  for  the  judgment  of 
Mr.  Sherman.  Fisher  Ames  was  accustomed  to  express  his  opinion 
by  saying,  "  That  if  he  happened  to  be  out  of  his  seat  when  a  sub- 
ject was  discussed,  and  came  in  when  the  question  was  about  to  be 
taken,  he  always  felt  safe  in  voting  as  Mr.  Sherman  did;  for  he 
always  voted  right."  The  late  Dr.  Spring,  of  Newburyport,  was 
returning  from  the  south,  while  congress  was  sitting  in  Philadelphia. 
Mr.  Jefferson  accompanied  him  to  the  hall,  and  designated  several 
distinguished  members  of  that  body :  in  the  course  of  this  polite 
attention,  he  pointed  in  a  certain  direction,  and  exclaimed,  "  That 
is  Mr.  Sherman,  of  Connecticut,  a  man  who  never  said  a  foolish 
thing  in  his  life."  Mr.  Macon  once  remarked  to  Mr.  Reed,  of  Mar- 
blehead,  formerly  a  member  of  congress,  that  "Roger  Sherman 
had  more  common  sense  than  any  man  he  ever  knew."  Washing- 
ton uniformly  treated  Mr.  Sherman  with  great  respect  and  attention, 
and  gave  undoubted  proof  that  he  regarded  his  public  services  as 
eminently  valuable. 

A  patriot,  to  whose  virtues,  talents,  and  integrity,  the  three  first 
presidents  of  the  United  States,  Washington,  Adams,  and  Jef- 
ferson, and  the  wisest  and  best  men  of  the  land,  have  paid  the 
tribute  of  esteem  and  respect,  cannot  fail  to  live  long  in  the  hearts 
of  his  countrymen.  In  a  communication  received  by  the  editor, 
from  the  venerable  John  Adams,  dated  the  nineteenth  of  November, 
1822,  that  distinguished  statesman  thus  expresses  his  sentiments  in 
relation  to  Mr.  Sherman: 

"Dear  Sir — I  have  received  your  obliging  favour  of  the  fifteenth 
instant.  It  relates  to  a  subject  dear  to  my  memory  and  to  my  heart. 
The  honourable  Roger  Sherman  was  one  of  the  most  cordial  friends 
which  I  ever  had  in  my  life.  Destitute  of  all  literary  and  scientific 
education  but  such  as  he  acquired  by  his  own  exertions,  he  was  one 
of  the  most  sensible  men  in  the  world.  The  clearest  head  and  the 
steadiest  heart.  It  is  praise  enough  to  say,  that  the  late  Chief  Jus- 
tice Ellsworth  told  me  that  he  had  made  Mr.  Sherman  his  model  in 
his  youth.  Indeed,  I  never  knew  two  men  more  alike,  except  that 
the  chief  justice  had  the  advantage  of  a  liberal  education,  and  some- 
what more  extensive  reading. 

"  Mr.  Sherman  was  born  in  the  state  of  Massachusetts,  and  was 
one  of  the  soundest  and  strongest  pillars  of  the  revolution." 

The  testimony  of  Mr.  Jefferson  is  not  less  emphatic:  in  a  letter 
of  the  ninth  of  March,  1822,  addressed  by  that  eminent  citizen  to 


KOGEK    SHERMAN.  239 

the  grandson  of  Mr.  Sherman,  ho  fully  unites  in  the  eulogiuins  which 
appear  universally  and  deservedly  to  have  been  lavished  on  the  sub- 
ject of  this  sketch : 

"I  have  duly  received,"  he  says,  "your  letter  of  February  twenty- 
second,  and  am  sorry  it  is  in  my  power  to  furnish  no  other  materials 
for  the  biography  of  your  very  respectable  grandfather,  than  such  as 
are  very  generally  known.  I  served  with  him  in  the  old  congress, 
in  the  years  1775  and  1776:  he  was  a  very  able  and  logical  debater 
in  that  body,  steady  in  the  principles  of  the  revolution,  always  at  the 
post  of  duty,  much  employed  in  the  business  of  committees,  and, 
particularly,  was  of  the  committee  of  Dr.  Franklin,  Mr.  J.  Adams, 
Mr.  Livingston,  and  myself,  for  preparing  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence. Being  much  my  senior  in  years,  our  intercourse  was 
chiefly  in  the  line  of  our  duties.  I  had  a  very  great  respect  for 
him,  and  now  learn,  with  pleasure,  that  the  public  are  likely  to  be 
put  in  possession  of  the  particulars  of  his  useful  life." 

It  ought  to  be  recorded  in  the  biography  of  this  eminent  and  ex- 
cellent man,  that  although  he  sustained  so  many  different  stations 
in  civil  government,  to  all  of  which  he  was  promoted  by  the  free 
election  of  his  fellow  citizens,  and  in  the  greater  part  of  which  lie 
could  not,  without  a  new  election,  continue  longer  than  a  year,  and 
in  the  remainder  he  could  not,  without  re-appointment,  continue 
longer  than  two,  three,  or  four  years; — and,  although,  for  all  these 
stations,  there  were,  as  will  always  be  the  case  in  popular  govern- 
ments, many  competitors  at  every  election; — yet  Mr.  Sherman  was 
never  removed  from  a  single  office,  except  by  promotion,  or  by  act 
of  the  legislature,  requiring  a  rotation,  or  rendering  the  offices  in- 
compatible with  each  other.  Nor,  with  the  restrictions  alluded  to, 
did  he  ever  fail  in  his  re-election  to  any  situation  to  which  he  had 
been  once  elected,  excepting  that  of  representative  of  New  Haven 
in  the  legislature  of  the  state;  which  office,  at  that  period,  was  con- 
stantly fluctuating.  Few  facts  can  more  decisively  show  how  emi- 
nently and  invariably  he  possessed  the  confidence  of  his  fellow 
citizens. 

In  regard  to  worldly  circumstances,  Mr.  Sherman  was  very  hap- 
pily situated.  Beginning  life  without  the  aid  of  patrimonial  wealth 
or  powerful  connexions;  with  nothing  but  his  good  sense  and  good 
principles;  he,  by  his  industry  and  skilful  management,  always 
lived  in  a  comfortable  manner,  and  his  property  was  gradually  in- 
creasing. He  was  never  grasping  nor  avaricious,  but  liberal  in  feel- 
ing; and,  in  proportion  to  his  means,  liberal  in  acts  of  beneficence 
23 


240  ROGER    SHERMAN. 

and  hospitality.  His  manner  of  living  was  in  accordance  with  the 
strictest  republican  simplicity. 

In  private  life,  although  he  was  habitually  reserved  and  taciturn, 
yet  in  conversation  relating  to  matters  of  importance,  he  was  free 
and  communicative.  He  was  naturally  modest ;  and  this  disposi- 
tion, increased,  perhaps,  by  the  deficiences  of  his  early  education, 
often  wore  the  appearance  of  bashfulness.  In  large  companies,  it 
is  said,  he  appeared  obviously  embarrassed,  and  his  speech  was 
often  slow  and  hesitating. 

In  his  person,  Mr.  Sherman  was  considerably  above  the  common 
stature:  his  form  was  erect  and  well-proportioned,  his  complexion 
very  fair,  and  his  countenance  manly  and  agreeable,  indicating  mild- 
ness, benignity,  and  decision.  He  did  not  neglect  those  smaller 
matters,  without  the  observance  of  which  a  high  station  cannot  be 
sustained  with  propriety  and  dignity.  In  his  dress,  he  was  plain, 
but  remarkably  neat;  and  in  his  treatment  of  men  of  every  class, 
he  was  universally  affable  and  obliging.  In  the  private  relations  of 
husband,  father,  and  friend,  he  was  uniformly  kind,  affectionate, 
faithful,  and  constant. 

"In  short,"  to  use  the  language  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Edwards, 
"whether  we  consider  him  in  public  or  private  life — whether  we 
consider  him  as  a  politician,  or  a  Christian — he  was  a  great  and  a 
good  man.  The  words  of  David  concerning  Abner,  may,  with  great 
truth,  be  applied  on  this  occasion ;  know  ye  not,  that  there  is  a  great 
man  fallen  this  day  in  Israel." 


RES     OF    S.HL 


T"ON    ,  NORWICH     CON* 


SAMUEL   HUNTINGTON. 


Samuel  Huntington  was  the  descendant  of  an  ancient  and  re- 
spectable family,  which  emigrated  at  an  early  period  into  this  coun- 
try, and  landed  at  Saybrook,  in  the  province  of  Connecticut.  His 
father,  Nathaniel  Huntington,  was  a  plain,  but  worthy  farmer,  who 
followed  his  occupation  in  the  town  of  Windham  :  his  mother  was 
distinguished  for  piety  and  native  talent.  Being  the  eldest  son,  he 
was  destined  by  his  parents  to  pursue  an  humble,  but  certain  course 
of  life,  by  tilling  the  earth  under  the  auspices  of  his  father. 

He  was  born  in  Windham,  Connecticut,  on  the  third  day  of  July, 
1732.  His  opportunities  of  acquiring  knowledge  were  extremely 
limited,  and  he  received  no  other  education  than  the  common  schools 
of  Connecticut  at  that  period  afforded.  Gifted,  however,  with  an 
excellent  understanding,  and  a  strong  taste  for  mental  improvement, 
he  employed  all  his  leisure  hours  in  reading  and  study.  At  the  age 
of  twenty-two  years,  when  he  abandoned  his  agricultural  pursuits 
to  engage  in  the  study  of  the  law,  he  had  acquired,  principally  from 
his  own  unassisted  exertions,  an  excellent  common  education.  In 
the  knowledge  of  the  Latin  language,  his  progress  was  considerable, 
but  it  does  not  appear  that  he  directed  his  attention  to  any  other 
foreign  tongue.  Having  attained  a  competent  knowledge  of  the 
general  principles  of  law,  he  commenced  his  professional  career  in 
the  town  of  Windham.  In  1760,  he  removed  to  Norwich:  at  this 
period  his  reputation  as  a  man  of  talents  became  more  extensive, 
and  his  success  and  celebrity  as  a  lawyer  and  an  advocate,  made  a 
correspondent  progress.  Aided  by  a  candid  and  deliberate  manner, 
which  appeared  in  some  degree  constitutional,  few  lawyers  enjoyed  a 
more  extensive  practice,  or  attracted  more  general  applause.  From 
his  good  sense,  intelligence,  and  integrity,  his  preferment  was  remark- 
ably rapid :  in  a  few  years  his  character  as  a  man  of  business  and 
punctuality  was  firmly  established;  his  reputation  as  a  lawyer  was 

243 


244  SAMUEL    HUNTINGTON. 

exalted,  and  his  extensive  practice  included  all  the  important  cases 
of  his  native  county,  as  well  as  of  those  which  bordered  upon  it. 

In  the  thirtieth  year  of  his  age  he  married  Martha,  the  daughter 
of  the  Rev.  Ebenezer  Devotion.  The  consequence  of  this  conjugal 
relation,  although  no  offspring  cemented  the  union,  was  the  enjoy- 
ment of  pure  domestic  felicity,  until  the  decease  of  Mrs.  Hunting- 
ton. Economical  and  exemplary  in  their  habits,  they,  in  some 
degree,  avoided  all  society  excepting  that  which  courted  their  atten- 
tion. Having  no  offspring,  Mr.  Huntington  adopted  two  of  the 
children  of  his  brother,  the  Rev.  Joseph  Huntington,  to  whom,  hav- 
ing married  sisters,  he  was  doubly  united.  The  late  Samuel  Hunt- 
ington, governor  of  Ohio,  and  Mrs.  Griffin,  the  wife  of  the  Rev. 
Dr.  Griffin,  president  of  William's  College  in  Massachusetts,  were 
the  fortunate  individuals  who  supplied  the  deficiency  in  his  family, 
and  profited  by  his  excellent  example  and  instructions.  Mrs.  Hunt- 
ington died  on  the  fourth  of  June,  1794,  in  the  fifty-sixth  year  of 
her  age. 

In  1764,  Mr.  Huntington  commenced  his  political  labours  as  a 
representative  of  the  town  of  Norwich  in  the  general  assembly ;  and 
in  the  following  year,  received  the  office  of  king's  attorney,  which 
he  sustained  with  reputation  until  more  important  services  induced 
him  to  relinquish  it.  In  1774,  he  was  appointed  an  associate  judge 
in  the  superior  court,  and  in  the  following  year,  a  member  of  the 
council  of  Connecticut. 

Being  decided  in  his  opposition  to  the  claims  and  oppressions  of 
the  British  parliament,  and  active  in  his  exertions  in  favour  of  the 
colonies,  the  general  assembly  of  Connecticut,  properly  appreciating 
his  talents  and  patriotism,  appointed  him  a  delegate  to  congress,  on 
the  second  Thursday  of  October,  1775.   On  the  sixteenth  of  January, 

1776,  he  took  his  seat  in  that  venerable  assembly,  and  in  the  subse- 
quent month  of  July,  voted  in  favour  of  the  Declaration  of  Indepen- 
dence. In  this  high  station,  he  devoted  his  talents  and  time  to  the 
public  service,  during  several  successive  years.  His  stern  integrity, 
and  inflexible  patriotism,  rendered  him  a  prominent  member,  and 
attracted  a  large  share  of  the  current  business  of  the  house:  as  a 
member  of  numerous  important  committees,  he  acted  with  judg- 
ment and  deliberation,  and  cheerfully  and  perseveringly  dedicated 
his  moments  of  leisure  to  the  general  benefit  of  the  country.  He 
zealously  performed  the  duties  of  this  office  during  the  years  1776, 

1777,  1778,  1779,  and  1780,  when  he  returned  to  Connecticut,  and 


SAMUEL    HUNTINGTON.  245 

resumed  his  station  upon  the  bench,  and  seat  in  the  council,  which 
had  been  continued  vacant  until  his  return. 

The  estimation  in  which  Mr.  Huntington  was  held  by  his  fellow 
members,  may  be  properly  appreciated  from  his  appointment,  on 
the  twenty-eighth  of  September,  1779,  to  the  highest  civil  dignity 
of  the  country.  On  the  resignation  of  the  honourable  John  Jay, 
who  had  been  appointed  minister  plenipotentiary  to  negotiate  a 
treaty  of  amity  and  commerce,  and  of  alliance,  between  the  United 
States  of  America  and  his  Catholic  majesty,  Mr.  Huntington  was 
elected  president  of  congress :  in  1780,  he  was  re-elected  to  the 
same  honourable  office,  which  he  continued  to  fill  with  dignity  and 
impartiality  until  the  following  year,  when,  worn  out  by  the  con- 
stant cares  of  public  life,  and  his  unremitting  application  to  his  offi- 
cial duties,  he  desired  leave  of  absence,  and  intimated  to  the  house 
the  necessity  of  his  returning  home  for  the  re-establishment  of  his 
health.  The  nomination  of  his  successor  was,  however,  postponed 
by  congress,  which  appeared  unwilling  to  dispense  with  the  services 
of  a  president,  whose  practical  worth  had  been  so  long  and  amply 
displayed.  After  the  expiration  of  two  months,  Mr.  Huntington, 
on  the  sixth  of  July,  1781,  more  explicitly  declared  that  his  ill  state 
of  health  would  not  permit  him  to  continue  longer  in  the  exercise 
of  the  duties  of  that  office,  and  renewed  his  application  for  leave 
of  absence.  His  resignation  was  then  accepted,  and  Samuel  John- 
son, of  North  Carolina,  declining  the  appointment,  Thomas  M'Kean, 
of  Pennsylvania,  was  elevated  to  the  presidency.  A  few  days  after 
his  retirement,  the  thanks  of  congress  were  presented  to  Mr.  Hunt- 
ington, "in  testimony  of  their  approbation  of  his  conduct  in  the 
chair,  and  in  the  execution  of  public  business." 

After  having  thus  pursued  his  congressional  career  with  distin- 
guished success,  rising  hy  the  energy  of  his  own  mind  and  the  per- 
severance of  self-instruction,  from  the  plough  to  the  presidency, 
Mr.  Huntington,  in  August,  1781,  resumed  his  judicial  functions  in 
the  superior  court  of  Connecticut,  and  his  station  in  the  council  of 
that  state.  His  rapid  exaltation  had  not  proved  prejudicial  to  his 
mind  or  manners,  but  he  returned  to  his  constituents  in  the  same 
plain  and  unassuming  character  which  had  first  attracted  their  con- 
fidence and  admiration. 

On  the  second  Thursday  in  May,  1782,  he  was  again  elected  a 
delegate  to  congress,  but  it  does  not  appear  that  he  joined  his  col- 
leagues in  that  body  during  the  year  for  which  he  was  then  ap- 
Q 


246  SAMUEL    HUNTINGTON. 

pointed.  Having  been  re-appointed  on  the  second  Thursday  of 
Slay,  1783,  he  resumed  his  seat  in  congress  on  the  following  twenty- 
ninth  of  July,  soon  after  the  disorderly  and  menacing  appearance 
of  a  number  of  armed  mutineers  about  the  hall  within  which  that 
body  was  assembled  in  Philadelphia,  had  induced  them,  for  the  pre- 
servation of  the  safety  and  dignity  of  the  federal  government,  to 
remove  to  Princeton  in  New  Jersey.*  He  continued,  without  inter- 
mission, to  perform  his  duties  in  congress  until  its  adjournment  to 
Annapolis  on  the  fourth  of  November,  1783,  when  he  finally  retired 
from  the  great  council  of  the  nation,  of  which  he  had  so  long  been 
a  conspicuous  and  influential  member. 

In  1784,  soon  after  his  return  from  congress,  he  was  appointed 
chief  justice  of  the  superior  court  of  Connecticut,  and  after  dis- 
charging the  duties  of  that  office  for  one  year,  was  elected  lieu- 
tenant-governor of  the  state.  Having  at  all  times  a  perfect  com- 
mand over  his  passions,  he  presided  on  the  bench  with  great  ability 
and  impartiality:  no  judge  in  Connecticut  was  more  dignified  in  his 
deportment,  more  courteous  and  polite  to  the  gentlemen  of  the  bar, 
nor  more  respected  by  the  particular  parties  interested  in  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  court,  as  well  as  the  public  in  general.     His  name 

*  This  was  altogether  one  of  the  strangest  affairs  that  occurred  during  the  whole 
of  the  revolution.  That  eighty  worthless  vagabonds,  who  had  never  done  other 
service  than  eat  the  beef  and  drink  the  whiskey  of  congress,  incited  and  led  by  an 
Irishman  with  no  other  character  than  that  which  he  had  earned  as  a  mutineer  in 
the  Pennsylvania  line,  should  /n'g/itc?i.congress  out  of  town,  and  the  brave  Colonel 
Hamilton  to  exhort  the  members  to  "prepare  for  immediate  death — for  in  less  than 
half  an  hour  not  a  man  of  them  would  be  left  alive"  is  really  strange,  but  not  the 
less  true.  General  St.  Clair,  then  in  command  in  Philadelphia,  the  executive 
council  of  Pennsylvania,  and  the  militia  officers  of  the  city  however,  took  matters 
more  coolly.  They  assured  a  committee  of  congress  appointed  to  confer  with 
them,  that  there  was  nothing  to  fear,  and  that  the  soldiers  were  objects  of  com- 
passion rather  than  of  terror  or  resentment — had  everything  settled  in  a  satisfactory 
manner,  and  congress,  in  a  short  time,  returned  to,  and  resumed  their  labours  in, 
Philadelphia.  Sullivan,  the  would-be  leader  of  the  movement,  to  avoid  the  halter, 
fled  and  got  on  board  a  vessel  ready  for  sea  at  Chester,  and  was  not  heard  of  again 
for  about  four  years,  when  we  find  him  busily  engaged  in  writing  letters  to  some 
of  the  disbanded  officers  of  the  army,  endeavouring  to  prevail  on  them  to  join  him 
in  establishing  "the  free  state  of  Franklin"  on  the  Mississippi  river,  and  appro- 
priating a  large  extent  of  country  to  themselves  and  their  followers.  But  in  this 
audacious  attempt  he  was  also  foiled  :  congress,  as  soon  as  they  became  acquainted 
with  his  proceedings,  ordered,  that  if  he  came  within  the  federal  territory,  he 
should  be  apprehended,  tried,  and  if  found  guilty  (as  he  certainly  would  have  been) 
hung ;  and  this,  fortunately  for  the  country,  was  the  last  that  was  ever  heard  of 
Lieutenant  Sullivan. 


SAMUEL    HUNTINGTON.  247 

and  his  virtues  are  frequently  mentioned  by  those  who  remember 
him  in  his  judicial  capacity,  with  respect  and  veneration. 

In  1786,  he  succeeded  Governor  Griswold,  as  chief  magistrate 
of  the  state,  and  continued  to  be  annually  re-elected,  with  singular 
unanimity,  until  his  death.  This  excellent  man  and  undeviating 
patriot  died  in  Norwich,  on  the  fifth  day  of  January,  1796,  in  the 
sixty-fourth  year  of  his  age.  Although  afflicted  with  a  complication 
of  disorders,  particularly  ffie  dropsy  in  the  chest,  his  death  was 
tranquil  and  exemplary,  and  previous  to  the  singular  debility  both 
of  mind  and  body  under  which  he  laboured  a  few  days  before  that 
event,  his  religious  confidence  continued  firm  and  unwavering.  In 
his  person,  Mr.  Huntington  was  of  the  common  stature;  his  com- 
plexion dark,  and  his  eye  bright  and  penetrating:  his  manners 
were  somewhat  formal,  and  he  possessed  a  peculiar  faculty  of  re- 
pressing impertinence,  repelling  unpleasant  advances,  and  keeping 
aloof  from  the  criticising  observations  of  the  multitude.  But  in  the 
social  circle  of  relatives  and  friends,  he  was  a  pleasing  and  enter- 
taining companion.  Without  inflicting  upon  others  the  conscious- 
ness of  inferiority,  he  never  descended  from  the  dignity  of  his 
station. 

His  deportment  in  domestic  life  was  excellent ;  his  temper  serene ; 
and  his  disposition  benevolent.  The  whole  tenor  of  his  conversation 
was  ingratiating  and  exemplary ;  and  although  sometimes  absorbed 
in  deep  meditation,  he  was  generally  friendly,  cheerful,  and  social. 
Being  a  man  of  great  simplicity  and  plainness  of  manners,  he  was 
averse  to  all  pageantry  and  parade,  and  strictly  economical  in  his 
expenditures:  he  maintained  that  it  was  a  public  duty  to  exhibit 
such  an  example  as  might,  so  far  as  his  individual  efforts  could 
avail,  counteract  the  spirit  of  extravagance  which  had  begun  to 
appear. 

Mr.  Huntington  was  a  man  of  profound  thought  and  penetration, 
of  great  prudence  and  practical  wisdom,  of  patient  investigation  and 
singular  perseverance,  of  distinguished  moderation  and  equanimity: 
he  was  cool  and  deliberate,  moderate  and  circumspect  in  all  his 
actions,  and  possessed  of  a  clear  and  sound  mind.  It  may  truly  be 
said  that  no  man  ever  possessed  greater  mildness  or  equanimity 
than  Mr.  Huntington.  A  living  witness  can  attest,  that  during  a  long 
residence  of  twenty-four  years  in  his  family,  he  never,  in  a  single 
instance,  exhibited  the  slightest  symptoms  of  anger,  nor  spoke  one 
word  calculated  to  wound  the  feelings  of  another,  or  to  injure  an 


248  SAMUEL    HUNTINGTON 

absent  person.  He  was  the  friend  of  order  and  of  religion,  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Christian  church,  and  punctual  in  the  devotions  of  the 
family. 

But  the  eulogy  of  words  can  never  exalt  the  memory  which  is  not 
previously  embalmed,  in  the  progress  of  an  exemplary  life.  For 
many  years  a  professor  of  religion,  Mr.  Huntington  appeared  to 
enjoy  great  satisfaction  both  in  the  doctrines  and  ordinances  of  the 
gospel ;  a  constant  attendant  upon  pimlic  worship,  "  he  was  occa- 
sionally the  people's  mouth  to  God,  when  destitute  of  preaching." 
As  a  professor  of  Christianity,  and  supporter  of  its  institutions,  he 
was  exemplary  and  devout:  he  manifested  an  unshaken  faith  in  its 
doctrines,  amid  the  distresses  of  declining  life,  until  debility  of  mind 
and  body,  produced  by  his  last  illness,  rendered  him  incapable  of 
social  intercourse. 


WILLIAM   WILLIAMS. 


William  Williams  was  born  in  the  town  of  Lebanon,  Wind- 
ham county,  in  the  province  of  Connecticut,  on  the  eighth  of  April, 
1731.  He  was  descended  from  an  ancient  family,  of  Welsh  ex- 
traction, a  branch  of  which  emigrated  into  America  in  the  year 
1630,  and  settled  in  Roxborough,  Massachusetts.  His  grandfather, 
William  Williams,  was  the  minister  of  Hatfield,  in  Hampshire 
county,  Massachusetts,  and  his  father,  the  Rev.  Solomon  Williams, 
D.D.,  was,  during  the  long  period  of  fifty-four  years,  the  pastor 
of  the  first  congregational  society  in  Lebanon. 

William  Wlliams  was  sixteen  years  of  age  when  he  entered 
Harvard  college,  in  the  year  1747.  During  the  course  of  his  studies, 
he  displayed  a  large  portion  of  talents  and  perseverance,  and  pur- 
suing his  collegiate  career  with  diligence  and  distinction,  was 
honourably  graduated  in  the  year  1751.  He  then  returned  to 
Lebanon,  and  resided  more  than  a  year  with  his  father,  who  di- 
rected his  studies,  which  were  principally  theological:  his  fellow 
students  were  numerous,  who  profited  by  the  instructions  as  well  as 
the  extensive  library  of  his  father. 

In  the  year  1755,  during  the  French  war,  he  attended  his  relative, 
Colonel  Ephraim  Williams,  as  one  of  the  staff  of  his  regiment,  on 
an  expedition  to  Lake  George.  At  the  close  of  the  campaign,  Mr. 
Williams  returned  to  Lebanon.  He  was,  at  this  period,  twenty- 
four  years  of  age,  and  resolved  to  establish  his  residence  in  his 
native  town.  He  returned  dissatisfied  and  disgusted  with  the  British 
commanders:  their  haughtiness  and  arbitrary  conduct,  and  their  in- 
attention to  the  interests  of  America,  made  a  powerful  and  lasting 
impression  upon  his  mind.  Even  at  that  early  period,  he  formed 
the  opinion  that  the  prosperity  of  his  native  country  would  never  be 
secured  under  the  administration  of  officers  who  had  no  common 
interests  nor  feelings  with  the  people;  and  that  to  enable  them  to 
profit  by  the  means  within  their  reach,  a  government  dependent  on 
themselves  was  necessary. 

24  q>  2  249 


250  WILLIAM    WILLIAMS. 

The  youth  as  well  as  the  maturer  age  of  Mr.  Williams  were  cha- 
racterized by  his  fondness  for  mechanical  pursuits.  In  architecture 
he  was  particularly  interested  :  nor  was  he  inattentive  to  the  study  of 
mathematics,  and  the  learned  languages,  and,  at  an  advanced  period 
of  life,  he  was  still  a  proficient  in  the  Greek  and  Latin  languages. 

At  the  age  of  twenty-five  years  he  commenced  his  political  career 
as  town  clerk,  to  which  situation  he  was  annually  elected  during  the 
long  period  of  forty-five  years.  He  was  chosen,  about  the  same 
time,  to  represent  the  town  in  the  general  assembly  of  Connecticut, 
although  it  was,  at  that  period,  unusual  to  select  so  young  a  man 
to  fill  that  responsible  station.  He  was  soon  after  appointed  a  jus- 
tice of  the  peace.  It  may  almost  be  said  that  he  was  invariably, 
during  the  course  of  his  long  and  useful  life,  a  member  of  one  of  the 
branches  of  the  legislature.  During  his  services  in  that  body,  he 
was  chosen  clerk,  and  for  many  years  speaker,  of  the  house  of  re- 
presentatives. In  the  year  1780,  he  was  elected  an  assistant  or 
counsellor,  and  was  annually  re-elected  for  twenty-four  years  until 
he  resigned  the  office  in  1804,  at  which  period  he  yielded  up  all  his 
public  employments,  excepting  that  of  judge  probate,  and  retired  to 
private  life.  His  attention  te  the  public  service  was  so  close  and 
unvaried,  that  he  was  seldom  absent  from  his  seat  in  the  legislature 
for  more  than  ninely  sessions,  except  when  he  was  chosen  a  delegate 
to  congress  in  1776  and  1777.  During  the  greater  part  of  the  war 
he  was  a  member  of  the  council  of  safety,  whose  sessions  were  daily 
and  unremitting.  He  was  a  judge  of  the  county  court  for  Wind- 
ham county,  and  judge  of  probate  for  Windham  district  during  the 
term  of  forty  years.  He  held  many  other  offices  of  minor  conse- 
quence, both  civil  and  military.  In  fact,  he  spent  his  whole  life  in 
the  service  of  the  public,  and  in  promoting  the  prosperity  of  his 
country.  In  1773,  Mr.  Williams  was  appointed  colonel  of  the 
twelfth  regiment  of  militia,  then  very  efficient,  and  comprising 
seventeen  hundred  men ;  but  he  resigned  his  commission  in  1776, 
upon  his  election  as  a  delegate  to  congress. 

At  a  general  assembly  of  the  governor  and  company  of  the  state 
of  Connecticut,  held  at  New  Haven  on  the  second  Thursday  of 
October,  1775,  Mr.  Williams  was  appointed  a  delegate  to  represent 
the  state  in  the  general  congress;  and  on  the  second  Thursday  of 
October,  1776,  he  was  re-elected  to  that  high  and  honourable  office. 
He  was  therefore  present  and  assisted  in  the  deliberations  of  that 
august  assembly,  when  the  great  charter  of  our  independence  was 
submitted  to  its  consideration. 


WILLIAM    WILLIAMS.  251 

The  acknowledged  aim  of  Mr.  Williams,  in  his  political  career, 
was  to  merit  the  title  of  an  honest  politician,  and  no  one  was  more 
successful  in  obtaining  it:  he  never  desired  any  office  in  which  he 
could  not  promote  the  public  good.  He  was  scrupulously  honest  in 
all  the  transactions  of  private  life;  and  obtained,  as  a  merchant, 
the  unlimited  confidence  of  his  fellow  citizens.  When  the  troubles 
of  the  revolution  commenced,  he  embarked  enthusiastically  in  the 
cause  of  the  colonics.  He  settled  and  relinquished  his  mercantile 
concerns,  and  devoted  himself  wholly  to  the  service  of  his  country. 
His  exertions  were  indefatigable  in  arousing  the  feelings  of  his  fel- 
low citizens,  both  by  nervous  essays  in  the  public  papers,  and  by 
public  speaking:  he  was  an  elegant  and  sententious  writer;  a  vehe- 
ment and  ardent  orator.  His  voice  was  strong  and  powerful,  and 
his  eloquence  gathered  fresh  force  as  he  became  animated  by  the 
increasing  interest  of  his  subject.  His  political  career  was  untainted 
by  selfishness,  unless,  indeed,  it  was  selfish  to  seek  elevation  in  the 
public  opinion,  by  pure  and  disinterested  patriotism. 

It  is  related,  as  an  evidence  of  his  sincerity,  that  in  the  early 
stages  of  the  revolution,  he  had  more  than  two  thousand  dollars  in 
specie,  being  a  portion  of  the  proceeds  of  his  merchandize:  conti- 
nental currency  would  not,  at  that  period,  procure  the  services 
which  were  required,  and  Mr.  Williams,  from  patriotic  motives, 
exchanged  the  specie  in  his  possession  for  continental  money :  he 
lost  the  whole,  but  it  was  a  loss  which  he  never  regretted.  This 
anecdote  affords  an  example  of  that  practical  patriotism  which  tests 
the  sincerity  of  the  heart. 

The  disinterestedness  of  his  conduct  was  also  apparent  in  the 
settlement  of  his  affairs,  previous  to  his  thorough  embarkation  in 
the  turbulent  scenes  of  the  revolution.  His  mind  was  so  fully  bent 
upon  the  one  great  object,  that  he  scarcely  took  the  trouble  of  col- 
lecting the  notes  which  he  had  received:  he  was  accustomed  to  re- 
mark, that  many  of  his  debtors  had  been  impoverished  by  the  war, 
some  had  died,  and  others  had  been  killed  in  the  public  service, 
and  that  he  would  never  enforce  payment  from  the  widow  and  the 
fatherless — more  especially  from  those  whose  husbands  and  fathers 
had  perished  in  the  cause  of  their  country. 

Mr.  Williams,  as  one  of  the  select-men  of  Lebanon,  which  then 
contained  about  four  thousand  inhabitants,  visited  almost  every 
private  family  for  the  purpose  of  procuring  lead,  clothing,  &c.  but 
especially  blankets,  for  the  use  of  the  army.  He  collected  and  for- 
warded more  than  one  thousand  blankets,  with  many  other  useful 


252  WILLIAM    WILLIAMS. 

articles,  including  a  large  quantity  of  lead,  at  that  time  so  indis- 
pensable, which  was  in  many  instances  procured  by  cutting  off  the 
weights  from  the  clocks :  the  inhabitants,  and  especially  the  ladies, 
freely  parted  with  their  last  blanket  for  the  public  service.  Such 
were  the  unremitting  exertions  of  Mr.  Williams,  in  almost  every 
grade  of  office;  whether  we  regard  him  as  a  judge  upon  the  bench, 
or  a  member  of  the  committee  of  safety;  a  counsellor  in  congress, 
or  a  select-man  of  Lebanon,  he  always  appears  in  the  same  unvar- 
nished character — a  pure,  disinterested,  and  persevering  patriot. 

Mr.  Williams  was  a  member  of  the  state  convention  <5f  Con- 
necticut, which  adopted  the  existing  constitution,  and  exerted  his 
influence  in  its  support.  Although  the  people  of  Lebanon  were 
opposed  to  it,  they  elected  him  as  their  representative,  and  he 
strongly  advocated  its  adoption  by  the  state,  in  opposition  to  the 
opinions  of  his  constituents. 

In  the  year  1772,  he  married  Mary  Trumbull,  the  second  daughter 
of  Jonathan  Trumbull,  at  that  time  governor  of  the  state.  In  the 
domestic  circle,  Mr.  Williams  was  tender  and  affectionate,  anxious 
for  the  welfare  of  his  children,  and  particularly  solicitous  in  pro- 
curing them  the  benefits  of  education.  The  death  of  his  eldest  son 
produced  a  powerful  effect  upon  the  mind  of  Mr.  Williams,  now  far 
advanced  in  life,  and  he  never  recovered  from  the  shock  which  it 
occasioned.  From  that  moment  his  health  gradually  declined. 
When  upon  the  bed  of  death,  not  having  spoken  for  the  space  of 
four  days,  he  called  in  a  clear  voice  upon  the  name  of  his  deceased 
son,  and  required  him  to  attend  his  dying  parent;  and  almost  in- 
stantly expired.  He  died  on  the  second  day  of  August,  1811,  in 
the  eighty-first  year  of  his  age.  Old  age,  and  grief  for  the  prema- 
ture death  of  his  son,  were  the  causes  of  his  death;  possessed  of  an 
excellent  constitution,  his  faculties  remained  uninjured  until  a  few 
years  before  his  decease,  when  his  hearing  became  somewhat  im- 
paired. His  person  was  of  the  middle  stature  and  remarkably 
erect  and  well-proportioned:  in  his  youth,  his  features  were  hand- 
some ;  his  hair  and  eyes  were  black ;  his  nose  aquiline ;  his  face 
round  ;  and  his  complexion   fair. 

His  temper  was  naturally  ardent,  but  his  exertions  to  attain  the 
command  over  it  were,  in  some  degree,  crowned  with  success.  He 
possessed,  however,  during  his  whole  life,  a  redundancy  of  spirit 
and  vehemence  of  expression,  which  frequently  created  in  himself 
strong  and  sorrowful  feelings.  On  ordinary  occasions  he  was  taci- 
turn and  reserved;  he  was  involved   habitually  in  deep  thinking, 


WILLIAM    WILLIAMS.  253 

nnd  when  he  had  formed  his  decision,  was  tenacious  of  his  opinion. 
He  was,  by  many,  considered  proud;  an  unjust  opinion,  which 
arose,  probably,  from  his  natural  reserve.  He  did  not,  however, 
undervalue  his  public  services,  although  he  was  too  independent  to 
solicit  a  vote,  and  too  honest  to  vote  upon  any  popular  occasion,  in 
opposition  to  the  convictions  of  his  own  conscience,  or  to  his  own 
proper  ideas  of  the  public  welfare.  In  fact,  his  disinterested,  honest 
and  upright  conduct,  rendered  him  a  model  for  all  politicians:  with- 
out popular  manners,  he  was  semi-annually  elected  to  public  office 
for  more  than  fifty  years,  thus  reviving  the  observation  of  the  poet, 
"  that  corruption  wins  not  more  than  honesty." 

Mr.  Williams  was  a  man  of  piety:  he  entertained  the  religious 
opinions  of  the  Congregationalists,  of  which  communion  he  became 
a  member  in  his  youth,  and  through  the  course  of  a  long  life  he 
never  varied  from  his  professions.  In  all  the  various  situations  in 
which  he  was  placed,  and  the  connexions  which  he  was  compelled 
to  form  with  all  classes  of  people,  he  preserved,  unblemished,  his 
Christian  character,  conduct,  and  conversation.  The  high  opinion 
which  his  brethren  of  the  church  entertained  relative  to  his  piety 
and  virtue,  may  be  inferred  from  his  election,  when  a  young  man, 
to  the  office  of  deacon,  which  he  retained  until  his  death.  "At 
length  the  time  that  Infinite  Wisdom  had  fixed  being  come,  and  the 
stores  of  nature  being  exhausted,  he  gave  up  the  ghost,  and  died  in 
a  good  old  age,  an  old  man  and  full  of  years ;  and  he  was  gathered 
to  his  people." 


OLIVEE  WOLCOTT. 


Oliver  Wolcott,  the  youngest  son  of  Roger  Wolcott,  was 
born  the  twenty-sixth  of  November,  1726.  He  was  graduated  at 
Yale  college  in  1747.  In  the  same  year  he  received  a  commission 
as  captain  in  the  army,  from  Governor  Clinton  of  New  York,  and  im- 
mediately raised  a  company,  at  the  head  of  which  he  marched  to  the 
defence  of  the  northern  frontiers,  where  he  served  until  the  regiment 
to  which  he  was  attached  was  disbanded,  in  consequence  of  the 
peace  of  Aix-la-Chapelle.  He  then  returned  to  Connecticut,  and 
applied  himself  to  the  study  of  medicine,  under  the  direction  of  his 
brother,  Dr.  Alexander  Wolcott,  then  a  distinguished  practitioner. 
Before  he  was  established  in  practice,  the  county  of  Litchfield  was 
organized,  and  he  was  appointed  the  first  sheriff  of  the  county,  in 
1751.  In  the  year  1774,  he  was  promoted  to  the  station  of  an 
assistant  or  counsellor,  to  which  he  was  annually  elected  till  the 
year  1786.  While  a  member  of  the  council,  he  was  also  chief 
judge  of  the  court  of  common  pleas  for  the  county,  and  for  many 
years  judge  of  the  court  of  probate  for  the  district  of  Litchfield. 
He  served  in  the  militia  in  every  grade  of  office,  from  that  of  cap- 
tain to  that  of  major-general.  On  all  the  questions  preliminary  to 
the  revolutionary  war,  he  was  a  firm  advocate  of  the  American 
cause.  In  July,  1775,  he  was  appointed  by  congress  one  of  the 
commissioners  of  Indian  affairs  for  the  northern  department.  This 
was  a  trust  of  great  importance.  Its  object  was  to  induce  the 
Indian  nations  to  remain  neutral  during  the  war.  While  he  was 
engaged  in  this  business,  the  controversies  respecting  boundaries 
between  Connecticut  and  Pennsylvania,  and  between  Vermont  and 
New  York,  menaced  the  tranquillity  of  the  colonies,  and  exposed 
them  to  the  seductions  of  British  partizans.  Mr.  Wolcott's  influ- 
ence was  exerted,  with  great  effect,  to  compromise  these  disputes, 
and  to  unite  the  New  England  settlers  in  support  of  the  American 
cause. 

In  January,  1776,  he  attended  congress  at  Philadelphia,  and 
254 


RES     OF   OLIVER     WOLCOTT 

£    nil    3t  Litcliffceld     'ramt 


OLIVER    WOLCOTT.  257 

remained  with  that  body  till  the  Declaration  of  Independence  was 
adopted  and  signed.  He  then  returned  to  Connecticut,  and  on  the 
fifteenth  of  August  was  appointed  by  Governor  Trumbull  and  the 
council  of  safety,  to  command  fourteen  regiments  of  the  Connecticut 
militia,  which  were  ordered  for  the  defence  of  New  York.  This 
duty  he  performed  till  the  force,  amounting  to  more  than  five  thou- 
sand men,  was  subdivided  into  four  brigades.  He  then  returned 
home  for  a  few  weeks.  In  November,  1776,  he  resumed  his  seat 
in  congress,  and  accompanied  that  body  to  Baltimore  during  the 
eventful  winter  of  1777.  The  ensuing  summer,  he  was  constantly 
employed  in  superintending  detachments  of  militia,  and  correspond- 
ing on  military  subjects.  After  detaching  several  thousand  men 
to  the  assistance  of  General  Putnam  on  the  North  river,  he  headed 
a  corps  of  between  three  and  four  hundred  volunteers,  who  joined 
the  northern  army  under  General  Gates,  where  he  acquired  a  com- 
mand of  between  one  and  two  thousand  militia,  who  aided  in  re- 
ducing the  British  army  under  General  Burgoyne.  In  February, 
1778,  he  attended  congress  at  York  Town,  and  continued  with  that 
body  till  July.  In  the  summer  of  1779,  after  the  invasion  of  Con- 
necticut by  the  British,  he  was  in  the  field  at  the  head  of  a  division 
of  the  militia,  for  the  defence  of  the  sea  coast.  In  1780,  he  remained 
in  Connecticut.  From  1781  to  1783,  he  occasionally  attended  con- 
gress. In  1784  and  1785,  he  was  one  of  the  commissioners  of  Indian 
affairs  for  the  Northern  department,  and,  in  concert  with  Richard 
Butler  and  Arthur  Lee,  prescribed  the  terms  of  peace  to  the  Six 
Nations  of  Indians.  From  1786,  he  was  annually  elected  lieutenant- 
governor  till  1796,  when  he  was  chosen  governor;  which  office  he 
held  till  his  death,  on  the  first  of  December,  1797,  in  his  seventy- 
second  year. 

This  brief  recital  of  the  services  of  Oliver  Wolcott  proves  that 
during  an  active  and  laborious  life,  devoted  to  the  public  service,  he 
constantly  enjoyed  the  confidence  of  his  fellow  citizens — a  confidence 
alike  honourable  to  him,  and  to  the  people  of  the  state.  He  mar- 
ried Laura  Collins,  of  Guilford,  in  the  year  1755,  with  whom  he 
lived  till  her  death  in  1795.  In  the  arduous  duties  in  which  he  was 
engaged  during  the  revolutionary  war,  he  was  well  supported  by  his 
wife,  who,  during  his  almost  constant  absence  from  home,  educated 
their  children,  and  conducted  the  domestic  concerns  of  the  family, 
including  the  management  of  a  small  farm,  with  a  degree  of  forti- 
tude, perseverance,  frugality  and  intelligence,  equal  to  that  which, 
in  the  best  days  of  ancient  Rome,  distinguished  their  most  illustrious 


258  OLIVER    WOLCOTT. 

matrons.  Had  it  not  been  for  her  aid,  his  public  services  could  not 
have  been  rendered,  without  involving  a  total  sacrifice  of  the  inter- 
ests of  his  family;  with  her  aid,  his  house  was  a  seat  of  comfort 
and  hospitality;  and  by  means  of  her  assistance,  he  retained  during 
life  a  small  estate,  a  part  of  which  was  a  patrimonial  inheritance. 

The  person  of  Mr.  Wolcott  was  tall  and  erect,  indicating  great 
personal  strength  and  dignity.  His  countenance  manifested  a  sedate 
and  resolute  mind.  His  manners  were  urbane,  and  through  life  he 
was  distinguished  for  modesty.  Though  firm  and  tenacious  of  his 
own  opinions,  which  he  distinctly  expressed  on  all  suitable  occasions, 
he  ever  manifested  great  deference  for  the  opinions  of  others.  He 
was  indeed  a  republican  of  the  old  school,  and  his  ideas  of  govern- 
ment and  social  liberty  were  derived  from  the  purest  sources.  He 
was  never  idle;  dissipation  had  no  charms  for  him.  Though  not  a 
learned  man  by  profession,  the  writings  of  the  most  celebrated  his- 
torians, biographers,  poets,  and  orators,  both  ancient  and  modern, 
were  familiar  to  his  mind,  and  afforded  him  the  only  relaxation  in 
which  he  indulged  from  active  exertions.  He  was  intimately  ac- 
quainted with  public  law,  and  with  the  works  of  the  great  lumi- 
naries of  science,  who  flourished  in  Europe,  subsequent  to  the  refor- 
mation. His  integrity  was  inflexible,  his  morals  were  strictly  pure, 
and  his  faith  that  of  an  humble  Christian,  untainted  by  bigotry  or 
intolerance. 

Mr.  Wolcott  was  personally  acquainted  with,  and  esteemed  by, 
most  of  the  great  actors  of  the  American  revolution,  and  his  name 
is  recorded  in  connexion  with  many  of  its  most  important  events. 
It  is  the  glory  of  our  country,  that  the  fabric  of  American  greatness 
was  reared  by  the  united  toils  and  exertions  of  patriots  in  every 
state,  supported  by  a  virtuous  and  intelligent  people.  It  is  peculiar 
to  our  revolution,  and  distinguishes  it  from  every  other,  that  it  was 
recommended,  commenced,  conducted,  and  terminated  under  the 
auspices  of  men,  who,  with  few  exceptions,  enjoyed  the  public  con- 
fidence during  every  vicissitude  of  fortune.  It  is  therefore  sufficient 
for  any  individual  to  say  of  him,  that  he  was  distinguished  for  his 
virtues,  his  talents,  and  his  services  during  the  age  of  men — 

"Of  men,  on  whom  late  time  a  kindling  eye 
Shall  turn,  and  tyrants  tremble  while  they  read." 

That  Mr.  Wolcott  was  justly  entitled  to  this  distinction  was  never 
disputed  by  his  contemporaries. 


tv^ 


/■"vf 


W™     FLOYD 


WILLIAM   FLOYD. 


The  first  delegate  of  New  York,  whose  name  appears  on  the 
Declaration,  was  William  Floyd.  This  gentleman  was  the  son 
of  an  opulent  and  respectable  land-holder  in  the  county  of  Suffolk, 
upon  Long  Island,  who  left  him,  at  an  early  age,  the  principal  in- 
heritor of  his  estate.  He  was  born  on  the  seventeenth  of  Decem- 
ber, 1734.  His  education,  although  liberal  for  the  times,  was  chiefly 
confined  to  the  useful  branches  of  knowledge,  and  was  hardly  com- 
pleted, when  he  was  called,  by  the  death  of  his  father,  to  assume 
the  management  of  his  patrimonial  estate.  His  early  life  was  prin- 
cipally spent  in  the  circle  of  an  extensive  family  connexion,  which 
comprised  the  most  respectable  families  in  the  county.  The  coun- 
try in  which  he  lived,  at  that  time  abounded  with  game  of  every 
variety,  and  having  little  to  occupy  his  attention,  much  of  his  time 
was  devoted  to  hunting,  an  amusement  to  which  he  was  passion- 
ately addicted.  His  hospitality  corresponded  with  his  means  of 
indulging  in  it,  and  his  house  became  the  perpetual  resort  of  an 
extensive  acquaintance,  and  the  frequent  scene  of  social  festivity. 

He  embarked,  at  an  early  period,  in  the  controversy  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  colonies,  and  as  it  grew  more  animated, 
became  conspicuous  for  the  zeal  and  ardour  with  which  he  espoused 
the  popular  cause.  There  was  in  his  conduct,  both  in  public  and 
private  life,  a  characteristic  sincerity  which  never  failed  to  inspire 
confidence ;  and  which,  combined  with  the  warmth  and  spirit  with 
which  lie  opposed  the  usurpations  of  the  British  government,  had 
acquired  for  him  an  extensive  popularity.  It  was  doubtless  from 
these  considerations,  that  he  was  appointed  one  of  the  delegates 
from  New  York  to  the  first  continental  congress,  which  met  in  Phi- 
ladelphia on  the  fifth  of  September,  1774.  In  that  patriotic  and 
venerable  assembly,  he  was  associated  with  men  whose  names  are 
identified  with  their  country's  birth,  and  will  long  be  cherished  in 
grateful  remembrance. 

Previous  to  his  attendance  in  congress,  Mr.  Floyd  had  been  ap- 
25  R  261 


262  WILLIAM    FLOYD. 

pointed  to  the  command  of  the  militia  of  the  county  of  Suffolk,  and 
upon  his  return,  he  found  Long  Island  menaced  with  an  invasion 
from  a  naval  force  assembled  in  Gardiner's  Bay,  wjth  the  avowed 
object  of  gathering  supplies.  When  the  landing  of  the  enemy  was 
reported  to  him,  he  promptly  assembled  the  force  under  his  com- 
mand, and  marched  to  the  point  of  attack.  It  was,  perhaps,  for 
tunate  for  his  little  army,  composed  of  raw  and  undisciplined  militia, 
that  the  terror  of  their  approach  left  nothing  for  their  arms  to 
accomplish.  The  activity  displayed,  however,  had  an  important 
effect  in  inducing  the  enemy  to  abandon  their  design. 

In  April,  1775,  having  been  again  chosen,  by  the  provincial 
assembly  of  New  York,  a  delegate  to  the  general  congress  of  the 
colonies,  he  took  his  seat  in  the  second  continental  congress,  which 
met  in  Philadelphia  on  the  tenth  of  May  following,  and  continued  a 
constant  attendant  for  more  than  two  years.  As  a  member  of  this 
congress,  General  Floyd  united  with  his  illustrious  associates  in  boldly 
dissolving  the  political  bonds  which  connected  the  colonies  to  the 
British  crown,  and  co-operated  in  the  arduous  and  responsible  task 
of  arraying  them  in  hostility  to  the  British  empire.  Under  circum- 
stances of  danger  and  distress,  with  difficnlties  almost  insurmount- 
able, and  embarrassments  the  most  complicated,  they  were  raised 
from  the  posture  of  supplication,  and  clothed  in  the  armour  of  war. 

During  this  interesting  and  protracted  session,  General  Floyd 
was  constantly  and  actively  employed  in  the  discharge  of  his  public 
duties,  to  which  he  bestowed  the  most  unremitting  attention.  He 
was  chosen  on  numerous  and  important  committees,  the  details  of 
which  were  complicated,  difficult,  and,  in  many  cases,  extremely 
laborious.  In  procuring  supplies  for  the  army,  in  forwarding  the 
expedition  ordered  against  Canada,  and  particularly  in  introducing 
an  efficient  organization  of  the  militia,  (which  may  be  said  to  have 
been  the  mother  of  the  regular  army,)  as  well  as  in  many  other 
matters  to  which  his  attention  was  particularly  directed  by  con- 
gress, he  was  enabled,  by  his  experience  and  habits  of  business,  to 
render  essential  service. 

During  his  attendance  in  congress,  Long  Island  was  evacuated 
by  the  American  troops,  and  occupied  by  those  of  Great  Britain. 
His  family,  in  consequence  of  this  event,  were  driven  from  their 
home  in  great  haste  and  confusion,  and  were  removed  by  his  friends 
into  Connecticut.  The  produce  and  stock  of  his  estate  were  seized 
by  the  enemy,  and  the  mansion-house  selected  as  a  rendezvous  for 
a  party  of  horse,  by  whom  it  was  occupied  during  the  remainder  of 


WILLIAM    FLOYD.  263 

the  war.  This  event  was  the  source  of  serious  inconvenience  to 
him,  as  it  precluded  him  from  deriving  any  benefit  from  his  landed 
property  for  nearly  seven  years,  and  left  him  without  a  house  for 
himself  and  his  family. 

On  the  eighth  of  May,  1777,  General  Floyd  was  appointed  a 
senator  of  the  state  of  New  York,  under  the  constitution  of  the 
state  which  had  then  been  recently  adopted.  On  the  thirteenth  of 
May,  the  provincial  convention  passed  a  resolution,  that  the  thanks 
of  the  convention  be  given  to  him  and  his  colleagues,  "  delegates 
of  the  state  of  New  York  in  the  honourable  the  continental  con- 
gress, for  their  long  and  faithful  services  rendered  to  the  colony  of 
New  York  and  to  the  said  state." 

On  the  ninth  of  September,  1777,  he  took  his  seat  in  the  senate 
of  New  York,  at  their  first  session  under  the  new  constitution.  Of 
this  body,  he  became  a  leading  and  influential  member,  and  attended 
in  his  place,  with  some  short  intervals,  until  the  sixth  of  November, 
1778,  when  they  adjourned. 

On  the  fifteenth  of  October,  1778,  he  was  unanimously  re-elected 
a  delegate  to  the  continental  congress,  by  a  joint  ballot  of  the  senate 
and  assembly,  and  on  the  second  of  January  following,  resumed  his 
seat  in  that  body,  where  he  soon  became  actively  employed  on 
numerous  committees,  and  continued  in  attendance  until  the  ninth 
of  June,  when  he  obtained  leave  of  absence. 

On  the  twenty-fourth  of  August,  1779,  the  senate  of  New  York 
again  convened,  and  he  continued  to  meet  with  them  until  the  fol- 
lowing December. 

Having  been,  on  the  eleventh  of  October,  1779,  unanimously  re- 
elected a  delegate  to  the  continental  congress,  he  again  attended  in 
his  place  on  the  second  of  December.  On  the  next  day  he  was 
elected  a  member  of  the  board  of  admiralty,  and  on  the  thirteenth 
was  chosen  a  member  of  the  treasury  board.  His  health  having 
become  impaired  by  his  incessant  occupation,  he  applied  to  congress, 
on  the  first  of  March  following,  to  be  excused  from  the  board  of 
treasury,  and  on  the  first  of  April,  he  obtained  leave  of  absence. 

On  the  twenty-third  of  May,  the  senate  of  New  York  again  con- 
vened, and  on  the  twenty-seventh,  they  ordered  the  clerk  to  write 
to  Mr.  Floyd,  and  request  his  attendance  in  his  place  without  delay. 
In  compliance  with  this  demand,  he  took  his  seat  on  the  twentieth 
of  June,  and  was  appointed  upon  a  joint  committee  to  deliberate 
upon  certain  resolutions  of  congress,  embracing  all  the  most  inter- 
esting relations  existing  between  the  state  and  general  government. 


264  WILLIAM    FLOYD. 

On  the  twelfth  of  September,  1780,  General  Floyd  was  again 
elected  a  delegate  to  congress.  He,  however,  continued  his  atten- 
dance in  the  senate,  until  they  adjourned  on  the  tenth  of  October, 
and  on  the  fourth  of  December  he  resumed  his  seat  in  congress. 

He  was  continued  a  delegate  to  congress  by  several  successive 
appointments,  and  remained,  with  some  short  intermissions,  a  con- 
stant attendant  until  the  twenty-sixth  of  April,  1783,  when,  having 
seen  his  country  safely  through  a  long  and  perilous  war,  he  returned 
to  his  home  after  an  exile  of  seven  years.  His  return  was  hailed  in 
his  native  county  with  great  demonstrations  of  joy  ;  many,  through 
his  influence,  had  remained  faithful  to  the  cause  under  every  trial; 
nor  would  they  credit  the  restoration  of  peace,  until  they  beheld  him 
safely  returned.  He  found  his  estate  despoiled  of  almost  every 
thing  but  the  naked  soil,  through  the  malice  and  cupidity  of  the 
tories,  who  had  resorted  thither  for  plunder.  His  private  concerns 
now  demanding  more  of  his  attention  than  comported  with  his  duties 
as  a  delegate  to  congress,  he  declined  a  re-election.  He  was,  how- 
ever, by  several  successive  elections,  continued  a  member  of  the 
senate  until  the  year  1788,  when,  upon  the  adoption  of  the  federal 
constitution,  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  first  congress,  which 
met  in  New  York  on  the  fourth  day  of  March,  1789.  At  the  expi- 
ration of  his  term  of  service,  he  again  declined  a  re-election. 

During  his  long  attendance  in  the  senate  of  the  state  of  New  York, 
he  maintained  a  high  and  enviable  rank,  and  generally  presided  in 
that  body  when  the  lieutenant-governor  left  the  chair.  Under  the 
administration  of  Governor  Clinton,  he  contributed  his  influence  to 
the  adoption  of  a  code  of  laws,  which  placed  the  rights  of  persons 
and  of  property  upon  the  most  substantial  and  permanent  basis. 

Having  enumerated  the  principal  events  of  his  public  life,  it  is 
proper,  in  this  place,  to  offer  a  few  observations  in  relation  to  his 
character.  He  was  not  of  that  number  who  astonish  by  the  splen- 
dour of  their  conceptions,  or  amuse  and  interest  us  by  the  brilliancy 
of  their  fancy,  and  the  ingenuity  of  their  speculations.  His  thoughts 
were  the  representations  of  real  existences,  and  his  plans  were  regu- 
lated by  a  full  view  of  their  practicability;  his  reasoning  was  the 
logic  of  nature,  and  his  conclusions,  the  demonstrations  of  expe- 
rience. Hence  it  arose,  that  in  the  accomplishment  of  his  purposes, 
he  seemed  insensible  to  every  difficulty;  obstructions  wasted  away 
before  his  perseverance,  and  his  resolution  and  firmness  triumphed 
over  every  obstacle.  He  was  remarkable  for  the  justness  of  his 
observations,  and  the  accuracy  of  his  judgment. 


WILLIAM    FLOYD.  2G5 

Mr.  Floyd  was  of  a  middle  stature,  with  nothing  particularly 
striking.  But  there  was  a  natural  dignity  in  his  deportment,  which 
never  failed  to  impress  beholders.  As  a  politician,  his  integrity  was 
unblemished,  nor  is  it  known  that,  during  the  height  of  party  ani- 
mosity, his  motives  were  ever  impeached.  He  seldom  participated 
in  debate;  his  opinions  were  the  result  of  his  own  reflections,  and 
he  left  others  to  the  same  resource.  He  pursued  his  object  openly 
and  fearlessly;  and  disdained  to  resort  to  artifice  to  secure  its  ac- 
complishment. His  political  course  was  uniform  and  independent, 
and  marked  with  a  candour  and  sincerity  which  attracted  the  appro- 
bation of  those  who  differed  from  him  in  opinion.  The  most  flat- 
tering commentary  upon  his  public  life  will  be  found  in  the  frequent 
and  constant  proofs  of  popular  favour  which  he  received  for  more 
than  fifty  years. 

In  the  year  1800,  he  was  chosen  one  of  the  electors  of  president 
and  vice  president  of  the  United  States.  His  feelings  had  been 
excited  by  the  conduct  of  the  previous  administration,  endangering, 
as  he  thought,  the  permanency  of  our  institutions,  and  neither  the 
precarious  state  of  his  health,  the  remonstrances  of  his  friends,  nor 
a  journey  of  two  hundred  miles,  in  the  month  of  December,  could 
prevent  him  from  attending  to  support  his  early  political  friend  and 
associate,  Mr.  Jefferson. 

In  1801,  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  convention  to  revise  the 
constitution  of  the  state  of  New  York,  and,  at  a  subsequent  period, 
served  twice  as  presidential  elector.  At  the  earnest  solicitation  of 
his  friends,  he  was  once  more  elected  a  senator  from  the  senatorial 
district  into  which  he  had  removed,  but,  from  the  advanced  period 
of  his  life,  he  was  unable  to  bestow  much  attention  to  his  public 
duties.  In  1820,  although  he  was  unable,  from  the  infirmities  of 
age,  to  leave  his  home,  he  was  again  complimented  with  being 
named  upon  the  electoral  college. 

His  bodily  strength  and  activity  were  remarkable  for  his  years; 
and  he  enjoyed  an  almost  uninterrupted  state  of  health  until  a  year 
or  two  before  his  death:  his  mental  vigour  remained  unimpaired  to 
the  last.  A  short  time  previous  to  his  demise,  he  complained  of  an 
unusual  debility:  on  the  first  of  August,  1821,  he  was  affected  with 
a  partial  stagnation  in  the  current  of  the  blood,  and  expired  on  the 
fourth,  at  the  age  of  eighty-seven  years,  meeting  death  with  the 
characteristic  firmness  which  distinguished  him  through  life. 
h2 


PHILIP  LIVINGSTON. 


Philip  Livingston,  one  of  the  signers  of  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  was  a  member  of  a  family  which  has  long  been  dis 
tinguished  in  the  state  of  New  York.  His  great  grandfather  was 
John  Livingston,  a  celebrated  divine  in  the  church  of  Scotland,  who 
emigrated  in  1663  to  Rotterdam,  where  he  died  in  1672.  His  son 
Robert,  a  man  of  distinguished  abilities  and  high  respectability, 
soon  after  came  to  America,  and  obtained  a  grant  for  the  manor  of 
Livingston,  in  the  then  colony  of  New  York.  He  had  three  sons, 
Philip,  Robert,  and  Gilbert.  Philip,  the  eldest  son,  was  heir  to  the 
manor:  Robert  was  the  grandfather  of  the  celebrated  Chancellor 
Livingston,  and  Gilbert  was  the  grandfather  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  John  H. 
Livingston,  one  of  the  most  eminent  divines  in  America.  Philip  had 
six  sons,  all  of  whom  ranked  among  the  most  respectable  men  of 
the  times.  The  fourth  son,who  was  named  after  his  father,  is  the 
subject  of  this  memoir,  and  has  covered  his  name  with  immortal 
honour,  by  enrolling  himself  in  the  illustrious  band  of  patriots  who 
pronounced  the  United  States  free  and  independent. 

Philip  Livingston  was  born  at  Albany  on  the  fifteenth  of  January, 
1716.  The  high  standing  of  his  family  entitled  him  to  a  correspon- 
dent education,  and,  after  preliminary  instruction,  he  was  sent  to  Yale 
College  in  Connecticut,  where  he  graduated  in  1737.  His  first  ap- 
pearance in  public  life  was  in  September,  1754,  when  he  was  elected 
an  alderman  of  the  east  ward  of  the  city  of  New  York.  That  city 
then  contained  only  a  population  of  ten  thousand  eight  hundred  and 
eighty-one  souls.  It  was  divided  into  seven  wards,  and  the  station  of 
an  alderman  was  considered  important  and  respectable.  He  conti- 
nued to  exercise  this  office  with  universal  approbation  and  signal  use- 
fulness for  nine  years,  being  annually  elected  by  the  freeholders  and 
freemen  of  the  city,  entitled  to  vote  in  the  ward  which  he  represented. 

On  the  sixteenth  of  December,  1758,  the  general  assembly  of  the 
colony  was  dissolved  by  James  Delancey,  who  was  then  lieutenant- 
governor.  A  new  house  of  assembly  was  consequently  chosen. 
266 


I 


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JslK^  - 


LIVINGSTON 


PHILIP    LIVINGSTON.  •  269 

Mr.  Livingston  was,  at  that  election,  returned  a  member  from  the 
city  of  New  York,  and  is  denominated  in  the  colonial  journals,  Alder- 
man Philip  Livingston,  to  distinguish  him  from  his  brother  and 
other  gentlemen  of  his  name,  who  were  also  members. 

When  the  general  assembly  met  in  1759,  Great  Britain  was  at 
war  with  France,  and  as  the  tendency  of  foreign  controversy  is  to 
repress  internal  dissension,  an  harmonious  intercourse  existed  be- 
tween the  different' branches  of  the  government;  and  the  province 
co-operated  with  great  zeal  in  a  project  to  raise  twenty  thousand 
men  by  the  united  colonies,  for  the  purpose  of  subduing  Canada. 
The  legislature  agreed  to  furnish  two  thousand  six  hundred  and 
eighty  men,  as  the  quota  from  New  York.  One  hundred  thousand 
pounds  were  appropriated  for  levying,  paying,  and  clothing  the 
troops,  and  an  advance  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  pounds 
was  made  to  the  British  commissariat,  whose  funds  were  exhausted. 
In  consequence  of  similar  spirited  measures  on  the  part  of  the  sis- 
ter colonies  and  the  mother  country,  Ticonderoga,  Crown  Point, 
and  Quebec,  were  captured,  and  the  subsequent  year  witnessed  the 
subjugation  of  all  Canada. 

The  talents  and  education  of  Mr.  Livingston  enabled  him  to  take 
a  distinguished  part  in  the  promotion  of  these  important  measures, 
and  on  other  occasions  of  general  and  primary  interest.  In  his 
legislative  career  he  was  particularly  sedulous  in  the  encouragement 
of  agriculture  and  commerce,  by  facilitating  communication  with 
the  ocean,  and  establishing  the  character  of  our  productions  in 
external  or  foreign  markets.  The  various  measures  which  he  ini- 
tiated, and  the  different  bills  which  he  brought  in  for  these  important 
purposes,  may  be  seen  in  the  journals  of  the  colonial  assembly,  and 
bear  ample  testimony  to  the  extent  of  his  information,  the  power  of 
his  mind,  and  the  ardour  of  his  patriotism. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  general  assembly,  on  the  eleventh  of  Sep- 
tember, 1764,  Mr.  Livingston  reported  an  answer  to  Lieutenant- 
Governor  Colden's  speech,  which  contained  the  following  passage, 
deserving  of  the  highest  praise  for  its  spirit  of  genuine  patriotism, 
its  recognition  of  the  orthodox  principles  of  the  revolution,  and 
its  anticipation  of  that  opposition  and  resistance  which  produced 
the  glorious  work  of  American  independence:  "But  nothing  can 
add  to  the  pleasure  we  receive  from  the  information  your  honour 
gives  us,  that  his  majesty,  our  most  gracious  sovereign,  distinguishes 
and  approves  our  conduct.  When  his  service  requires  it,  we  shall 
evei  be  ready  to  exert  ourselves  with  loyaltv,  fidelity,  and  zeal;  and, 


270  PHILIP    LIVINGSTON. 

as  we  have  always  complied  in  the  most  dutiful  manner  with  every 
requisition  made  by  his  directions,  we,  with  all  humility,  hope  that 
his  majesty,  who,  and  whose  ancestors,  have  long  been  the  guardians 
of  British  liberty,  will  so  protect  us  in  our  rights,  as  to  prevent  our 
falling  into  the  abject  state  of  being  for  ever  hereafter  incapable  of 
doing  what  can  merit  either  his  distinction  or  approbation.  Such 
must  be  the  deplorable  state  of  that  wretched  people,  who  (being 
taxed  by  a  power  subordinate  to  none,  and  in  a' great  degree  unac- 
quainted with  their  circumstances)  can  call  nothing  their  own.  This 
we  speak  with  the  greatest  deference  to  the  wisdom  and  justice  of 
the  British  parliament,  in  which  we  confide.  Depressed  with  this 
prospect  of  inevitable  ruin,  by  the  alarming  information  we  have 
from  home,  neither  we  nor  our  constituents  can  attend  to  improve- 
ments conducive  either  to  the  interests  of  our  mother  country  or  of 
this  colony.  We  shall,  however,  renew  the  act  for  granting  a  bounty 
on  hemp,  still  hoping  that  a  stop  may  be  put  to  those  measures, 
which,  if  carried  into  execution,  will  oblige  us  to  think  that  nothing 
but  extreme  poverty  can  preserve  us  from  the  most  insupportable 
bondage.  We  hope  your  honour  will  join  with  us  in  an  endeavour 
to  secure  that  great  badge  of  English  liberty,  of  being  taxed  only 
with  our  own  consent,  to  which  we  conceive  all  his  majesty's  sub- 
jects at  home  and  abroad  equally  entitled  to." 

This  decided  and  energetic  stand  against  the  usurpations  of  Great 
Britain  was  followed  up,  at  subsequent  meetings,  by  eloquent  and 
animated  representations  to  the  king,  lords,  and  commons,  written 
with  great  spirit  and  ability:  and  it  appears,  that  in  October,  17C5, 
a  committee  from  the  general  assembly  met  the  several  committees 
from  the  different  governments  on  the  continent,  "  to  consult  on  the 
present  circumstances  of  the  colonies,  and  the  difficulties  to  which 
they  are  and  must  be  reduced,  by  the  operation  of  the  acts  of  par- 
liament for  laying  duties  and  taxes  on  the  colonies,  and  to  consider 
of  a  general  and  united,  dutiful,  loyal,  and  humble  representation 
of  their  condition  to  his  majesty,  and  to  implore  relief."  The  pro- 
ceedings of  this  congress  were  approved  by  the  colonial  assembly 
of  New  York,  and  remonstrances  of  a  similar  character  and  ten- 
dency were  unanimously  adopted  by  that  body. 

The  governor,  Sir  Henry  Moore,  having  dissolved  the  general 
assembly,  a  new  general  election  was  held,  which  resulted  highly 
favourable  to  the  whig  party,  or  the  party  in  opposition  to  British 
assumptions.  On  the  twenty-seventh  of  October,  1768,  Mr.  L.  was 
unanimously  chosen  speaker  by  twenty-four  members  who  had  con- 


PHILIP    LIVINGSTON.  271 

vened,  and  was  presented,  according  to  the  forms  of  the  British 
house  of  commons,  to  the  governor,  as  the  representative  of  royalty, 
for  his  approbation,  which  was  given  as  a  matter  of  course. 

The  proceedings  of  this  assembly  were  correspondent  with  the 
exalted  character  of  its  presiding  officer  and  leading  members. 

In  December  of  this  year,  resolutions  were  adopted  asserting  the 
rights  of  the  colonies  against  parliamentary  usurpation  :  a  correspon- 
dence was  opened  with  the  other  provinces,  and  remonstrances  pre- 
pared against  the  unwarrantable  assumptions  of  Great  Britain.  The 
royal  governor,  taking  umbrage  at  these  proceedings,  dissolved 
the  general  assembly  on  the  second  of  January,  1769,  and  a  new 
one  was  elected,  which  met  at  the  usual  place  on  the  fourth  of  April 
following. 

Although  a  majority  of  this  body  consisted  of  the  creatures  of  the 
crown,  yet  some  of  the  most  distinguished  members  of  the  whig  party 
were  re-elected — Clinton,  Van  Cortland,  Schuyler,  Ten  Brocck,  and 
De  Witt.  Mr.  Livingston  declined  an  election  for  New  York,  and 
after  a  violent  contest  in  that  city,  where  one  thousand  five  hundred 
and  fifteen  votes  were  taken,  the  candidates  adverse  to  the  popular 
party  were  elected.  He  was,  however,  returned  as  a  member  from 
the  manor  of  Livingston;  but,  being  in  a  minority,  was  not  brought 
forward  as  speaker.  But  Mr.  Livingston  was  marked  out  as  an 
object  of  ministerial  vengeance;  and,  on  the  very  same  day,  Mr. 
Thomas  moved  to  vacate  his  seat  on  account  of  his  not  being  a 
resident  of  the  manor  of  Livingston. 

When  Mr.  Thomas'  resolution  was  considered,  it  appeared  that 
Mr.  Livingston  was  a  freeholder  of  the  manor  of  Livingston;  that 
for  fifty-three  years,  except  in  three  instances,  the  manor  was  re- 
presented by  non-residents,  and  that,  in  twenty-one  out  of  twenty- 
four  cases,  non-residents  were  permitted  to  represent  counties.  In 
pursuance  of  pre-determined  hostility,  his  seat  was  vacated  by  se- 
venteen to  six  votes,  and  his  legislative  career  in  that  body  termi- 
nated. The  general  assembly,  from  that  period,  continued  devoted 
to  British  supremacy.  As  late  down  as  the  seventeenth  February, 
1775,  a  motion  was  made  to  thank  Philip  Livingston  and  his  col- 
leagues, for  their  conduct  as  delegates  to  the  continental  congress, 
held  at  Philadelphia  in  September  and  October  previously,  which 
was  negatived. 

Mr.  Livingston  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  first  congress,  which 
met  at  Philadelphia  on  the  fifth  of  September,  1774.     In  this  assem- 

26 


272  PHILIP    LIVINGSTON. 

bly  he  took  a  distinguished  part  and  was  appointed  on  the  commit- 
tee to  prepare  an  address  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain. 

This  illustrious  body  adjourned  on  the  twenty-sixth  day  of  Octo- 
ber, and  re-assembled  on  the  tenth  May,  1775. 

A  provincial  convention,  held  at  the  city  of  New  York  on  the 
twenty-second  of  April,  1775,  appointed  Philip  Livingston,  and 
others,  delegates  to  that  congress,  who,  or  any  five  of  them,  were 
intrusted  with  full  powers  to  concert  with  the  delegates  from  the 
other  colonies,  and  determine  on  such  measures  as  should  be  judged 
most  effectual  for  the  preservation  and  re-establishment  of  Ameri- 
can rights  and  privileges,  and  for  the  restoration  of  harmony  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  colonies. 

Mr.  Livingston,  together  with  several  of  his  colleagues,  attended 
this  congress,  and  on  the  fourth  of  July,  1776,  he,  together  with 
William  Floyd,  Francis  Lewis,  and  Lewis  Morris,  affixed  their  sig- 
natures to  the  Declaration  of  Independence  in  behalf  of  the  state 
of  New  York,  and  on  the  ninth  of  the  same  month,  the  convention 
of  New  York,  assembled  at  White  Plains,  unanimously  sanctioned 
the  measure. 

On  the  fifteenth  of  July,  1776,  he  was  chosen  by  congress  a  mem- 
ber of  the  board  of  treasury,  and  on  the  twenty-ninth  of  April  fol- 
lowing, a  member  of  the  marine  committee ;  two  important  trusts, 
in  which  the  safety  and  well-being  of  America  were  essentially  in- 
volved. 

On  the  thirteenth  of  May,  1777,  the  state  convention  re-elected 
him  to  congress,  and  thanked  him  and  his  colleagues  for  their 
long  and  faithful  services,  rendered  to  the  colony  and  state  of  New 
York. 

His  attendance  in  the  continental  congress  did  not,  however, 
preclude  his  employment  at  home  in  affairs  of  importance.  On  the 
twenty-second  November,  1774,  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the 
association  formed  to  execute  the  plan  of  commercial  interdiction 
against  Great  Britain.  On  the  twentieth  of  April,  1775,  he  was 
appointed  president  of  the  provincial  congress  assembled  in  New 
York.  On  the  first  of  February,  1776,  he  was  unanimously  chosen 
a  member  of  the  general  assembly  for  the  city  of  New  York.  On 
the  sixteenth  of  April,  following,  he  was  selected  as  a  delegate  of 
the  next  provincial  congress  ;  and  in  the  ensuing  June,  he  was  chosen 
to  serve  in  the  same  body  the  next  year;  with  the  additional  power 
of  framing  a  new  government  or  constitution  for  the  colony. 

On  the  twentieth  of  April,  1777,  the  constitution  of  the  state  was 


PHILIP    LIVINGSTON.  273 

adopted  at  Kingston.  On  the  eighth  of  May  following,  Mr.  Liv- 
ingston was  chosen  a  senator  under  it,  for  the  southern  district,  and 
on  the  tenth  of  September,  he  attended  in  that  capacity  the  first 
meeting  of  the  first  legislature  of  the  state  of  New  York. 

On  the  second  of  October,  1777,  he,  together  with  James  Duane, 
Francis  Lewis,  William  Duer,  and  Gouverneur  Morris,  were  elec- 
ted by  the  legislature  the  first  delegates  to  congress,  under  the  con- 
stitution of  the  state. 

On  the  fifth  of  May,  1778,  he  took  his  seat  in  congress,  at  the 
most  critical  and  gloomy  period  of  the  revolution.  That  body  had 
retired  to  York  in  Pennsylvania,  after  the  British  had  taken  pos- 
session of  Philadelphia.  Mr.  Livingston  had  been  requested  by  the 
state  government  to  attend  and  devote  his  faculties  to  the  salvation 
of  his  country.  Although  feeble  in  body  and  low  in  health,  he  con- 
sented to  forego  all  considerations  but  those  of  patriotism.  His 
family  were  at  that  time  in  Kingston,  and  previous  to  his  departure 
for  congress,  he  visited  his  relatives  in  Albany,  and  after  his  return 
he  addressed  to  them  a  valedictory  letter,  expressing  his  firm  con- 
viction that  he  never  would  see  them  again;  this  opinion  he  reiter- 
ated to  his  family  when  he  bade  them  a  final  adieu.  It  was  a  sub- 
ject of  great  regret  to  Governor  Clinton,  that  imperious  considera- 
tions had  induced  him  to  urge  the  measure.  On  the  twelfth  of  June, 
he  died,  deprived  of  the  consolations  of  home  and  the  society  of  all 
his  family  except  his  son  Henry,  a  youth  of  eighteen,  who,  on  hear- 
ing of  his  father's  illness,  immediately  left  the  family  of  General 
Washington,  where  he  resided,  to  perform  the  last  duties  to  his 
dying  father. 

On  the  twelfth  of  June,  congress  adopted  the  following  resolution  . 

"  Congress  being  informed  that  Mr.  P.  Livingston,  one  of  the 
delegates  for  the  state  of  New  York,  died  last  night,  and  that  cir- 
cumstances require  that  his  corpse  be  interred  this  evening. 

"  Resolved,  that  congress  will  in  a  body  attend  the  funeral  this 
evening  at  six  o'clock,  with  a  crape  round  the  arm,  and  will  con- 
tinue in  mourning  for  the  space  of  one  month. 

"  Ordered,  that  Mr.  Lewis,  Mr.  Duer,  and  Mr.  G.  Morris,  be  a 
committee  to  superintend  the  funeral,  and  that  the  Rev.  Mr.  Duf- 
field,  the  attending  chaplain,  be  notified  to  officiate  on  the  occasion." 

Mr.  Livingston's  name  is  mentioned  in  the  charter  of  the  New 
York  City  Library  as  one  of  those  who,  in  1754,  set  on  foot  a  sub- 
scription to  erect  a  public  library,  and  who  were  afterwards  incor- 
porated in  1772.     It  was  originally  contemplated  to  erect  an  edifice 


274  PHILIP    LIVINGSTON. 

for  a  museum  and  observatory,  as  well  as  library;  but  that  part  of 
the  plan  has  not  been  realized. 

A  charter  was  granted  for  a  hospital  in  New  York,  in  1771,  of 
which  Mr.  Livingston  was  one  of  the  first  governors.  He  was  also 
one  of  the  founders  of  the  chamber  of  commerce,  which  was  incor- 
porated the  antecedent  year:  and  he  aided  in  the  establishment  of 
King's,  now  Columbia,  college. 

He  married  Christina  the  daughter  of  Colonel  Dirck  Ten  Broeck, 
by  whom  he  had  five  sons  and  three  daughters.  Few  men  have 
been  more  favoured  in  the  respectability  and  prosperity  of  their  con- 
nexions: he  could  lookback  on  his  ancestors  with  a  proud  conscious- 
ness that  they  always  stood  in  the  first  ranks  of  distinguished  citi- 
zens ;  he  could  always  realize  the  same  conviction  in  his  contem- 
porary relatives  ;  and  if  Providence  had  prolonged  his  valuable  life 
to  the  present  time,  he  would  have  seen,  in  his  numerous  de- 
'scendants,  characters  exceeded  by  none,  in  those  accomplishments 
which  adorn  society,  and  in  those  virtues  which  give  dignity  to 
human  nature. 

The  life  of  Mr.  Livingston  was  distinguished  for  inflexible  recti- 
tude and  patriotic  devotion.  He  was  also  a  firm  believer  in  the 
sublime  truths  of  religion,  and  an  humble  follower  of  our  divine 
Redeemer. 

As  one  of  the  founders  of  American  independence,  he  foresaw 
the  difficulties,  perplexities,  sacrifices,  and  dangers,  that  were  to  be 
encountered;  and,  in  its  earliest  stages,  he  proceeded  with  that 
wisdom  and  circumspection  which  were  demanded  by  his  age,  ex- 
perience and  character;  and  which  served  as  a  salutary  check  on 
the  more  animated  career  of  some  of  his  youthful  associates.  When, 
however,  it  became  necessary  to  draw  the  sword,  and  to  sever  the 
empire ;  when  petitions  were  answered  by  insults,  and  the  demands 
of  freemen  were  met  by  the  bayonet;  then  he  did  not  hesitate  to 
assume  the  highest  responsibilities,  and  to  put  in  jeopardy  his  life 
and  large  estate.  During  the  whole  of  the  revolutionary  war,  he 
and  his  family  were  in  a  state  of  exile;  and  they  were  even  pursued, 
in  their  sequestered  retreat  at  Kingston,  by  the  conflagrations  of  a 
British  army.  A  short  time  previous  to  his  demise,  he  sold  a  por- 
tion of  his  property  to  sustain  the  public  credit,  and  with  a  full  pre- 
sentiment of  approaching  death,  arising  from  the  nature  of  his  com- 
plaint, which  was  a  hydrothorax,  or  dropsy  in  the  chest,  he  did  not 
hesitate  to  relinquish  the  sweets  of  home,  and  the  endearments  of 
a  beloved  family,  and  devote  the  last  remnant  of  his  illustrious  life 


PHILIP    LIVINGSTON.  275 

to  the  service  of  his  country,  then  enveloped  in  the  thickest  gloom 
of  adversity. 

In  his  temper,  Mr.  Livingston  was  somewhat  irritable,  yet  exceed- 
ingly mild,  tender,  and  affectionate  to  his  family  and  friends.  There 
was  a  dignity,  with  a  mixture  of  austerity,  in  his  deportment,  which 
rendered  it  difficult  for  strangers  to  approach  him,  and  which  made 
him  a  terror  to  those  who  swerved  from  the  line,  or  faltered  in  the 
path,  of  personal  virtue  and  patriotic  duty.  He  was  silent  and  re- 
served, and  seldom  indulged  with  much  freedom  in  conversation. 
Fond  of  reading,  and  endowed  with  a  solid  and  discriminating  un- 
derstanding, his  mind  was  replenished  with  various,  extensive  and 
useful  knowledge. 

His  last  moments  were  correspondent  with  the  tenor  of  his  well- 
spent  life.  He  met  with  characteristic  firmness  and  Christian  for- 
titude, the  trying  hour  which  separated  him  from  this  world. 

He  taught  us  how  to  live,  and  (oh !  too  high 
The  price  for  knowledge,)  taught  us  how  to  die 


FRANCIS  LEWIS. 


Francis  Lewis  was  born  in  the  month  of  March,  1713,  at  Lan- 
daffin  the  shire  of  Glamorgan,  South  Wales,  where  his  father  was 
established  as  a  Protestant  Episcopal  clergyman.  His  mother  was 
the  daughter  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Pettingal,  a  clergyman  of  the  same 
profession,  in  Caernarvonshire,  North  Wales.  He  was  their  only 
child ;  but  death  soon  deprived  him  of  his  natural  guardians,  and 
left  him  an  orphan  at  the  age  of  four  or  five  years.  At  this  tender 
stage  of  life,  he  was  consigned  to  the  care  of  a  maternal  maiden 
aunt,  named  Llawelling,  who  resided  in  Caernarvon.  A  strong  and 
proud  attachment  to  her  country  was  a  peculiar  feature  in  the  cha- 
racter of  this  respectable  lady,  who  appears  to  have  been  devoted 
to  every  thing  connected  with  the  ancient  British:  hence  she  took 
particular  pains  to  render  her  nephew,  in  early  youth,  master  of  the 
Cymraeg,  or  native  language  of  his  country;  a  knowledge  of  which 
he  retained  through  the  course  of  his  life:  he  was  also  sent  to 
Scotland,  where  he  acquired,  in  the  family  of  a  Highland  relation, 
the  Gaelic  language,  which  is  said  to  be  the  oldest  and  purest  dia- 
lect of  the  Celtic. 

When  young  Lewis  had  arrived  at  the  proper  age,  he  was  trans- 
ferred to  the  tutelage  of  a  maternal  uncle,  then  Dean  of  St.  Paul's 
in  London,  by  whom  he  was  placed  at  Westminster  school,  where 
he  completed  his  education  and  became  a  good  classic  scholar.  He 
then  entered  the  counting-room  of  a  merchant  in  the  city  of  London, 
where  he  served  a  regular  clerkship,  and  acquired  a  very  extensive 
and  judicious  knowledge  of  commerce,  which  became  the  occupation 
of  his  future  life.  When  he  attained  the  age  of  twenty-one  years, 
he  came  into  possession  of  a  moderate  amount  of  property,  which 
he  converted  into  merchandize,  and  embarked  with  it  for  the  city 
of  New  York,  where  he  arrived  in  the  spring  of  1735.  Finding 
that  his  cargo  was  too  extensive  for  the  New  York  market,  he 
formed  a  commercial  connexion  with  Mr.  Edward  Annesley,  a 
276 


rRANCIS      LEWIS 


FRANCIS    LEWIS.  277 

descendant  of  the  ancient  Anglesey  family,  and  repaired,  with  a 
portion  of  his  merchandize,  to  Philadelphia,  leaving  his  partner  to 
dispose  of  the  residue  in  New  York. 

At  the  expiration  of  two  years,  he  returned  to  New  York,  where 
he  permanently  established  his  residence  and  engaged  extensively 
in  navigation  and  foreign  trade.  At  this  period  he  married  Eliza- 
beth Annesley,  the  sister  of  his  partner:  the  offspring  of  this  con- 
nexion was  seven  children,  four  of  whom  died  during  infancy,  and 
the  three  younger  lived  to  become  the  parents  of  a  numerous  progeny. 

One  of  his  first  shipments  to  Europe  consisted  of  an  entire  cargo 
of  wheat;  and  he  frequently  remarked,  that,  from  its  novelty,  it 
was  at  that  time  the  subject  of  much  conversation.  The  port  of 
New  York  being  inadequate  to  the  supply  of  a  full  freight  for  the 
vessel,  he  was  compelled  to  send  her  round  to  Philadelphia  to  com- 
plete her  lading:  the  average  price  of  wheat  was  three  shillings 
and  four  pence,  currency,  per  bushel.  In  the  prosecution  of  his 
mercantile  pursuits,  which  exhibited  peculiar  perseverance  and 
enterprise,  he  traversed  a  great  part  of  the  continent  of  Europe. 
He  was  twice  in  Russia,  and  visited  all  her  sea-ports  from  Peters- 
burg to  Archangel:  he  also  visited  the  Orkney  and  Shetland  islands, 
and  was  twice  shipwrecked  on  the  coast  of  Ireland. 

During  the  French  war,  3Ir.  Lewis  attended  the  English  troops 
as  agent  for  supplying  them  with  clothing.  Being  a  friend  of  the 
commandant  of  Fort  Oswego,  he  remained  with  him  in  the  capa- 
city of  aid  on  the  investment  of  the  fort,  and  became  a  prisoner  to 
the  French. 

After  the  surrender  of  Fort  Oswego,  in  1756,  it  is  reported  that 
Montcalm  barbarously  gave  permission  to  the  chief  warrior  of  the 
savages,  who  composed  a  part  of  his  forces,  to  select  about  thirty 
of  the  garrison  as  his  portion  of  the  prisoners.  Mr.  Lewis  was  in- 
cluded among  the  number,  and  it  is  handed  down  by  an  idle  tra- 
dition that,  in  this  fearful  extremity,  his  life  was  preserved  by  a 
certain  resemblance  which  existed  between  the  Welsh  and  the 
Indian  tongues. 

From  the  termination  of  the  Canadian  war,  to  the  commence- 
ment of  the  revolution,  Mr.  Lewis  uniformly  co-operated  with  those 
early  patriots  who  opposed  the  gradual  encroachments  of  the  British 
government  on  the  rights  of  the  American  people.  He  was  one  of 
the  first  to  enrol  his  name  among  the  "  sons  of  liberty," — an  asso- 
ciation which  exhibited  the  earliest  dawn  of  a  determination  to 
resist  force  by  force.     When  it  was  attempted  to  put  the  stamp  act 


278  FRANCIS    LEWIS. 

in  operation,  lie  retired  from  business  to  his  country-seat  on  Long 
Island,  where  he  continued  to  reside  until  the  year  1771.  Being 
then  desirous  of  establishing  his  eldest  son  in  the  mercantile  pro- 
fession, he  embarked  with  him  for  England,  and  towards  the  close 
of  that  year  returned  with  a  large  quantity  of  dry -goods,  and  recom- 
menced business  under  the  firm  of  Francis  Lewis  and  Son.  On  the 
commencement  of  hostilities  in  1774-5,  he  again  retired  from  com- 
mercial pursuits. 

The  patriotism,  firmness,  integrity,  and  abilities  which  had  cha- 
racterized the  career  of  Mr.  Lewis  for  almost  half  a  century,  pointed 
him  out  to  his  fellow  citizens  as  a  fit  representative  to  the  conti- 
nental congress,  and  on  the  twenty-second  of  April,  1775,  he  was 
unanimously  elected  a  delegate,  with  full  power  to  concert  and  de- 
termine on  such  measures  as  should  be  judged  most  effectual  for 
the  preservation  and  re-establishment  of  American  rights  and  pri- 
vileges, and  for  the  restoration  of  harmony  between  Great  Britain 
and  the  colonies.  On  the  twenty-first  of  December,  1775,  he  was 
continued,  by  the  provincial  congress  of  New  York,  a  delegate  from 
that  state  for  the  year  1776,  and  aflixed  his  signature  to  the  Decla- 
ration of  Independence  with  a  pride  and  exultation,  only  equalled 
by  the  ardour  with  which  he  supported  its  adoption.  In  a  conven- 
tion of  the  representatives  of  the  state  of  New  York,  held  at  White 
Plains,  on  the  ninth  of  July,  1776,  the  conduct  of  her  congres- 
sional delegates  was,  as  has  been  mentioned,  fully  approved,  and  it 
was  unanimously  resolved  that  the  reasons  assigned  by  the  conti- 
nental congress  for  declaring  the  United  Colonies  free  and  indepen- 
dent states,  were  cogent  and  conclusive;  and  that,  while  they 
lamented  the  cruel  necessity  which  had  rendered  that  measure 
unavoidable,  they  would,  at  the  risk  of  their  lives  and  fortunes, 
unite  with  the  other  colonies  in  supporting  it. 

At  the  election  held  at  Kingston,  by  the  representatives  of  New 
York,  on  the  thirteenth  of  May,  1777,  Mr.  Lewis  was  not.  included 
in  the  representation  to  congress,  but  received  the  formal  thanks 
of  the  convention  for  his  long  and  faithful  services  rendered  to  the 
colony  and  state  of  New  York.  At  the  first  meeting,  however,  of 
the  legislature,  he  was  again  elected  a  delegate,  on  the  second  of 
October,  1777,  and  appeared  in  his  place  on  the  fifth  of  the  follow- 
ing December.  On  the  sixteenth  of  October,  1778,  he  was,  for  the 
fourth  and  last  time,  appointed  to  represent  the  state  in  the  national 
legislature.  On  the  twenty-seventh  of  April,  1779,  he  obtained 
leave  of  absence,  which   appears  to  have  terminated   his  career  in 


FRANCIS    LEWIS.  279 

congress,  after  a  long,  laborious,  and  energetic  display  of  the 
patriotism  and  abilities  which  had  procured  him  the  distinguished 
honour  of  a  seat  in  the  most  illustrious  assembly  that  the  world  has 
ever  witnessed.  In  the  various  duties  which  devolved  on  him,  he 
uniformly  acted  with  prudence  and  precision,  both  as  it  regarded 
the  great  national  questions  which  were  discussed  in  the  house,  and 
the  less  distinguished  but  not  less  necessary  business  of  committees. 
In  his  employment  in  secret  services,  and  particularly  in  his  pur- 
chases of  clothing  for  the  army,  in  the  importation  of  arms  and  am- 
munition, and  in  contracting  for  provisions,  he  displayed  the  pecu- 
liar qualifications  which  might  be  expected  from  his  commercial 
abilities.  As  a  member  of  the  committee  of  claims,  instituted  for 
the  purpose  of  putting  the  accounts  of  the  continent  in  a  proper 
train  of  liquidation  and  settlement,  his  professional  knowledge  was 
equally  valuable  and  correct.  From  the  same  cause,  he  was  an 
efficient  member,  in  1775,  of  the  committee,  on  the  Albany  treaty 
with  the  Six  Nations  of  Indians,  appointed  to  mature  a  plan  for  re- 
opening the  trade  with  those  Indians  at  Albany  i  nd  Schenectady, 
and  to  devise  ways  and  means  for  procuring  goods  proper  for  that 
trade.  On  the  eleventh  of  December,  1775,  he  was  appointed  one 
of  a  committee  to  devise  some  mode  of  furnishing  the  colonies  with 
a  naval  armament,  and  was  a  valuable  member  of  the  committee 
of  commerce.  On  the  twentieth  of  September,  1776,  he  was  dele- 
gated, together  with  Mr.  Sherman  and  Mr.  Gerry,  to  repair  to  head 
quarters,  near  New  York,  to  inquire  into  the  state  of  the  army,  and 
to  devise  the  best  means  of  supplying  its  wants.  But  it  is  impos- 
sible to  enumerate  the  varied  and  valuable  duties  performed  by  Mr. 
Lewis  during  the  period  of  his  services  in  congress.  On  the  seventh 
of  December,  1779,  not  long  after  his  retirement  from  that  body, 
he  was  appointed  a  commissioner  for  the  board  of  admiralty,  which 
office  he  accepted. 

At  the  time  of  his  first  election  to  congress  in  1775,  Mr.  Lewis 
unfortunately  removed  his  family  and  effects  to  his  country-seat  on 
Long  Island,  which  was  plundered,  in  the  fall  of  1776,  by  the  Bri- 
tish light-horse,  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Birteh.  All  his  im- 
movable property  was  wantonly  destroyed,  as  well  as  his  books  and 
papers  of  every  description.  But  the  wrath  of  the  marauders  against 
the  rebel  representative,  who  had  dared  to  brave  the  fury  of  offended 
royalty,  by  inscribing  his  name  on  the  document  which  severed  the 
British  empire,  was  not  appeased  by  the  ruin  in  which  they  involved 
all  his  destructible  property.  The  vengeance  of  party  spirit  was 
27  s2 


280  FRANCIS    LEWIS. 

basely  and  inhumanly  visited  on  an  unprotected  and  unoffending 
female,  and  the  undaunted  patriotism  of  the  statesman  was  revenged 
in  the  person  of  his  wife.  Mrs.  Lewis,  with  inconceivable  brutality, 
was  placed  in  close  confinement,  without  a  bed  to  lie  upon,  and 
without  any  change  of  clothes  whatever,  in  which  situation  she  re- 
mained during  several  months.  This  disgraceful  affair  was  brought 
before  congress  on  the  eighth  of  November,  1776,  and  then  refer- 
red to  the  board  of  war :  on  the  third  of  December  following,  it  was 
resolved  that  a  "  Mrs.  Chamier  be  permitted  to  go  to  her  husband 
at  New  York,  and  that  Mrs.  Lewis  at  Flushing,  on  Long  Island,  be 
required  in  exchange."  It  appears,  however,  that  this  unfortunate 
victim  was  finally  exchanged  through  the  influence  of  General  Wash- 
ington, for  Mrs.  Barrow,  the  wife  of  the  British  paymaster  general, 
and  Mrs.  Kempe,  the  wife  of  the  attorney  general  of  the  province. 
The  consequence  of  her  imprisonment  was  the  entire  loss  of  health ; 
and  in  the  course  of  two  years,  her  life  fell  a  sacrifice  to  this  modern 
act  of  Vandalism.  In  fact,  the  conduct  of  the  British  was,  in  many 
respects,  inhuman  and  disgraceful,  particularly  in  the  treatment  of 
prisoners  at  New  York.  The  wanton  and  oppressive  devastation 
of  the  country,  and  the  destruction  of  property;  the  brutal  treat- 
ment of  those  who  fell  into  their  power;  the  savage  butchery  of 
others  who  had  submitted  and  were  incapable  of  resistance ;  and 
the  lust  and  brutality  of  the  soldiers  in  the  abuse  of  women,  have 
all  inflicted  a  stain  upon  the  British  character  and  British  arms, 
which  all  the  glory  of  her  Marlboroughs,  her  Nelsons,  and  her  Wel- 
lingtons, can  never  efface;  and  the  deep  wound  which  pierced  the 
bosom  of  America,  still  rankles  and  festers  from  generation  to  gene- 
ration. From  the  report  of  a  committee  of  congress,  in  April,  1777, 
it  appears  that  the  whole  track  of  the  British  army  through  New 
Jersey  was  marked  with  the  most  wanton  ravages  and  desolation; 
and  that  places  of  worship,  ministers,  and  religious  persons  of  cer- 
tain Protestant  denominations,  were  particularly  treated  with  the 
most  rancorous  hatred,  and  at  the  same  time  with  the  greatest  con- 
tempt. It  has  been  asserted,  on  as  good  evidence  as  the  case  will 
admit,  that,  during  the  last  six  years  of  the  war,  more  than  eleven 
thousand  persons  died  on  board  the  Jersey  prison-ship,  which  was 
stationed  in  East  river,  near  New  York;  and  for  some  time  after 
the  war,  the  bones  of  many  of  these  victims  lay  whitening  in  the  sun 
on  the  shores  of  Long  Island.  Conyngham,  the  provost  marshal  at 
New  York,  was  a  fellow  who  would  not,  says  Graydon,  have  dis- 
graced the  imperial  throne  of  the  Ca>sars,  in  the  darkest  days  of 


FRANCIS    LEWIS.  281 

Roman  tyranny;  nor  the  republic  of  France  at  the  most  refulgent 
era  of  jacobinism.  It  is  recorded,  as  a  trait  of  his  villany,  that  in 
the  evening  he  would  traverse  his  domain  with  a  whip  in  his  hand, 
sending  his  prisoners  to  bed  with  the  ruffian-like  exclamation  of 
"  kennel,  ye  sons  of  b  —  s!  kennel,  G — dd — n  ye!"  Colonel  Ethan 
Allen,  than  whom  few  have  ever  felt  more  severely  the  hand  of  arbi- 
trary power,  declares  that  Joshua  Loring,  (husband  of  the  lady  im- 
mortalized in  "the  Battle  of  the  Kegs,")  the  commissary  of  prison- 
ers, was  even  a  greater  villain  than  Conyngham.  His  language  on 
this  occasion,  so  violent,  yet  characteristic  of  that  singular  man,  de- 
monstrates the  irresistible  excitement  occasioned  by  a  series  of  the 
most  inhuman  oppressions,  and  which  once  caused  him  to  twist  off 
with  his  teeth  the  nail  which  fastened  the  bar  of  his  hand-cuffs : 
"Loring,"  he  remarks,  "is  the  most  mean-spirited,  cowardly,  de- 
ceitful, and  destructive  animal  in  God's  creation  below;  and  legions 
of  infernal  devils,  with  all  their  tremendous  horrors,  are  impatiently 
ready  to  receive  Howe  and  him,  with  all  their  detestable  accom- 
plices, into  the  most  exquisite  agonies  of  the  hotest  regions  of 
hell-fire." 

The  property  of  Mr.  Lewis  was  almost  all  sacrificed  on  the  altar 
of  patriotism;  and  the  peace  which  established  the  independence 
of  his  country,  found  him  reduced  from  affluence  to  nearly  a  state 
of  poverty;  his  real  estate  being  little  more  than  sufficient  for  the 
discharge  of  his  British  debts. 

On  the  thirtieth  day  of  December,  1803,  this  venerable  man,  and 
excellent  citizen,  was  gathered  to  his  fathers,  in  the  ninetieth  year 
of  his  age,  bequeathing  to  his  posterity  a  name  which  shall  long 
flourish  in  the  annals  of  liberty,  and  affording  an  example  of  virtue, 
constancy,  and  personal  sacrifice,  which,  if  properly  appreciated, 
will  serve  as  a  model  upon  which  the  rising  patriot  may  found  his 
fame,  and  to  which  the  veteran  statesman  may  look  with  mingled 
emotions  of  rivalry  and  admiration. 


LEWIS   MORRIS. 


The  family  of  Morris  was  greatly  distinguished,  through  several 
generations,  in  the  province  of  New  York.  Its  members  were  con- 
spicuous in  the  public  affairs  of  that  colony,  by  high  station  and 
popular  influence,  as  well  as  extensive  possessions  and  illustrious 
descent. 

Lewis  Morris,  the  subject  of  this  memoir,  was  born  at  Morris- 
ania,  Chester  county,  New  York,  in  the  year  1726,  and  was  the 
eldest  of  four  brothers,  of  whom  one,  Staats,  was  a  general  officer 
in  the  British  service,  and  member  of  parliament.  Richard  was 
judge  of  vice-admiralty,  and  chief  justice  of  the  state  of  New  York, 
and  Gouverneur  was  a  distinguished  orator  and  member  of  congress. 

Lewis  received  the  education  usually  given  at  that  period  to  the 
sons  of  gentlemen,  but  with  only  the  limited  advantages  which  a 
residence  in  the  country  afforded. 

At  the  age  of  sixteen  he  was  sent  to  Yale  College,  where,  under 
the  care  of  the  learned  and  pious  Dr.  Clap,  he  was  taught  the 
learned  languages  and  mathematics ;  and  his  youthful  mind  was  im- 
bued with  the  lessons  of  morality  and  religion. 

He  was  graduated  as  Bachelor  of  Arts,  at  the  public  commence- 
ment in  1746,  and  returning  immediately  to  his  paternal  acres,  he 
devoted  himself  assiduously  to  the  theory  and  practice  of  agriculture. 

This  particular  period  has  been  called  the  golden  age  of  the  colo- 
nies. Certainly  a  remarkable  degree  of  tranquillity  and  plenty,  of 
peace  and  prosperity,  was  then  enjoyed.  The  yoke  of  government 
sat  lightly ;  the  power  of  internal  legislation  was  exercised  with 
little  restraint  by  the  colonial  legislatures ;  the  authority  of  the 
crown  was  scarcely  felt  or  seen,  and  the  means  of  comfortable  sub- 
sistence were  within  the  easy  attainment  of  all  men. 

At  this  happy  era  Lewis  Morris  passed  from  youth  to  man- 
hood. He  was  one  to  whom,  both  for  his  illustrious  descent  and 
connexions,  and  for  his  large  possessions,  the  eyes  of  the  whole 
orovince  of  New  York  were  turned;  and  he  was,  according  to  the 
282 


■■>*. 


4\      i  § 


LEWIS     MORRIS 


LEWIS    MORRIS.  283 

tradition  that  reaches  us,  richly  endowed  with  all  the  most  prepos- 
sessing and  attractive  graces  of  person  and  deportment. 

Such  attributes  become  the  scorn  of  advanced  years,  but  they  are 
the  glory  of  youth.  It  may,  therefore,  be  worth  recording,  that  Lewis 
Morris  possessed  a  lofty  stature,  a  singularly  handsome  face,  and 
the  most  graceful  demeanor,  with  a  temperament  so  enthusiastic 
and  ardent,  and  a  disposition  so  benevolent  and  generous,  as  to  ren- 
der him  in  his  native  province  the  universal  favourite  of  his  coevals. 

The  town,  however,  with  all  its  attractions  of  society  and  plea- 
sure, could  not  draw  him  away,  except  occasionally,  from  the  care 
of  his  estate  at  Morrisania,  where  he  became  a  farmer  on  a  very 
large  scale  of  agricultural  operations,  which  he  carried  on  with 
spirit  and  success. 

He  was  early  in  life  blessed  in  a  very  happy  matrimonial  con- 
nexion with  Miss  Mary  Walton,  a  young  lady  of  large  fortune  and 
amiable  character,  who  became  the  mother  of  six  sons  and  four 
daughters. 

In  the  year  1767,  the  province  of  New  York  was  put  to  a  severe 
trial  of  her  spirit  and  firmness,  by  the  act  requiring  additional  sup- 
plies to  be  given  to  the  king's  troops.  This  imposition  was  very 
partial  in  its  operation,  only  those  places  where  parts  of  the  royal 
army  were  quartered  being  subjected  to  its  influence.  Upon  New 
York  it  operated  with  particular  severity  and  inconvenience,  and 
was  an  invasion  of  the  right  of  property  almost  as  gross  as  that 
which  had  been  attempted  in  the  stamp  act. 

On  the  subject  of  this  law,  and  on  the  question  of  submitting  to 
it,  Mr.  Morris  was  decided  and  unreserved.  He  did  not  hesitate  to 
pronounce  it  unconstitutional,  tyrannical,  and  not  to  be  submissively 
borne;  and  he  joined  in  promoting  the  spirit  which  induced  the 
colonial  legislature  to  refuse  their  compliance.  After  a  few  months 
of  contumacy  the  province  found  itself  obliged  to  submit,  the  royal 
troops  were  supplied  with  the  salt,  vinegar,  beer  and  cider  called 
for  by  the  military  requisition ;  and  a  sullen  silence  on  the  part  of 
the  inhabitants  was  supposed  by  the  British  government  to  be  a 
proof  of  satisfaction. 

At  this  time,  the  colony  most  seriously  embroiled  with  the  royal 
authority  was  Massachusetts  Bay ;  but  the  others  were  by  no  means 
unconcerned  spectators;  and  when,  at  length,  the  severe  measures 
were  successively  adopted,  of  the  revival  of  the  statute  of  Henry 
the  Eighth,  for  sending  persons  charged  with  treason  to  England 
for  trial;  the  closing  of  the  port  of  Boston;  and  the  bill  authorizing 


284  LEWIS    MORRIS. 

the  king's  officers  to  send  to  England  any  person  in  Massachusetts 
accused  of  any  offence;  these  tyrannical  and  cruel  impositions  were 
felt  by  the  whole  as  aggressions  on  each,  and  by  general  consent 
the  memorable  congress  of  1774  was  assembled. 

Mr.  Lewis  Morris  was  not  a  member  of  this  congress.  He  was 
too  decided  and  zealous  an  assertor  of  the  rights  of  the  colonies, 
and  too  bold  a  declaimer  against  the  arbitrary  acts  of  the  ministry. 
The  object  at  this  time  was  peace,  to  be  secured  by  compromise ; 
and  too  rigid  an  adherence  to  the  rights  of  the  colonists,  or  too 
warm  an  expression  of  the  sentiments  which  the  conduct  of  the 
government  could  not  fail  to  excite,  might  mar  the  scheme  of  paci- 
fication. 

The  choice  of  delegates  to  the  congress  of  the  succeeding  year, 
was  governed  in  a  considerable  degree  by  different  principles,  and 
men  of  less  timid  disposition,  and  more  enthusiastic  spirit,  were 
in  many  cases  substituted  for  more  cautious  and  more  loyal  pre- 
decessors. 

The  bloody  skirmish,  sometimes  called  the  battle,  at  Lexington, 
had  occurred  just  in  time  to  infuse  fresh  ardour  into  the  hearts  of 
the  New  York  convention  of  deputies,  which  on  the  twenty-second 
of  April,  1775,  assembled  for  the  purpose  of  choosing  delegates  to 
the  general  congress;  and  under  the  influence  of  this  feeling  they 
chose  Mr.  Morris  as  one  of  them ;  an  appointment  which  he  pro- 
ceeded to  fulfil,  on  the  fifteenth  of  May,  when  he  took  his  seat. 

In  the  proceedings  of  the  previous  congress,  the  olive  branch  alone 
was  discernible — humility,  loyalty,  patient  suffering  was  the  only 
boast ;  now  the  tone  appears  somewhat  changed,  the  sword  is  shown, 
undrawn,  in  one  hand;  the  olive  branch  still  held  in  the  other;  a 
devoted  attachment  to  the  king  was  still  professed ;  but  this  senti- 
ment was  curiously  blended  with  an  acknowledgment  that  recon- 
ciliation was  quite  uncertain,  and  with  earnest  recommendations  to 
prepare  for  war.  This  mixture  of  affection  and  fidelity  towards  the 
king,  with  bitter  complaints  against  his  ministers,  accompanied  with 
a  stern  resolution  to  defend  the  rights  of  the  colonies,  is  strikingly 
exemplified  in  the  resolutions  adopted  very  early  in  the  session. 

Soon  after  these  first  hints  of  war,  Mr.  Morris  was  placed  on  a 
committee,  of  which  Washington  was  the  chairman,  to  consider  or. 
ways  and  means  to  supply  the  colonies  with  ammunition  and  mili- 
tary stores.  The  labours  of  this  committee  were  as  embarrassing 
as  any  that  could  be  imagined :  the  condition  of  the  colonies  as  tc 
the  possession  of  the  implements  of  war  was  nearly  that  of  absolute 


LEWIS    MORRIS.  285 

destitution;  and  the  choice  was  difficult  between  the  expediency  of 
keeping  the  degree  of  their  poverty,  in  that  respect,  a  secret,  and 
the  urgent  necessity  of  an  appeal  to  the  patriotism  of  the  country  at 
large  for  the  means  of  a  supply. 

Mr.  Morris  continued  during  the  residue  of  this  session  faithfully 
performing  his  duties  on  the  floor  and  in  committee;  but  before  the 
commencement  of  the  next,  he  went  to  the  western  country  for  the 
purpose  of  assisting  in  the  difficult  operation  of  detaching  the  In- 
dians from  the  interests  of  the  British  government,  and  inducing 
them  to  join  their  force  to  that  of  the  colonies.  He  continued  at 
Pittsburg  and  the  vicinity  until  the  winter,  and  was  in  constant  cor- 
respondence with  the  congress  on  the  subject  of  Indian  affairs. 

Lewis  Morris  was,  very  early,  a  determined  advocate  of  indepen- 
dence; but  the  people  in  general  of  this  province,  and  particularly 
of  the  city,  did  not  agree  with  him  in  this  sentiment. 

The  intercourse  had  been  particularly  close  and  intimate  between 
those  people  and  the  officers  of  the  royal  government.  A  consider- 
able number  of  troops  had  usually  been  stationed  at  New  York,  and 
the  officers  had  rendered  themselves  acceptable  guests  to  the  in- 
habitants, by  adding  greatly  to  the  cheerfulness  and  bustle  of  the 
place;  besides  forming  intimacies,  and  in  some  instances,  con- 
nexions with  the  families  of  the  citizens. 

The  "  ministerial"  fleet,  as  it  was  called  even  then  by  many  per- 
sons who  were  quite  ready  to  oppose  it  as  such,  but  not  yet  recon- 
ciled to  the  idea  of  open  hostility  against  the  king,  arrived  at  Sandy 
Hook  while  congress  were  debating  the  proposition  introduced  by 
Mr.  Lee  to  issue  a  declaration  of  independence. 

The  danger  that  impended  over  New  York,  the  prospect  of  such" 
a  scene  of  destruction  as  Falmouth  and  some  other  towns  had  al- 
ready exhibited,  or  even  the  anticipation  of  a  dilapidation  like  that 
which  Boston  had  suffered  from  the  occupation  of  the  royal  army, 
might  have  supplied  a  fair  excuse  for  Mr.  Morris,  if  lie  had  desired 
to  impede  the  adoption  of  the  resolution,  or  had  chosen  to  evade 
responsibility  by  absenting  himself  from  the  halls  of  congress.  But, 
if  he  had  an  estate  to  be  devastated  and  destroyed  by  the  British 
troops,  he  had  also  a  character  for  consistency  to  preserve,  which 
he  valued  much  more  highly ;  and  he  had  also  a  sincere,  high-minded 
love  of  liberty  and  justice,  which  would  not  permit  him  to  hesitate, 
if  pride  of  reputation  had  been  out  of  the  question,  between  the 
safety  of  his  individual  property  and  the  honour  of  his  country. 

In  voting  for  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  putting  his 


286  LEWIS   MORRIS. 

name  to  the  instrument,  at  the  very  time  when  a  large  British  army 
had  landed  within  a  few  miles  of  his  estate,  and  their  armed  ships 
were  lying  within  cannon-shot  of  the  dwelling  of  his  family,  he  felt 
and  knew  that  he  was  devoting  his  fine  farm  and  mansion,  and  va- 
luable timber,  to  the  special  vengeance  of  the  British  commanders, 
and  therefore  to  the  unrestrained  devastations  of  the  soldiery;  but 
he  had  higher  aims  than  the  preservation  of  his  own  property ; 
motives  of  action  in  which  self-interest  formed  no  part. 

The  operations  of  the  hostile  armies,  very  shortly  afterwards 
placed  Morrisania,  as  had  been  expected,  in  the  power  of  the 
enemy;  who  did  not  spare  the  property  of  one  that  had  just  been 
affixing  his  name  to  a  public  renunciation  and  defiance  of  the  king's 
authority. 

His  fine  woodland  of  more  than  a  thousand  acres,  all  upon  navi- 
gable water,  and  within  a  few  miles  of  the  capital — of  a  value  not 
easily  measured,  but  evidently  worth  an  immense  price — was  totally 
laid  bare  and  given  up  to  plunder  and  conflagration.  His  house, 
from  which  his  family  were  obliged  to  retreat,  was  spoiled  and  in- 
jured; his  fences  burnt  or  prostrated;  his  stock  driven  off;  his 
domestics  and  tenants  dispersed;  and  his  whole  estate  laid  waste 
and  ruined,  as  much  as  was  within  the  power  and  opportunity  of 
the  British  forces. 

During  the  interval  between  this  period  and  the  evacuation  of 
New  York,  in  the  autumn  of  1783,  Mr.  Morris  and  his  family  suf- 
fered great  inconvenience  from  being  thus  cut  off  from  their  resi- 
dence and  their  means  of  support.  He  was  obliged  in  consequence 
to  make  many  sacrifices,  which  caused  him  to  return  to  the  posses- 
sion of  his  estates,  impoverished  far  beyond  the  mere  loss  of  his 
woods,  his  stock,  and  his  fences. 

The  spirit  with  which  he  had  met  the  difficulties  of  the  contest, 
and  which  sustained  him  under  the  pressure  of  these  misfortunes, 
was  shared  equally  by  his  family,  who  did  not  regret  the  loss  of  their 
comforts,  or  the  enjoyments  to  be  purchased  by  wealth,  knowing  for 
what  cause  their  father  had  subjected  them  to  such  privations.  His 
three  eldest  sons  had  taken  up  arms,  and  exerted  themselves  as 
faithfully  for  their  country  in  the  field,  as  their  father  did  in  council. 

Mr.  Morris  relinquished  his  seat  in  congress  to  his  half-brother, 
Gouverneur,  who  was  elected  in  his  stead  early  in  the  year  1777, 
on  which  occasion  the  convention  passed  a  resolution  of  thanks  to 
him  and  his  colleagues,  "for  their  long  and  faithful  services  ren- 
dered to  the  colony  of  New  York  and  the  said  state." 


LEWIS    MORRIS.  287 

After  this  time,  New  York  being  in  a  greater  or  less  degree  the 
seat  of  war,  he  remained  within  the  state,  serving  as  a  member  of 
the  legislature  and  an  officer  of  the  militia.  In  the  legislature  his 
high  character,  undaunted  spirit  and  untiring  zeal,  were  of  the  most 
important  value  to  the  cause  of  independence,  which  still,  for  some 
years  of  difficulty  and  bloodshed,  was  suspended  in  doubtful  pros- 
pect. As  an  officer  of  the  militia,  he  rose  to  the  rank  of  a  major- 
general,  and  contributed  essentially  to  the  effective  organization  and 
equipment  of  the  militia  of  New  York. 

He  lived  to  see  peace  restored  to  his  country,  her  independence 
acknowledged,  and  her  prosperity  placed  on  the  firmest  basis,  and 
secured  by  the  wisest  political  constitution  that  has  ever  yet  been 
framed. 

The  latter  part  of  his  life  was  passed  at  Morrisania,  the  elegant 
seat  of  his  ancestors,  where, turning  his  sword  again  into  a  scythe, 
he  resumed  the  practice  of  agriculture;  and  in  the  delightful  retire- 
ment of  his  farm,  he  met  the  advances  of  old  age  with  serenity  and 
happiness.  Of  his  numerous  offspring  one  only,  the  eldest  son,  pre- 
ceded him  to  the  tomb:  the  rest  he  had  the  satisfaction  to  see  re- 
spectably settled  in  life,  and  supporting  the  high  character  of  the 
family. 

He  died  in  January,  1798,  in  the  seventy-second  year  of  his  age, 
and  his  remains  were  interred  with  military  and  civic  honours,  in 
the  family  vault  at  Morrisania. 

28  T 


EICHARD   STOCKTON. 


Richard  Stockton,  whose  name  is  affixed  to  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  was  the  eldest  son  of  John  Stockton.  He  was  born  at 
the  ancient  family-seat  of  his  forefathers,  near  Princeton,  in  the 
county  of  Somerset,  New  Jersey,  on  the  first  day  of  October,  A.  D. 
1730.  He  received  ali  the  advantages  which  a  finished  education 
could  confer  upon  a  powerful  and  comprehensive  mind.  His  instruc- 
tion in  the  rudiments  of  classical  science  was,  in  early  youth,  confined 
to  that  profound  scholar,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Samuel  Finley,  at  an  academy 
in  West  Nottingham,  in  the  then  province  of  Maryland.  Having 
remained  in  that  situation  about  two  years,  he  was  sent  to  the  col- 
lege of  New  Jersey  at  Newark,  where  he  diligently  pursued  his  stu- 
dies for  several  years,  and  received  the  honours  of  the  first  annual 
commencement  at  Nassau  Hall,  A.  D.  1748,  which  was  then  cele- 
brated at  that  ancient  town  under  the  auspices  of  the  eminent  and 
learned  divine,  President  Burr.  At  this  early  age  he  indicated  that 
intellectual  superiority  which,  ripened  by  experience,  was  so  bril- 
liantly evolved  in  the  course  of  his  public  and  professional  career. 

Soon  after  he  was  graduated,  he  applied  himself  to  the  study  of 
the  law,  under  the  direction  of  the  honourable  David  Ogden,  of 
Newark,  at  that  time  the  most  eminent  lawyer  in  the  province.  He 
was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  the  term  of  August,  1754,  and  to  the 
grade  of  counsellor  in  1758,  when  he  immediately  established  him- 
self at  his  paternal  seat,  and  rose  with  remarkable  rapidity  to  the 
first  rank  in  the  forum.  He  stood,  in  fact,  for  many  years,  and  by 
universal  consent,  unrivalled  at  the  bar,  although  a  number  of  his 
professional  contemporaries  were  men  of  learning  and  brilliant 
talents.  Having  acquired  a  very  competent  fortune,  he  relaxed 
from  the  toils  of  professional  business  in  the  years  1766  and  1767, 
and  visited  England,  Scotland,  and  Ireland. 

Mr.  Stockton  had  now  been  more  than  a  year  absent  from  home, 
during  which  period  his  professional  business  had  been  principally 
conducted  by  his  friends,  and,  more  particularly,  by  his  brother-in- 
288 


RES.     OF      R     STOCKTON     PRINCETOIV 


RICHARD    STOCKTON.  !289 

law ,  the  late  Elias  Boudinot.  Under  these  circumstances  he  became 
anxious  to  return  to  America,  and  his  solicitude  was  greatly  increased 
by  the  knowledge  that  his  arrival  was  earnestly  anticipated  by  his 
family  and  friends.  Neither  the  amusements  of  the  British  capital, 
nor  the  fascinations  of  fashionable  life,  nor  the  pointed  attentions 
which  at  that  peculiar  period  were  liberally  lavished  upon  distin- 
guished Americans,  could  longer  detain  him  from  the  endearments 
of  domestic  life,  and  the  society  of  a  wife  and  family  to  whom  he 
was  tenderly  attached.  He  embarked  in  a  vessel  bound  to  New 
York,  in  the  month  of  August,  and  after  a  prosperous  passage  of 
twenty-six  days,  arrived  at  the  port  of  destination  about  the  four- 
teenth of  September,  1767.  He  was  received  by  his  neighbours, 
relatives  and  friends,  who  testified  their  admiration  of  his  character 
by  escorting  him  to  his  residence,  with  the  highest  respect  and  most 
cordial  affection. 

In  the  year  1768,  he  was  elevated  to  a  seat  in  the  supreme  royal 
legislative  judiciary,  and  executive  council  of  the  province,  enjoying 
at  the  same  time  the  full  favour  of  the  royal  government,  and  the 
undiminished  confidence  of  his  friends  and  fellow  citizens.  In  1774 
he  was  appointed  one  of  the  judges  of  the  supreme  court,  and  for 
some  time  performed  the  duties  of  that  office  as  an  associate  with 
his  old  preceptor,  David  Ogden.  During  a  happy  interval  of  a  few 
years,  he  cultivated  and  embellished  an  extensive  and  fertile  landed 
estate,  where  he  resided  in  the  perfect  enjoyment  of  every  domestic 
blessing,  surrounded  by  his  family,  and  possessed  of  an  ample 
fortune. 

But  the  storm,  which  had  been  so  long  and  gloomily  gathering, 
now  began  to  burst  over  the  land,  and  prognosticate  the  desolation 
which  attended  the  climax  of  its  fury.  The  domestic  felicity  of 
Mr.  Stockton  was  necessarily  interrupted  by  the  portentous  aspect 
of  public  affairs,  which  indicated  the  approach  of  extensive  private 
and  political  calamity.  Holding  a  high  and  honourable  station 
under  the  government  of  a  monarch  whose  personal  character  he 
greatly  respected,  although  he  believed  him  to  be  misled  by  a  cor- 
rupt ministry,  and  who  had  honoured  him  with  especial  marks  of 
confidence,  he  was  now  compelled  either  to  renounce  his  allegiance 
to  that  sovereign,  or  depart  from  the  duties  which  he  owed  to  his 
native  land,  and  dissolve  the  ties  that  bound  him  to  a  country  which 
contained  the  sepulchres  of  his  ancestors. 

Although  the  sacrifice  may  have  been  painful,  it  was  made  cheerfully 
and  without  hesitation.    When  the  counsels  of  the  Marquis  of  Rock 


290  RICHARD    STOCKTON. 

ingham,  the  Earl  of  Chatham,  and  other  British  patriots,  were  re- 
jected, and  he  discovered  that  the  British  ministry  had  again  resolved 
to  enforce  the  odious  right  which  they  claimed  of  taxing  the  Ameri- 
can colonics  without  their  own  consent,  or  granting  them  any  repre- 
sentation in  parliament,  he  promptly  selected  the  course  of  conduct 
which  he  conceived  it  his  duty  to  adopt.  Although  he  had  received 
numerous  indications  of  official  favour  and  personal  attention  from 
the  king  and  many  of  the  most  eminent  statesmen  of  the  British 
empire,  yet  after  contributing  his  strenuous  exertions,  in  the  first 
stages  of  the  dispute,  to  effect  a  reconciliation  between  the  mother 
country  and  the  colonies,  on  principles  consistent  with  civil  liberty 
and  the  just  rights  of  his  country,  he  considered  himself  bound  by 
paramount  obligations,  when  the  crisis  of  serious  contest  had  ar- 
rived, to  enrol  himself  among  the  defenders  of  American  freedom. 
Separating,  therefore,  from  his  fellow  members  of  the  royal  council, 
to  whom  as  individuals  he  was  warmly  attached,  but  who,  with  the 
exception  of  Lord  Stirling,  John  Stevens,  and  himself,  were  all 
loyalists  or  neutral,  he  exerted  himself  on  all  proper  occasions 
among  the  primary  assemblies  of  the  people,  to  procure  the  organi- 
zation of  a  prudent  and  well-directed  opposition  to  the  arbitrary 
measures  of  the  British  ministry. 

On  the  twenty-first  of  June,  1776,  the  public  confidence  reposed 
in  the  patriotism,  firmness,  and  abilities  of  Mr.  Stockton,  was 
honourably  manifested  by  the  proceedings  of  the  provincial  con- 
gress of  New  Jersey,  which  elected  him  a  member  of  the  general 
congress  then  sitting  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia.  Among  his  col- 
leagues was  the  Rev.  Dr.  Witherspoon,  to  whose  happy  emigration 
to  America  he  is  supposed  to  have  been  peculiarly  instrumental. 
He,  in  conjunction  with  his  fellow  delegates  from  New  Jersey,  was 
empowered  and  directed  to  unite  with  the  representatives  of  the 
other  colonies  in  the  most  vigorous  measures  for  supporting  the  just 
rights  and  liberties  of  America,  and,  if  it  should  be  deemed  neces- 
sary or  expedient,  to  concur  in  declaring  the  United  Colonies  inde- 
pendent of  Great  Britain,  entering  into  a  confederation  for  union 
and  common  defence,  making  treaties  for  commerce  and  assistance, 
and  adopting  such  other  measures  as  might  appear  necessary  to 
effect  the  accomplishment  of  these  great  designs. 

Mr.  Stockton  immediately  took  his  seat  in  the  continental  con- 
gress, and  was  present  at  the  debates  which  preceded  the  promul- 
gation of  that  memorable  charter  of  national  independence  to  which 
his  name  is  affixed.    It  has  been  remarked  by  Dr.  Benjamin  Rush, 


RICHARD    STOCKTON  291 

who  was  a  member  of  the  same  congress,  that  Mr.  Stockton  was 
silent  during  the  firsi  stages  of  this  momentous  discussion,  listening 
with  thoughtful  and  respectful  attention  to  the  arguments  that  were 
offered  by  the  supporters  and  opponents  of  the  important  measure 
then  under  consideration.  Although  it  is  believed  that,  in  the  com- 
mencement of  the  debate,  he  entertained  some  doubts  as  to  the 
policy  of  an  immediate  declaration  of  independence,  yet  in  the  pro- 
gress of  the  discussion  his  objections  were  entirely  removed,  parti- 
cularly by  the  irresistible  and  conclusive  arguments  of  John  Adams, 
and  he  fully  concurred  in  the  final  vote  in  favour  of  that  bold  and 
decisive  measure.  This  concurrence  he  expressed  in  a  short  but 
energetic  address,  which  he  delivered  in  congress  towards  the  close 
of  the  debate. 

He  manifested  his  accustomed  diligence  and  ability  in  the  per- 
formance of  his  congressional  duties,  and  was  frequently  appointed 
on  the  more  important  committees.  His  acute  perceptions,  logical 
powers  of  reasoning,  superior  eloquence,  remarkable  sagacity,  and 
matured  experience  of  men  and  things,  united  with  a  profound 
knowledge  of  law  and  politics,  were  properly  appreciated  by  his 
associates,  among  whom  he  held  a  distinguished  rank. 

In  the  month  of  September,  1776,  at  the  first  joint  meeting  of  the 
state  delegates  under  the  new  constitution,  William  Livingston  and 
Mr.  Stockton  were  the  first  republican  candidates  for  the  office  of 
governor.  On  the  first  ballot  they  received  an  equal  number  of 
votes:  but,  as  the  emergency  of  the  crisis  required  an  immediate 
nomination,  the  friends  of  Mr.  Stockton  were  induced  to  acquiesce 
in  the  final  election  of  his  competitor.  He  was,  however,  immedi- 
ately chosen,  by  a  unanimous  vote,  chief  justice  of  the  state,  which 
office  he  declined. 

Mr.  Stockton,  during  the  summer  and  autumn  of  1776,  continued 
an  assiduous  and  laborious  attendance  on  his  duties  in  congress. 
On  the  twenty-sixth  of  September  he  was  deputed,  in  conjunction 
with  his  friend  and  fellow  member,  George  Clymer,  of  Pennsylvania, 
on  a  committee  to  inspect  the  northern  army,  and  report  to  congress 
the  state  of  the  army,  and  any  further  regulations  which  they  might 
think  necessary  for  its  better  government  and  supply.  They  pro- 
ceeded to  Albany,  Saratoga,  &c.  and  every  facility  to  effect  the  im- 
portant objects  of  their  mission  was  afforded  by  the  polite  attentions 
and  cordial  concurrence  of  General  Schuyler,  who  commanded  the 
northern  army.  This  service  having  been  discharged  in  a  success- 
T  2 


292  RICHARD    STOCKTON. 

ful  and  exemplary  manner,  Mr.  Stockton  immediately  resumed  his 
seat  in  congress. 

A  paramount  duty  soon  required  his  absence  from  the  public 
councils.  The  residence  of  his  wife  and  infant  family  being  in  the 
direct  route  of  the  triumphant  enemy,  he  was  compelled  lo  make 
preparations  for  removing  them  to  a  place  of  safety.  After  remain- 
ing in  his  dwelling  to  the  last  period  that  the  safety  of  his  family 
admitted,  affording  to  the  remnant  of  our  distressed  army  every  as- 
sistance within  his  power,  as  the  dejected  troops  passed  along  in 
melancholy  succession,  he  conveyed  his  wife  and  younger  children 
into  the  county  of  Monmouth,  about  thirty  miles  from  the  supposed 
route  of  the  British  army. 

On  the  thirtieth  of  November,  he  was,  together  with  his  friend 
and  compatriot  John  Covenhoven,  at  whose  house  he  resided,  un- 
fortunately captured  by  a  party  of  refugee  royalists,  through  the 
treachery  of  a  man  acquainted  with  the  place  of  his  temporary  resi- 
dence, dragged  from  his  bed  by  night,  stripped  and  plundered  of 
bis  property,  and  carried  by  the  way  of  Amboy  to  New  York.  At 
Amboy  he  was  exposed  to  the  severity  of  extremely  cold  weather, 
in  the  common  jail,  which  barbarity,  together  with  his  subsequent 
treatment  in  New  York,  laid  the  foundation  of  the  disease  which 
terminated  his  existence  in  1781.  On  his  removal  to  New  York, 
he  was  ignominiously  consigned  to  the  common  prison,  and  without 
the  least  regard  for  his  rank,  age,  and  delicate  health,  for  some 
time  treated  with  unusual  severity.  He  was  not  only  deprived  of 
the  comforts,  but  the  necessaries  of  life,  having  been  left  more  than 
twenty-four  hours  without  food,  and  afterward  afforded  a  very  coarse 
and  limited  supply.  The  inhuman  treatment  which  he  received,  so 
repugnant  to  the  principles  of  civilized  warfare,  and  so  intolerable 
to  an  individual  who  had  been  accustomed  to  all  the  comforts  and 
delicacies  of  life,  depressed  his  spirits  and  seriously  affected  his 
health. 

So  excessively  malignant,  indeed,  was  the  conduct  of  the  British 
in  relation  to  Mr.  Stockton,  that  it  attracted  the  special  attention  of 
the  general  congress,  who  immediately  passed  the  following  resolu- 
tion, which  still  appears  on  their  journals. 

"Whereas  congress  hath  received  information  that  the  honourable 
Richard  Stockton,  of  New  Jersey,  and  a  member  of  this  congress, 
bath  been  made  a  prisoner  by  the  enemy,  and  that  he  hath  been 
ignominiously  thrown  into  a  common  jail,  and  there  detained:  Re- 
solved, that  General  Washington  be  directed   to  make  immediate 


RICHARD    STOCKTON.  293 

inquiry  into  the  truth  of  this  report,  and  if  he  finds  reason  to  be- 
lieve it  well  founded,  that  he  send  a  flag  to  General  Howe  remon- 
strating against  this  departure  from  that  humane  procedure  which 
has  marked  the  conduct  of  these  states  to  prisoners  who  have  fallen 
into  their  hands  ;  and  to  know  of  General  Howe  whether  he  chooses 
this  shall  be  the  future  rule  for  treating  all  such,  on  both  sides,  as 
the  fortune  of  war  may  place  in  the  hands  of  either  party." 

After  the  release  of  Mr.  Stockton,  his  constitution  was  so  materi- 
ally impaired  that  he  never  was  again  able,  except  by  occasional 
counsel  and  advice,  to  render  any  important  services  to  his  country. 
In  fact,  during  the  few  remaining  years  of  his  life,  he  was  never 
perfectly  restored  to  health.  His  fortune,  which  had  been  ample, 
was  greatly  diminished,  both  by  the  depreciation  of  continental 
enrrency,  and  the  wanton  depredations  of  the  British  army.  His 
papers  and  library,  one  of  the  best  possessed  by  any  private  citizen 
at  that  period,  were  burned  ;  his  domestic  animals,  (particularly  his 
fine  stock  of  horses,)  and  almost  all  his  personal  property,  were 
plundered  or  destroyed,  and  his  farm  laid  waste.  Mr.  Stockton  now 
found  himself  the  proprietor  of  little  more  than  his  devastated  lands, 
and  was  compelled  to  have  recourse  to  the  temporary  aid  of  some 
of  his  friends,  whose  losses  had  been  less  extensive,  for  a  present 
supply  of  such  articles  of  necessity  as  were  essential  to  relieve  the 
pressure  of  absolute  suffering. 

It  is  not  remarkable  that  these  complicated  afflictions  entirely 
destroyed  his  health  and  spirits,  during  the  declining  years  of  his 
life.  He  languished  a  long  time,  oppressed  with  a  protracted 
malady ;  the  last  stages  of  this,  too,  were  rendered  particularly  dis- 
tressing by  a  malignant  cancerous  affection,  the  pain  of  which  was 
so  extreme  that  he  could  not  enjoy  the  least  repose  without  the  aid 
of  anodyne  medicines.  He  died  on  the  twenty-eighth  day  of  Feb- 
ruary, 1781,  at  his  residence  near  Princeton  in  the  county  of  Somer- 
set, in  the  fifty-first  year  of  his  age.  Previous  to  interment,  his 
remains  were  conveyed  to  the  college  hall,  where,  in  the  presence 
of  a  numerous  and  afflicted  audience,  consisting  of  the  friends,  rela- 
tives, and  fellow  citizens  of  the  deceased  patriot,  and  the  students 
of  the  college,  an  interesting  funeral  discourse  was  delivered  by  the 
Rev.  Dr.  Samuel  S.  Smith,  then  vice  president  of  that  celebrated 
seat  of  science. 

Mr.  Stockton  was  at  all  times  a  sensible  and  dignified  speaker, 
remarkable  for  solidity,  perspicuity,  and  energy.  He  was  a  pro- 
found and  erudite  lawyer,  and  his  decisions  and   opinions  while  on 


294  RICHARD    STOCKTON. 

the  bench,  in  committees  of  congress,  on  admiralty  questions,  and 
in  the  high  court  of  errors  of  New  Jersey,  were  considered  of  high 
authority. 

Mr.  Stockton,  when  unadorned  by  the  gorgeous  robes  of  judicial 
office  that  prevailed  previous  to  the  revolution,  was  neat  but  simple 
in  his  dress.  Before  the  revolutionary  contest,  he  lived  in  a  state 
of  splendour,  frequently  adopted  by  distinguished  men  under  the 
royal  government,  which  the  advantages  of  a  country  residence  and 
the  possession  of  affluence  rendered  easy  and  agreeable.  Every 
stranger  who  visited  his  mansion  was  cordially  welcomed  in  the 
genuine  style  of  ancient  hospitality,  and  it  was  customary  in  those 
days  for  travellers  and  visiters  to  call  upon  men  of  rank. 

He  was  a  man  of  great  coolness  and  courage.  His  bodily  pow- 
ers, both  in  relation  to  strength  and  agility,  were  of  a  very  superior 
grade,  and  he  was  highly  accomplished  in  all  the  manly  exercises 
peculiar  to  the  period  in  which  he  lived  :  his  skill  as  a  horseman 
and  swordsman  was  particularly  great.  In  person  he  was  tall  and 
commanding,  approaching  nearly  to  six  feet  in  height.  His  man- 
ners were  dignified,  simple  though  highly  polished,  and  to  stran- 
gers, at  first  interview,  apparently  reserved  ;  but  as  the  acquaintance 
advanced,  they  were  exceedingly  fascinating  and  accomplished, 
which  appeared  particularly  conspicuous  towards  his  friends  and 
companions. 

His  eyes  were  of  a  light  grey  colour,  and  his  physiognomy  open, 
agreeable,  and  manly.  When  silent,  or  uninterested  in  conversa- 
tion, there  was  nothing  remarkably  attractive  in  his  countenance, 
but  when  his  mind  was  excited,  his  eyes  instantly  assumed  a  cor- 
responding brilliancy,  his  whole  appearance  became  excessively  in- 
teresting, and  every  look  and  action  strongly  expressive  of  such 
emotions  as  he  wished  to  produce. 

His  forensic  career  was  attended  with  unrivalled  reputation  and 
success,  and  he  refused  to  engage  in  any  cause  which  he  knew  to 
be  unjust,  invariably  standing  forth  in  the  defence  of  the  helpless 
and  oppressed.  To  his  superior  powers  of  mind  and  professional 
learning,  he  united  a  flowing  and  persuasive  eloquence,  and  he  was 
a  Christian  who  was  an  honour  to  the  church.  He  was  a  learned, 
firm,  and  upright  judge,  and  an  early  and  decided  opposer  of  the 
political  and  oppressive  claims  of  the  British  parliament. 

The  first  and  richest  legacy  bequeathed  by  Mr.  Stockton  in  his 
last  testament,  illustrates  his  religious  principles,  and  the  importance 
which  he  attached  to  the  doctrines  of  the  Christian  religion.     "As 


RICHARD    STOCKTON.  295 

my  children,"  he  observed,  "  will  have  frequent  occasion  of  perusing 
this  instrument,  and  may  probably  be  particularly  impressed  with 
the  last  words  of  their  father,  I  think  it  proper  here,  not  only  to 
subscribe  to  the  entire  belief  of  the  great  and  leading  doctrines  of 
the  Christian  religion,  such  as  the  being  of  a  God,  and  the  univer- 
sal defection  and  depravity  of  human  nature,  the  divinity  of  the  Per- 
son, and  the  completeness  of  the  redemption  purchased  by  the  Bless- 
ed Saviour;  the  necessity  of  the  operations  of  the  divine  Spirit,  of 
divine  faith  accompanied  with  an  habitual  virtuous  life,  and  the 
universality  of  the  divine  providence;  but  also,  in  the  bowels  of  a 
father's  affection,  to  charge  and  exhort  them  to  remember  that  "the 
fear  of  God  is  the  beginning  of  wisdom." 
29 


JOHN  WITHERSPOON. 


It  was  a  distinguished  feature  in  the  American  revolution  <.nat 
religious  feeling  was  closely  connected  with  political  action.  The 
persecutions  which  compelled  our  forefathers  to  seek  the  unshackled 
enjoyment  of  those  feelings  in  the  wilderness  of  the  western  world, 
were  still  fresh  in  the  recollection  of  their  descendants,  and  they 
continued,  both  by  public  and  private  acts,  to  appeal  to  the  Supreme 
Judge  of  the  world  for  the  rectitude  of  their  intentions,  and  to  placo 
a  firm  reliance  on  the  protection  of  Divine  Providence. 

Among  those  who  united  the  gospel  ministry  with  the  labours  of 
the  patriot,  was  John  W,itherspoon,  a  man  not  less  distinguished 
in  the  church  than  in  the  annals  of  America.  This  eminent  indi- 
vidual was  born  in  the  parish  of  Yester,  near  Edinburgh,  on  the 
fifth  of  February,  1722.  His  parentage  was  respectable,  and  the 
family  had  long  possessed  a  considerable  landed  estate  in  the  east 
of  Scotland.  He  was  lineally  descended  from  the  reverend  John 
Knox,  the  hero  of  the  reformation  in  Scotland,  whose  daughter, 
Elizabeth,  married  the  celebrated  John  Welsh,  a  minister  who 
rivalled  his  father-in-law  in  genius,  piety  and  zeal:  in  this  line,  Dr. 
Witherspoon  descended  from  his  honourable  ancestry. 

He  was  placed,  at  a  very  early  age,  at  the  public  school  in  Had- 
dington, where  he  rapidly  advanced  in  learning,  and  acquired  repu- 
tation for  the  native  soundness  of  his  judgment,  the  quickness  and 
clearness  of  his  conception,  and  the  assiduity  with  which  he  prose- 
cuted his  studies.  At  the  age  of  fourteen  years,  he  was  removed 
to  the  University  of  Edinburgh,  where  he  attained  great  credit  for 
his  diligence  in  the  different  branches  of  learning.  He  continued 
in  the  university  until  the  age  of  twenty-one  years,  when  he  was 
licensed  to  preach  the  gospel. 

Immediately  on  the  completion  of  his  studies,  he  was  invited  to 

become  assistant  minister  to  his  father,  in  Yester,  with  the  right  of 

succession  to  the  charge ;  but  he  preferred  an  invitation  from  the 

parish  of  Beith  in  the  west  of  Scotland,  where  he  was  ordained,  and 

296 


$*!»>      ""' 


"ES     OF    JOHN    WITHERSPOON 

Mer-cer  O  IT  J 


JOHN     VVITHERSPOON.  299 

settled,  with  the  universal  approbation  of  his  congregation.  In- 
teresting and  instructive  in  the  pulpit,  he  faithfully  fulfilled  all  his 
other  parochial  duties,  and  attracted  even  the  fervent  attachment 
of  the  people.  His  discourses  generally  embraced  those  great  and 
practical  truths  of  the  gospel,  which  most  affect  and  attract  the 
hearts  of  an  audience. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  year  1746,  Dr.  Witherspoon  became  in- 
volved in  a  very  awkward  situation,  the  particulars  of  which  are 
highly  interesting.  The  battle  of  Falkirk  was  fought  on  the  seven- 
teenth of  January,  and  he,  with  several  other  individuals,  who  were 
present  from  curiosity  alone,  was  taken  prisoner  in  the  general  sweep 
which  the  rebels  made  after  the  battle,  and  confined  in  the  castle  of 
Donne.  During  his  imprisonment  several  of  his  companions  es- 
caped. Dr.  Witherspoon  prudently  declined  the  dangerous  attempt, 
and  patiently  awaited  his  liberation  in  a  safer  manner. 

After  residing  a  few  years  in  Beith,  he  was  translated  to  the 
large  and  flourishing  town  of  Paisley,  justly  celebrated  for  the  ex- 
tent, variety,  and  fineness  of  its  manufactures.  Here  he  lived  in 
high  reputation  and  great  usefulness,  enjoying  and  deserving  the 
affections  of  his  people,  until  he  was  called  to  the  presidency  of 
the  college  of  New  Jersey. 

On  the  nineteenth  of  November,  1766,  the  trustees  of  the  college 
of  New  Jersey  unanimously  elected  Dr.  Witherspoon  to  the  office 
of  president,  and  transmitted  a  letter  to  Mr.  Stockton,  a  member 
of  the  board,  then  in  London,  requesting  him  by  personal  application 
to  solicit  a  compliance  with  the  wishes  of  the  trustees.  Party  views 
and  feelings  were,  at  this  period,  mingled  with  the  management  of 
the  college,  and  such  representations  of  its  state  were  made  to  Dr. 
Witherspoon,  as  were  calculated  to  induce  him  to  refuse  the  presi- 
dency ;  and  this  effect  was  actually  produced,  until  his  misapprehen- 
sions were  removed  by  an  agent  of  the  board.  On  the  first  of 
October,  1767,  a  letter  from  Dr.  Witherspoon  was  communicated 
to  the  trustees,  in  which  he  declined  an  acceptance  of  the  president- 
ship of  the  college. 

Urged  however  by  the  representations  of  those  friends  whose 
judgment  he  most  respected,  and  whose  friendship  he  most  esteem- 
ed, and  animated  by  the  hope  that  he  might  repay  his  sacrifices  by 
greater  usefulness  in  the  ministry,  and  in  the  interests  of  learning 
in  the  new  world,  he  finally  resolved  to  waive  every  other  conside- 
ration, to  cross  the  ocean,  and  to  assume  the  important  charge  to 
which  he  had  been  called  by  the  concurrent  wishes  of  all  the  friends 


300  JOHN    WITHERSPOON. 

of  the  college.  On  the  ninth  of  December,  1767,  Mr.  Stockton, 
then  in  London,  informed  the  board  of  trustees  that  the  difficulties 
which  had  prevented  Dr.  Witherspoon's  acceptance  of  the  president- 
ship were  now  removed ;  and  that,  upon  a  re-election,  lie  would 
consider  it  a  duty  to  enter  into  that  public  service.  This  intelligence 
was  received  with  peculiar  satisfaction,  and  he  was  immediately  and 
unanimously  re-elected. 

Dr.  Witherspoon  arrived  with  his  family  in  Princeton,  in  August, 
1768,  and  on  the  seventeenth  of  that  month  was  inaugurated  at  a 
special  meeting  of  the  board  of  trustees.  He  was  the  sixth  presi- 
dent of  the  college,  from  its  foundation  in  1746  ;  his  predecessors 
Dickenson,  Burr,  Edwards,  Davies,  and  Finley,  were  deservedly 
celebrated  for  their  genius,  learning,  and  piety.  The  fame  of  his 
literary  character,  which  had  preceded  him  to  this  country,  brought 
a  great  accession  of  students  to  the  institution.  This  influence  was 
greatly  increased  by  the  circumstance  of  his  being  a  foreigner,  but 
his  reputation  was  widely  extended,  and  he  enjoyed  an  additional 
advantage  by  introducing  the  more  recent  improvements  in  the 
system  of  education.  When  he  assumed  his  office,  his  prudence, 
talents,  and  weight  of  character  not  only  put  an  end  to  party  mea- 
sures in  the  board  of  trustees,  but  greatly  contributed  to  produce  the 
same  effect  in  the  councils  of  the  church  to  which  he  belonged.  He 
continued  to  guide  the  course  of  education  in  the  institution  over 
which  he  presided,  until  the  revolutionary  war  suspended  his  func- 
tions  and  dispersed  the  college. 

When  the  academical  shades  were  deserted,  Dr.  Witherspoon 
found  himself  introduced  into  a  new  field  of  labour,  and  he  appeared 
in  a  character  widely  different  from  any  in  which  he  had  heretofore 
been  presented  to  the  public.  Yet  this  new  scene  gave  fresh  lustre 
to  his  fame  ;  and  his  talents  as  a  legislator  portrayed  in  vivid  colours 
the  extent  and  variety  of  his  mental  abilities.  Casting  aside  his 
foreign  prejudices,  and  embracing  with  facility  the  ideas  and  habits 
of  a  new  country,  and  a  new  state  of  society,  he  became  an  Ameri- 
can the  moment  he  landed  on  our  shores.  Being  opposed  in  prin- 
ciple to  the  unjust  pretensions  of  the  British  government,  he  adopted 
the  views,  and  participated  in  the  councils,  of  the  colonists,  in  the 
earliest  stages  of  the  contest.  The  citizens  of  New  Jersey,  who 
knew  and  valued  his  distinguished  talents,  soon  selected  him  as  one 
of  the  most  suitable  delegates  to  the  convention  which  formed  their 
republican  constitution  in  1776.  The  professors  of  the  law  were 
lost  in  astonishment  when  he  appeared  in  this  respectable  assembly 


JOHN    WITHERSPOON.  301 

as  profound  a  civilian  as  he  had  hefore  been  known  to  be  a  philoso- 
pher and  divine. 

After  having  taken  an  active  and  decided  part  in  the  revolutionary 
committees  and  conventions  of  the  state,  he  was  summoned  to  the 
discharge  of  more  important  duties.  On  the  twenty-first  of  June, 
1776,  the  provincial  congress  of  New  Jersey,  reposing  special  con- 
fidence in  his  integrity  and  patriotism,  elected  him  a  delegate  to  the 
general  legislature,  with  instructions  to  unite  with  the  delegates  from 
the  other  colonies,  in  declaring  them  to  be  independent  of  the  mo- 
ther country,  should  such  a  measure  be  considered  necessary  for  the 
preservation  of  their  rights  and  liberties.  Dr.  Witherspoon  took 
his  seat  in  congress,  a  few  days  previous  to  the  fourth  of  July,  and 
assisted  in  those  important  deliberations  which  resulted  in  that  deed 
of  noble  daring,  which  severed  the  two  countries  for  ever.  When 
a  distinguished  member  of  congress  said  that  we  were  "  not  yet  ripe 
for  a  declaration  of  independence,"  Dr.  Witherspoon  replied,  "  in 
my  judgment,  sir,  we  are  not  only  ripe,  but  rotting." 

During  the  sessions  of  1776,  1777,  1778,  1779,  1781,  and  1782, 
he  continued  to  represent  the  state  of  New  Jersey  in  the  general 
congress,  with  unyielding  zeal  and  perseverance.  It  is  recorded  as 
an  evidence  of  his  devotion  to  public  affairs,  that  he  sometimes  at- 
tended in  his  seat,  without  the  least  intermission,  during  the  whole 
period  of  his  annual  appointments.  Such  close  attendance  was  not 
required  by  his  constituents,  nor  was  it  of  common  occurrence,  even 
in  that  season  of  heroism  and  self-denial.  The  state  governments 
duly  regarded  the  private  affairs,  and  provided  for  the  relaxation, 
of  the  members,  by  appointing  supernumerary  congressional  dele- 
gates, of  whom  a  certain  number  was  empowered  to  act  as  their 
representatives.  From  New  Jersey  they  were  generally  five  in 
number,  but  two  formed  a  full  delegation  :  thus  by  apportioning 
their  official  term,  the  weight  of  political  labour  became  compara- 
tively light,  and  the  division  afforded  to  each  member  a  remission 
from  duty  during  many  months  in  the  year.  This  retirement,  how- 
ever, was  entirely  optional,  and  Dr.  Witherspoon  never  permitted 
any  personal  considerations  to  interfere  with  the  course  of  his  official 
duties.  In  the  month  of  November,  1782,  he  finally  retired  from 
congress,  after  a  long  series  of  important  services.  The  energy, 
promptitude,  and  talents  which  he  displayed  in  every  branch  of 
public  business  that  required  his  attention,  and  the  political  wisdom 
and  experience  with  which  he  enriched  the  national  council,  at- 
tracted the  confidence  and  admiration  of  his  colleagues,  and  elevated 
U 


302  JOHN    WITHERSPOON. 

him,  with  rapidity,  to  the  first  rank  among  the  assembled  sages 
and  senators  of  America.  He  was  always  firm  in  the  most  gloomy 
and  formidable  aspects  of  public  affairs,  and  always  discovered  the 
greatest  power  and  presence  of  mind  in  the  most  embarrassing  situ- 
ations. But  the  glorious  struggle,  in  which  he  had  participated,  was 
drawing  to  an  honourable  conclusion,  and  sensibly  feeling,  as  a  sex- 
agenarian, the  advances  of  age,  he  resolved  to  resign  his  seat  in 
congress;  and,  had  he  not  deemed  his  continued  exertions  an  im- 
perative duty,  would  have  gladly  retired,  in  some  measure,  from  the 
burdens  of  the  college.  While  he  was  engaged  in  serving  his  country 
in  the  character  of  a  civilian,  he  did  not  lay  aside  his  ministry.  He 
eagerly  embraced  every  opportunity  of  preaching,  and  of  discharging 
the  various  duties  of  his  station  as  a  gospel  minister,  which  he  con- 
sidered as  his  highest  honour.  Nor  would  he  ever  consent,  as  some 
other  clerical  members  of  congress  did,  to  change,  in  any  particular, 
the  dress  which  distinguished  his  order. 

It  is  impossible  to  specify  the  numerous  services  in  which  he  was 
engaged,  during  his  long  continuance  in  congress,  but  he  participa- 
ted largely  in  the  toils  of  the  arduous  and  expensive  mode  of  pros- 
ecuting the  public  business,  adopted  by  that  body,  in  the  appoint- 
ment of  boards  and  committees.  His  talents  as  a  politician  had 
been  thoroughly  tested,  previous  to  his  emigration,  as  leader  of  the 
orthodox  party  in  the  church  of  Scotland ;  and  he  was  fully  prepared 
to  play  a  much  more  important  part  on  the  theatre  of  our  grand 
revolution,  than  by  displaying  his  eloquence  and  sagacity  in  the 
presbyteries,  synods,  and  general  assemblies  of  Scotland.  His 
powers  of  memory  were  of  vast  importance  to  him  in  congress.  He 
often  remarked  that  he  could  precisely  repeat  a  speech,  or  sermon, 
written  by  himself,  by  reading  it  over  only  three  times.  The  man- 
agement of  his  memory,  and  its  best  application  to  the  interests  of 
the  cause,  were  skilfully  conducted.  He  seldom  entered  fully  into 
any  debate  at  first,  but  reserved  himself  for  a  concentrated  effort : 
having  made  himself  master  of  his  subject,  he  methodically  com- 
posed a  speech,  committed  it  to  memory,  and  delivered  it  in  con- 
gress. Being  a  ready  speaker,  and  possessing  a  remarkable  talent 
for  extemporaneous  discourse,  he  prefaced  his  written  orations,  by 
replying  to  some  previous  speaker,  and  dexterously  proceeding 
with  his  prepared  speeches,  astonished  the  whole  house  by  the  regu- 
lar arrangement  of  his  ideas,  his  command  of  language,  and  his 
precision  on  subjects  of  importance. 

On  the  seventh  of  October,  1776,  he  was  appointed  a  member 


JOHN    WIT  HE  II  SPOON.  303 

of  the  secret  committee,  the  duties  of  which  required  indefatigable 
attention,  and  were  of  the  first  importance  in  the  prosecution  of  the 
war.  In  the  following  month,  congress  took  into  consideration  the 
lamentable  state  of  the  army,  which,  dispirited  by  losses  and  fa- 
tigues, was  retreating,  almost  naked  and  barefooted,  in  the  cold  of 
November,  before  a  numerous,  well  appointed,  and  victorious  army, 
through  a  desponding  country,  "  much  more  disposed  to  secure 
safety  by  submission,  than  to  seek  it  by  a  manly  resistance."  A 
great  number  of  troops  had  disbanded,  the  terms  of  service  of  many 
others  had  nearly  expired,  and  the  army  was  melting  away  under 
the  influence  of  this  fatal  and  universal  cause.  The  national  legis- 
lature, finding  the  army  on  the  eve  of  dissolution,  and  aware  of  the 
fearful  results  which  might  be  produced  by  a  dependence  on  militia, 
always  a  more  expensive  but  less  efficacious  aid  than  regular  for- 
ces, resolved  to  use  every  exertion  to  prevent  its  farther  dismem- 
berment. The  commanding  general,  commissioners,  and  officers, 
were  conjured  to  recruit,  by  every  means  in  their  power,  the  regi- 
ments whose  terms  of  service  had  expired,  and  Dr.  Witherspoon, 
Mr.  Paca,  and  Mr.  Ross,  were  appointed  a  committee  to  repair  to 
head  quarters,  and  co-operate  with  General  Washington  in  this  im- 
portant business  :  they  were  also  empowered  to  inquire  into,  and 
redress  to  the  utmost  of  their  power,  the  grievances  of  the  soldiers. 
On  the  twelfth  of  December,  congress  retired  to  Baltimore,  and 
a  general  expectation  prevailed  that  no  effectual  resistance  could 
be  made  to  the  advance  of  the  enemy.  But  the  bold  and  unexpect- 
ed attacks  made  at  Trenton  and  Princeton  had  a  most  extensive 
influence  on  the  fate  of  the  waf,  and  created  a  confidence  in  the 
body  of  the  people,  that  proper  exertions  on  their  part  would  be 
crowned  with  ultimate  success :  they  saved  Philadelphia  for  the 
present  winter;  they  recovered  the  state  of  New  Jersey;  they  re- 
vived the  drooping  spirits  of  America;  and  they  gave  a  sensible 
impulse  to  the  recruiting  service  throughout  the  United  States. 
When  re-assembled  at  Baltimore,  congress  in  their  resolutions  ex- 
hibited no  evidences  of  confusion  or  dismay  ;  and  the  most  judicious 
efforts  were  made  to  repair  the  mischiefs  produced  by  past  errors 
in  the  military  system.  They  sought  to  remove  the  despondency 
which  was  seizing  and  paralyzing  the  public  mind,  by  an  address  to 
the  states,  in  which  every  argument  was  suggested  which  could 
rouse  them  to  vigorous  action.  This  nervous  and  eloquent  appeal 
was  prepared  by  a  committee,  consisting  of  Dr.  Witherspoon,  Mr. 
Richard  Henry  Lee,  and  Mr.Adams;  who,  at  the  same  time,  were 


304  JOHN    WITHERSPOON. 

charged  with  framing  a  recommendation  to  the  several  states,  to 
appoint  a  day  of  fasting,  humiliation,  and  prayer.  In  the  year 
1777,  he  continued  to  serve  on  various  important  committees,  and 
was  particularly  active  as  a  member  of  the  board  of  war. 

On  the  twenty-first  of  January,  1778,  the  board  of  war  submitted 
a  report  to  congress,  relative  to  American  prisoners  in  the  power 
of  the  enemy.  Congress  also  appointed  a  committee,  consisting 
of  Dr.  Witherspoon,  Mr.  J.  B.  Smith,  Mr.  Lovel,  and  Mr.  G.  Morris, 
to  prepare  a  manifesto  on  the  injurious  treatment  received  by  the 
American  prisoners.  On  the  thirtieth  of  the  following  October, 
this  eloquent  protestation  was  promulgated  by  the  unanimous  con- 
sent of  congress.  From  the  fervid  strain  of  piety  in  which  it  is 
couched,  and  the  solemnity  of  the  appeals  to  "that  Being  who  is 
equally  the  father  of  All,"  it  would  seem  to  be  the  work  of  one  of 
His  ministers;  and  it  may,  perhaps,  be  safely  assumed  to  be  the 
production  of  Dr.  Witherspoon,  especially  as  it  is  well  known  that 
the  admirable  publications  of  congress,  calling  their  constituents  to 
seasons  of  fasting  and  prayer,  came  from  his  pen.  It  concludes  in 
the  following  manner  :  "  While  the  shadow  of  hope  remained  that 
our  enemies  could  be  taught  by  our  example,  to  respect  those  laws 
which  are  held  sacred  among  civilized  nations,  and  to  comply  with 
the  dictates  of  a  religion  which  they  pretend,  in  common  with  us, 
to  believe  and  revere,  they  have  been  left  to  the  influence  of  that 
religion  and  that  example.  But  since  their  incorrigible  dispositions 
cannot  be  touched  by  kindness  and  compassion,  it  becomes  our  duty, 
by  other  means,  to  vindicate  the  rights  of  humanity — We,  there- 
fore, the  congress  of  the  United  States  of  America,  do  solemnly  de- 
clare and  proclaim,  that  if  our  enemies  presume  to  execute  their 
threats,  or  persist  in  their  present  career  of  barbarity,  we  will  take 
such  exemplary  vengeance  as  shall  deter  others  from  a  like  conduct. 
We  appeal  to  that  God  who  searcheth  the  hearts  of  men,  for  the 
rectitude  of  our  intentions  ;  and  in  his  holy  presence  declare,  that 
as  we  are  not  moved  by  any  light  and  hasty  suggestions  of  anger 
or  revenge,  so,  through  every  possible  change  of  fortune,  we  will 
adhere  to  this  our  determination." 

On  the  twenty-seventh  of  August,  1778,  Dr.  Witherspoon  was 
appointed,  together  with  Robert  Morris,  Elbridge  Gerry,  Richard 
Henry  Lee,  and  Gouverneur  Morris,  to  consider  the  state  of  the 
money  and  finances  of  the  United  States,  and  report  thereon,  from 
time  to  time  ;  and  on  the  twenty-fifth  of  November,  he  submitted  to 
congress,  powers  to  the  delegates  of  New  Jersey  to  ratify  the  arti- 


JOHN  VVITHERSPOON.  305 

cles  of  confederation  and  perpetual  union.  On  the  subsequent  day, 
he  signed  that  feeble  instrument,  which,  however,  was  not  rendered 
complete  until  the  accession  of  the  state  of  Maryland,  on  the  first 
of  March,  1781.  In  the  year  1779,  he  particularly  distinguished 
himself  as  a  member  of  the  committee  appointed  to  devise  means 
for  procuring  supplies  for  the  army,  in  which  duty  he  was  ably  as- 
sisted by  the  financial  knowledge  of  Gouverneur  Morris,  and  the 
economical  principles  of  Roger  Sherman. 

After  the  first,  or  second,  emission,  Dr.  Witherspoon  resolutely 
opposed  (and  even  hazarded  his  popularity  by  the  strenuousness  of 
his  opposition)  all  further  issues  of  the  paper  currency  which  inflicted 
so  deep  a  wound  on  public  credit,  and  occasioned  so  much  private 
distress.  To  liquidate  the  expenses  of  the  war,  immense  sums 
were  emitted  in  bills  of  credit,  and  the  same  method  was  adopted 
by  the  respective  states  to  provide  for  their  internal  wants.  At 
length  ibis  paper  currency,  unsupported  by  solid  funds,  and  resting 
solely  on  public  credit,  was  multiplied  beyond  the  rules  of  sound 
policy,  and  having  exceeded  the  useful  demand  for  it  as  a  medium 
of  commerce,  it  became  proportionally  reduced.  The  arts  of  open 
and  secret  enemies,  the  disgraceful  avidity  of  professed  friends, 
and  the  scarcity  of  foreign  commodities,  were  assigned  by  congress 
as  additional  causes  of  the  depreciation  of  the  currency,  which  in- 
volved consequences  equally  obvious  and  alarming.  On  the  twenty- 
third  of  June,  1775,  the  first  emission  of  two  millions  of  dollars 
took  place  ;  and  on  the  twenty-ninth  of  November,  1779,  the  date 
of  the  final  issue,  the  aggregate  of  the  bills,  then  in  circulation, 
amounted  to  two  hundred  millions  of  dollars :  of  this  sum  63,500, 
300  dollars  were  emitted  in  the  year  1778,  and  140,052,480  dollars, 
in  1779.  This  vast  quantity  of  bills  had  been  unavoidably  issued 
at  a  time  when  no  regular  civil  government  existed,  possessing  suf- 
ficient energy  to  enforce  the  collection  of  taxes,  or  to  provide  funds 
for  their  redemption. 

All  the  talents  and  influence  of  Dr.  Witherspoon  were  opposed 
to  this  destructive  system  of  emissions,  in  every  stage  of  its  pro- 
gress ;  and  he  denounced  it  as  precisely  adapted,  if  any  thing  could 
do  it,  to  defeat  the  revolution.  Instead  of  the  issues  of  unfunded 
paper,  beyond  a  certain  quantum,  he  urged  the  propriety  of  making 
loans,  and  establishing  funds  for  the  payment  of  the  interest;  and 
deeply  has  America  lamented  that  this  policy  had  not  been  pursued. 
He  subsequently,  at  the  instance  of  some  of  the  very  gentlemen  who 
opposed  him  in  congress,  published  his  ideas  on  the  nature,  value, 
30  u  2 


306  JOHN    WITHERSPOON. 

and  uses  of  money,  in  one  of  the  most  clear  and  judicious  essays  that 
had,  perhaps,  ever  been  written  on  the  subject. 

The  argumentative  eloquence  of  Dr.  Witherspoon,  and  his  few  as- 
sociates was  unable  to  check  those  measures  of  congress  in  relation 
to  the  finances,  tending  to  destroy  public  credit,  which,  although, 
unavoidable  in  principle,  he  believed  to  be  susceptible  of  salutary 
modification. 

Dr.  Witherspoon  warmly  maintained  the  absolute  necessity  of 
union,  to  impart  vigour  and  success  to  the  measures  of  government ; 
and  he  strongly  combated  the  opinion  expressed  in  congress,  that 
a  lasting  confederacy  among  the  states,  for  their  future  security  and 
improvement,  was  impracticable.  He  declared  that  such  sentiments 
were  calculated  greatly  to  derange  the  minds  of  the  people,  and 
weaken  their  efforts  in  defence  of  the  country.  "  I  confess,"  said 
he,  "  it  would  to  me  greatly  diminish  the  glory  and  importance  of 
the  struggle,  whether  considered  as  for  the  rights  of  mankind  in 
general,  or  for  the  prosperity  and  happiness  of  this  continent  in 
future  times.  It  would  quite  depreciate  the  object  of  hope,  as  well 
as  place  it  at  a  greater  distance.  For  what  would  it  signify  to  risk 
our  possessions,  and  shed  our  blood,  to  set  ourselves  free  from  the 
encroachments  and  oppression  of  Great  Britain,  with  a  certainty,  as 
soon  as  peace  was  settled  with  them,  of  a  more  lasting  war, — a 
more  unnatural,  more  bloody,  and  much  more  hopeless  war,  among 
the  colonies  themselves?  Some  of  us  consider  ourselves  as  acting 
for  posterity  at  present,  having  little  expectation  of  living  to  see  all 
things  fully  settled,  and  the  good  consequences  of  liberty  taking  ef- 
fect. But  how  much  more  uncertain  the  hope  of  seeing  the  eternal 
contests  of  the  colonies  settled  upon  a  lasting  and  equitable  footing  ?" 
— "If,  at  present,  when  the  danger  is  yet  imminent,  when  it  is  so 
far  from  being  over,  that  it  is  but  coming  to  its  height,  we  shall 
find  it  impossible  to  agree  upon  the  terms  of  this  confederacy,  what 
madness  is  it  to  suppose  that  there  ever  will  be  a  time,  or  that  cir- 
cumstances will  so  change  as  to  make  it  even  probable,  that  it  will 
be  done  at  an  after  season  ?  Will  not  the  very  same  difficulties 
that  are  in  our  way,  be  in  the  way  of  those  who  shall  come  after 
us?  Is  it  possible  that  they  should  be  ignorant  of  them,  or  inatten- 
tive to  them?  Will  they  not  have  the  same  jealousies  of  each  other, 
the  same  attachment  to  local  prejudices,  and  particular  interests? 
So  certain  is  this,  that  I  look  upon  it  as  on  the  repentance  of  a  sin- 
ner ;  every  day's  delay,  though  it  adds  to  the  necessity,  yet  augments 
the  difficulty,  and  takes  from  the  inclination." 


JOHN     VVITHERSPOON.  307 

A  sentiment  expressed  in  this  debate,  that  it  was  to  be  expected 
from  the  nature  of  men,  that  a  time  must  come  when  a  confederacy 
would  be  dissolved  and  broken  to  pieces,  and  which  seemed  to  cre- 
ate an  indifference  as  to  the  success  of  the  measure,  produced  the 
following  burst  of  eloquence:  "I  am  none  of  those  who  either  deny 
or  conceal  the  depravity  of  human  nature,  till  it  is  purified  by  the 
light  of  truth,  and  renewed  by  the  spirit  of  the  living  God.  Yet  I 
apprehend  there  is  no  force  in  that  reasoning  at  all.  Shall  we  es- 
tablish nothing  good  because  we  know  it  cannot  be  eternal?  Shall 
we  live  without  government  because  every  constitution  has  its  old 
age  and  its  period  ?  Because  we  know  that  we  shall  die,  shall  we 
take  no  pains  to  preserve,  or  lengthen  out,  life  ?  Far  from  it  Sir  : — 
it  only  requires  the  more  watchful  attention  to  settle  the  government 
on  the  best  principles,  and  in  the  wisest  manner,  that  it  may  last  as 
long  as  the  nature  of  things  will  admit."  Dr.  Withe rspoon  con- 
cluded his  eloquent  arguments  in  favour  of  a  well-planned  confedera- 
tion, in  the  following  terms:  "  For  all  these  reasons,  Sir,  I  humbly 
apprehend  that  every  argument  from  honour,  interest,  safety,  and 
necessity,  conspire  in  pressing  us  to  a  confederacy;  and  if  it  be 
seriously  attempted,  I  hope,  by  the  blessing  of  God  upon  our  en- 
deavours, it  will  be  happily  accomplished." 

But  although  he  supported  the  necessity  of  a  well-organized 
system  of  union,  he  opposed  and  lamented,  in  the  subsequent  for- 
mation of  the  original  confederation,  the  jealousy  and  ambition  of 
the  individual  states,  which  were  unwilling  to  intrust  the  general 
government  with  adequate  powers  for  the  common  interest.  He 
passed  judgment  of  inefficacy  upon  it,  at  the  moment  of  its  birth; 
but  he  complained  and  remonstrated  in  vain.  The  ratification  of 
this  instrument  was  obtained  with  much  difficulty.  The  various 
amendments  proposed  by  the  states,  in  some  instances  conflicting 
with  each  other,  at  length  successively  yielded  to  the  opinion  that  a 
federal  compact  would  be  of  great  importance  in  the  prosecution 
of  the  war.  On  the  first  of  March,  1781,  this  interesting  compact, 
to  the  great  joy  of  America,  was  rendered  complete.  But  it  was 
not  productive  of  all  the  benefits  which  its  sanguine  advocates  had 
expected,  and  the  predictions  of  Dr.  Witherspoon  were  speedily 
and  fearfully  fulfilled.  On  the  third  day  of  February,  a  short  time 
previous  to  the  completion  of  the  confederacy,  he  made  a  fresh 
attempt  to  enlarge  the  powers  of  congress,  and  establish  a  perma- 
nent fund  for  discharging,  in  part,  the  principal  and  interest  of  the 
national  debt.     He  urged  that  it  was  indispensably  necessary  that 


308  JOHN    WITHERSPOON. 

congress  should  be  vested  with  the  right  of  superintending  the  com- 
mercial regulations  of  every  state,  so  that  none  might  take  place 
inimical  to  the  common  interest:  and  that  they  should  he  vested 
with  the  exclusive  right  of  laying  duties  on  all  imported  articles ; 
no  restriction  to  be  valid,  and  no  such  duty  to  be  laid,  without  the 
consent  of  nine  states.  On  the  question  to  agree  to  this  motion, 
with  certain  restrictions,  it  was  decided  in  the  negative;  and  a  reso- 
lution was  substituted,  and  passed  on  the  same  day,  recommending 
to  the  several  states,  as  indispensably  necessary,  to  vest  a  power  in 
congress  to  levy  a  duty  of  five  per  cent,  ad  valorem  on  certain  im- 
ported articles,  for  the  use  of  the  United  States.  This  recommen- 
dation was  never  complied  with.  Had  the  policy  proposed  by  Dr. 
Withcrspoon  been  pursued,  a  large  share  of  the  difficulties  which 
ensued  would  have  been  evaded.  But  a  disposition  in  the  members 
of  congress,  growing  inevitably  out  of  the  organization  of  the  go- 
vernment, to  consult  the  will  of  the  states  from  which  they  were 
delegated,  and  perhaps  to  prefer  their  accommodation  to  any  other 
object,  however  essential  to  the  whole,  had  discovered  itself  at  an 
early  period,  and  had  gained  strength  with  time.  Hence  the  nation 
was  thrown  at  the  feet  of  the  states,  where  the  vital  principle  of 
power,  the  right  to  levy  taxes,  was  exclusively  placed;  and  it  was 
scarcely  possible  to  advance  a  single  step,  but  under  the  guidance 
of  the  respective  states. 

Dr.  Withcrspoon  had  many  able  coadjutors  to  support  his  parti- 
cular and  incessant  remonstrances  against  the  tardy,  insufficient,  and 
faithless  manner  in  providing  for  the  public  exigencies  and  debts, 
by  requisitions  on  the  states.  He  insisted  on  the  propriety  and  ne- 
cessity of  the  government  of  the  union  holding  in  its  own  hands  the 
entire  regulation  of  commerce,  and  the  revenues  that  might  be  de- 
rived from  that  source  :  these,  he  contended,  would  be  adequate  to 
all  the  wants  of  the  United  States  in  a  season  of  peace.  Overruled, 
however,  at  that  time,  in  these,  and  in  other  objects  of  importance, 
he  had  the  satisfaction  of  living  to  see  America  revert,  in  almost 
every  instance,  to  his  original  ideas ;  ideas  founded  on  a  sound  and 
penetrating  judgment,  and  matured  by  deep  reflection,  and  an  ex- 
tensive observation  of  men  and  things.  To  the  judicious  patriots 
throughout  America,  the  necessity  of  giving  greater  powers  to  the 
federal  head  became  every  day  more  apparent ;  as  well  as  the  im- 
practicability of  continuing  the  war  much  longer,  if  the  resources  of 
the  country  were  entirely  controlled  by  thirteen  independent  sove- 
reignties.    But  the  efforts  of  enlightened  individuals  were  too  weak 


JOHN    WITHERSPOON.  309 

to  correct  that  fatal  disposition  of  power  which  had  been  made  in 
the  first  instance,  and  the  impolicy  of  which  was  now  in  vain  mani- 
fested by  experience.  Dr.  Withcrspoon,  a  leader  of  the  party  op- 
posed to  the  predominant  state  influence,  might  well  have  exclaimed 
in  the  words  of  Washington — "I  see  one  head  gradually  changing 
into  thirteen.  I  see  one  army  branching  into  thirteen  ;  and,  instead 
of  looking  up  to  congress  as  the  supreme  controlling  power  of  the 
United  States,  considering  themselves  as  dependent  on  their  respec- 
tive states.  In  a  word,  I  see  the  power  of  congress  declining  too 
fast  for  the  consequence  and  respect  which  are  due  to  them  as  the 
great  representative  body  of  America,  and  am  fearful  of  the  con- 
sequences." 

On  the  voluntary  retirement  of  Dr.  Witherspoon  from  congress 
at  the  close  of  the  year  1779,  he  determined  to  give  particular  at- 
tention to  the  revival  of  the  institution  over  which  he  presided.  The 
immediate  care  of  recommencing  the  course  of  instruction  was  com- 
mitted to  the  charge  of  his  son-in-law,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Samuel  Smith, 
a  man  of  distinguished  genius  and  learning.  In  the  month  of  De- 
cember, 1779,  he  resigned  his  house  on  the  college  grounds  to  Vibe 
President  Smith,  and  retired  to  his  country  seat,  situated  about  one 
mile  from,  and  in  full  sight  of,  Princeton  :  but  his  name  continued  to 
add  celebrity  to  the  institution,  and  it  rapidly  regained  its  former 
reputation.  Retirement  was  a  happiness  towards  which  he  had 
long  looked  with  pleasing  anticipations.  In  announcing  his  removal 
to  Tusculum,  his  country  house,  he  makes  the  following  remarks  in 
a  letter  to  a  friend :  "  This  I  have  had  in  view  for  some  years,  and 
intend  to  spend  the  remainder  of  my  life,  if  possible,  in  olio  cum 
dignitalc.  You  know  I  was  always  fond  of  being  a  scientific  farmer. 
That  disposition  has  not  lost,  but  gathered  strength,  since  my  being 
in  America.  In  this  respect,  I  received  a  dreadful  stroke  indeed, 
from  the  English,  when  they  were  here ;  they  having  seized  and 
mostly  destroyed  my  whole  stock,  and  committed  such  ravages  that 
we  are  not  yet  fully  recovered  from  it." 

But  he  was  not  long  permitted  to  enjoy  the  peaceful  happiness  of 
his  classical  retreat.  The  voice  of  his  countrymen  again  summoned 
him  to  the  national  council  in  the  year  1781,  and  when  he  finally 
retired,  at  the  close  of  1782,  it  was  to  resume  only  for  a  short  season 
the  tranquil  pleasures  of  Tusculum.  In  the  year  1783,  he  was  in- 
duced, contrary  to  his  own  judgment,  to  cross  the  ocean  to  endeavour 
to  promote  the  benefit  of  the  college.  The  idea  of  obtaining  funds 
in  its  behalf,  in  Great  Britain,  when  the  angry  sensations   excited 


310  JOHN    WITHERSPOON. 

by  a  long  war,  and  the  recent  dismemberment  of  the  empire,  had 
not  yet  subsided,  was  more  than  visionary.  Overruled,  however, 
by  the  persuasion  of  his  friends,  and  influenced  by  his  warm  attach- 
ment to  the  institution,  he  embarked  in  December,  1783 ;  and  in 
the  sixtieth  year  of  his  age  braved  the  dangers  and  privations 
of  the  sea,  to  advance  the  progress  of  learning  in  America.  The 
result  of  his  mission  accorded  with  his  expectations.  Little  more 
than  the  amount  of  his  necessary  expenses  was  obtained  ;  but  not- 
withstanding this  want  of  success,  his  enterprise  and  zeal  are  not 
less  deserving  of  commendation.  He  returned  to  this  country  pre- 
vious to  the  commencement  at  Nassau  Hall,  in  September,  1784, 
having  been  absent  about  nine  months.  Finding  nothing  to  obstruct 
his  entering  into  that  retirement,  which  was  now  become  more  dear 
to  him,  he  withdrew,  in  a  great  measure,  except  on  important 
occasions,  from  the  exercise  of  those  public  functions  that  were 
not  immediately  connected  with  the  duties  of  his  office,  as  pre- 
sident of  the  college,  or  with  his  character,  as  a  minister  of  the 
gospel. 

Notwithstanding  his  high  talents  and  political  character,  many 
believed  that  the  principal  merit  of  Dr.  Witherspoon  appeared  in 
the  pulpit.  He  was,  in  many  respects,  one  of  the  best  models  by 
which  a  young  clergyman  could  form  himself  for  usefulness  and 
celebrity.  It  was  a  singular  benefit  to  the  whole  college,  but  espe- 
cially to  those  who  had  the  profession  of  the  ministry  in  view,  to  have 
such  an  example  constantly  before  them.  Religion,  from  the  man- 
ner in  which  he  treated  it,  always  commanded  the  respect  of  those 
who  heard  him,  even  when  it  was  not  able  to  engage  their  hearts. 
Dr.  Witherspoon  was  a  prominent  member  of  the  councils  and  courts 
of  the  church,  and  took  an  active  part  in  the  ecclesiastical  politics 
of  his  native  country.  In  the  church  judicatories  of  America,  he 
was  always  upright  in  his  views,  firm  in  his  principles,  and  ready 
to  seize,  at  once,  the  right  point  of  view  on  every  question.  Disen- 
tangling, with  facility,  the  most  embarrassed  subjects,  he  was  clear 
and  conclusive  in  his  reasoning,  and,  from  a  peculiar  soundness  of 
judgment,  and  a  habit  of  business,  skilful  in  conducting  every  dis- 
cussion to  the  most  speedy  and  decisive  termination.  In  fine,  the 
church  assuredly  lost  in  him  one  of  its  greatest  lights  ;  and  if  the 
term  may  be  used  in  ecclesiastical  affairs,  one  of  its  greatest  poli- 
ticians. 

As  a  writer,  his  style  is  simple  and  comprehensive  ;  his  remarks 
judicious,  and  often  refined  ;  his  information  accurate  and  extensive; 


JOHN    WITHERSPOON.  311 

his  matter  always  weighty  and  important ;  his  method  condensed, 
yet  lucid,  and  well  arranged.  Simplicity,  perspicuity,  precision, 
comprehension  of  thought,  and  knowledge  of  the  world,  and  of  the 
human  heart,  prevailed  throughout  the  whole  of  his  extensive  writ- 
ings. He  is  said  to  have  remarked,  in  relation  to  them,  that  "if 
they  were  remarkable  for  any  thing,  it  must  be  for  his  attention 
to  general  principles,  and  not  to  ramifying  his  subject."  His  works 
have  not  only  extended  his  reputation  through  Great  Britain  and 
America,  but  he  is  deservedly  held  in  high  repute  among  almost 
all  the  protestant  countries  of  Europe. 

His  sermon  entitled  "  The  Dominion  of  Providence  over  the 
Passions  of  Men,"  preached  at  Princeton  on  the  seventeenth  of 
May,  1776;  his  treatises  on  "Justification  by  free  grace,  through 
Jesus  Christ,"  and  on  "  The  nature  and  necessity  of  Regeneration  ;" 
and  his  remarks  on  "  The  importance  of  truth  in  Religion,"  or  "  The 
connexion  that  subsists  between  sound  principles  and  a  holy  prac- 
tice;"  are  not  surpassed  by  any  theological  writings  in  the  English 
language.  His  farewell  sermon,  delivered  at  Paisley  in  May,  1776, 
and  his  "Lectures  on  Divinity,"  bear  the  same  impress  of  a  gigantic 
mind.  The  "  Essay  on  the  nature,  value,  and  uses  of  money,"  al- 
ready adverted  to,  comprised  the  substance  of  the  speeches  he  had 
delivered  in  congress  on  this  important  and  intricate  question  ;  and 
is,  without  dispute,  the  best  that  ever  appeared  in  this  country,  and 
was  eminently  successful  in  the  development  of  that  intricate  subject. 
"  The  Druid,"  a  series  of  periodical  essays,  published  by  him  in  the 
year  1781,  is  particularly  useful  and  interesting:  the  principal 
themes  of  this  miscellany  are  literature  and  morals,  arts  and  industry  ; 
the  philosophy  of  human  nature  and  of  human  life. 

His  "Lectures  on  Moral  Philosophy,"  notwithstanding  they  as- 
sume the  form  of  regular  discourses,  were  in  fact  considered  by  him 
as  little  more  than  a  syllabus  or  compendium,  on  which  he  might 
enlarge  before  a  class  at  the  time  of  recitation  :  thus,  he  once  com- 
pelled a  printer,  who,  without  his  knowledge,  had  undertaken  to 
publish  them,  to  desist  from  the  design.  Not  a  few,  however,  whose 
eminence  in  literature  and  distinction  in  society,  entitle  their  opinions 
to  great  consideration,  have  maintained  that  these  lectures,  with  all 
their  imperfections,  contain  one  of  the  best  and  most  perspicuous 
exhibitions  of  the  radical  principles  of  the  science  on  which  they 
treat,  that  has  ever  been  made.  The  surprising  resemblance  which 
exists  between  his  "  Lectures  on  Eloquence,"  and  those  of  Dr.  Blair, 
both  pursuing  the  same  track,  is  a  striking  example  of  the  effect  of 


312  JOHN    WITHERSrOON. 

early  instruction  on  the  habits  of  thought  in  later  life.  These  em- 
inent men  were  class-mates  under  the  same  teacher,  but  no  commu- 
nications on  the  subject  had  ever  been  exchanged ;  yet  the  radical 
ideas,  but  not  the  style,  are  remarkably  the  same. 

Dr.  Withei'spoon  was  a  frequent  contributor  to  the  public  papers, 
particularly  on  political-  subjects.  His  "  Thoughts  on  American 
Liberty,"  written  at  the  dawn  of  the  revolution,  depict  in  striking 
colours  the  depth  of  his  political  foresight,  by  the  recommendation 
of  a  scries  of  important  measures,  almost  all  of  which  were  sub- 
sequently adopted,  at  various  periods.  In  the  essay  "  On  conducting 
the  American  controversy,"  his  ideas  are  not  less  lucid  than  saga- 
cious: and  his  remarks  "On  the  Contest  between  Great  Britain  and 
America"  tend  to  establish  the  fact,  that  the  people  of  America,  so 
far  from  being  seditious  and  factious,  entertained  a  strong  attach- 
ment to  the  mother  country,  and  attached  high  feelings  of  pride  to 
their  descent ;  so  much  so,  indeed,  than  when  an  American  spoke 
of  going  to  England,  he  always  called  it  going  home. 

Dr.  Witherspoon  was  not  a  man  of  the  most  various  and  exten- 
sive learning.  His  intellectual  treasures  consisted  of  a  mass  of  in- 
formation well  selected  and  thoroughly  digested ;  and  scarcely  any 
individual  of  the  age  had  a  more  vigorous  mind,  or  sound  under- 
standing. He  was  well  versed  in  the  dead  languages,  being  an 
accurate  Latin  scholar,  and  capable  of  speaking  and  reading  that 
language  with  facility.  He  was  a  good  proficient  in  Greek,  presiding 
over  the  Greek  recitations  in  Longinus,  and  the  higher  classics;  and 
he  taught  Hebrew  to  all  those  in  the  college  who  wished  to  study  it. 
He  also  read  and  spoke  the  French  language  with  accuracy  and 
fluency.  Although  not  a  mathematician  in  detail,  he  had  the  high- 
est idea  of  the  usefulness  and  necessity  of  mathematical  knowledge. 
He  banished  systems  of  logic  altogether  from  the  college,  observing 
that  Euclid's  elements  were  the  best  system  of  logic  ever  written. 
He  was  not  versed  in  the  details  of  Natural  Philosophy  and  the 
Natural  Sciences,  of  which  he  had  learned  only  the  general  princi- 
ples in  the  usual  course  of  university  education.  Although  not  an 
indiscriminate  and  enormous  reader,  he  had  read,  and  thoroughly 
digested,  the  best  authors  in  every  department  of  useful  know- 
ledge. 

The  eloquence  of  Dr.  Witherspoon  was  simple  and  grave,  but, 
at  the  same  time,  as  animated  as  his  constitutional  malady  would 
permit.  It  was  a  kind  of  Demosthenian  eloquence,  which  made 
the  blood  "shiver  along  the  arteries:"  he  could  not  speak  in  a  loud 


JOHN    WITHERSPOON.  313 

tone  of  voice,  but  his  articulation  was  such,  that  it  was  distinctly 
audible  in  the  largest  church.  His  discourses  commanded  univer- 
sal attention,  and  his  manner  was  altogether  irresistible :  he  never 
indulged  in  florid  flights  of  fancy,  but  modelled  his  oratory  accord- 
ing to  the  plain  and  comprehensive  style  of  Swift. 

Possessing  remarkable  frankness  of  character,  Dr.  Witherspoon, 
in  his  moments  of  relaxation  from  the  great  and  serious  affairs  of 
life,  was  an  amusing  and  instructive  companion.  His  rich  fund  of 
anecdote  was  improved  by  an  abundant  share  of  wit;  but  he  was 
far  from  affecting  the  character  of  the  latter,  and  used  it  with  the 
utmost  discretion.  The  following  anecdote  presents  a  specimen  of 
his  good-humoured  wit.  When  Burgoyne's  army  was  captured  at* 
Saratoga,  General  Gates  despatched  one  of  his  aids  to  congress  to 
carry  the  intelligence.*  The  officer,  after  being  delayed  by  the 
amusements  which  offered  themselves  on  his  way,  at  length  arrived 
at  Philadelphia,  but  the  report  of  the  victory  had  reached  there 
several  days  before.  Congress,  according  to  custom,  proceeded  to 
give  the  messenger  some  mark  of  their  esteem.  It  was  proposed 
to  present  him  with  an  elegant  sword ;  but  Dr.  Witherspoon  rose, 
and  begged  leave  to  move,  that  instead  of  a  sword,  they  should  pre- 
sent him  with  a  pair  of  golden  spurs. 

Dr.  Witherspoon  was  an  affectionate  husband,  a  tender  parent,  a 
kind  master,  and  a  cordial  friend.  He  was  twice  married.  He  was 
united  to  his  first  wife,  named  Montgomery,  in  Scotland,  at  an  early 
age:  she  was  an  excellent  woman,  without  much  education,  but 
eminent  for  her  piety  and  benevolence.  His  children,  at  the  period 
of  his  emigration  to  America,  consisted  of  three  sons  and  two 
daughters;  James,  the  eldest  son,  held  the   rank  of  major  in  the 

*  The  bearer  of  the  despatches  was  lieutenant-colonel,  afterwards  Major-General 
Wilkinson.  Besides  the  amusements  on  the  way,  there  were  probably  other  causes 
of  detention  operating  upon  Colonel  Wilkinson.  Several  of  the  officers  inimical  to 
Washington  as  commander-in-chief,  were  at  that  time  quartered  at  Reading,  Penn- 
sylvania, through  which  place  he  passed,  and  was  one  of  the  coterie  at  Lord  Stir- 
liiig's  on  the  twenty-fifth  October,  when  General  Conway's  letter  to  General  Gates, 
in  which  he  said,  "Heaven  has  been  determined  to  save  your  country,  or  a  weak 
general  and  bad  counsellors  would  have  destroyed  it,"  was  read,  and  the  merits 
and  demerits  of  General  Washington  in  the  battle  of  Brandywine  "severely  stric- 
tured."  On  the  third  of  November  he  delivered  his  despatches,  and  the  same  day 
the  new  board  of  war  was  appointed,  consisting  entirely  of  officers  opposed  to 
General  Washington  as  commander-in-chief,  with  General  Gates  for  president,  and 
Colonel  Wilkinson  secretary.  On  the  sixth, Wilkinson  was  brevetted  a  brigadier- 
general.  These  facts  go  further  towards  accounting  for  the  delay  in  the  t 
than  the  amusements  by  the  way-side. 

31  V 


314  JOHNWITHERSPOON. 

revolutionary  army,  and  was  killed  at  the  battle  of  Gerniantown 
John  possessed  good  talents  and  attainments,  and  was  bred  a  phy- 
sician. David  applied  himself  to  the  study  of  the  law,  and  settled 
in  North  Carolina,  where  he  became  a  respectable  practitioner.  In 
the  year  1780,  he  acted  as  private  secretary  to  the  president  of  con- 
gress. Ann.  the  oldest  daughter,  was  married  to  the  Rev.  Dr.  Sa- 
muel S.  Smith,  who  succeeded  Dr.  Witherspoon  as  president  of  the 
college;  and  Frances  entered  into  matrimony  with  Dr.  David  Ram- 
say, the  celebrated  historian.  His  second  marriage  excited  much 
noise  and  attention,  he  being  at  that  time  seventy,  and  his  wife  only 
twenty-three,  years  of  age.  Excepting  Washington,  he  is  said  to 
have  possessed  more  of  what  is  called  presence,  than  almost  any  other 
man:  he  was  six  feet  in  height,  finely  proportioned,  and  remarkably 
dignified  in  his  appearance.  It  was  difficult  to  trifle  in  his  presence; 
a  circumstance  which  proved  highly  useful  in  the  government  of  the 
college,  by  abashing  the  impudent  and  presuming.  He  had  a  pretty 
strong  Scottish  accent,  which,  however,  continued  to  decrease  till 
the  day  of  his  death. 

Bodily  infirmities  began,  at  length,  to  fall  heavily  upon  him.  For 
more  than  two  years  previous  to  his  death,  he  was  afflicted  with  the 
loss  of  sight :  which  contributed  to  hasten  the  progress  of  his  other 
disorders.  He  bore  his  sufferings  with  exemplary  patience,  and 
even  cheerfulness;  nor  would  his  active  mind,  and  his  unabated 
desire  of  usefulness,  permit  him,  even  in  this  situation,  to  desist 
from  his  ministry,  and  his  duties  in  the  college,  so  far  as  his  health 
and  strength  would  admit.  During  his  blindness,  he  was  frequently 
led  into  the  pulpit,  both  at  home  and  abroad ;  and  always  acquitted 
himself  with  his  usual  accuracy,  and  not  unfrequently  with  more 
than  his  usual  solemnity  and  animation. 

On  the  fifteenth  of  November,  1794,  in  the  seventy-third  year  of 
his  age,  he  retired  to  his  eternal  rest,  full  of  honours,  and  full  of 
days,  there  to  receive  the  plaudit  of  his  Lord,  "well  done,  thou 
good  and  faithful  servant,  thou  hast  been  faithful  over  a  few  things, 
be  thou  ruler  over  many  things;  enter  thou  into  the  joy  of  thy 
Lord."  His  remains  were  interred  at  Princeton,  and  a  Latin  epi- 
taph, commr  norating  his  virtues,  and  the  prominent  incidents  of 
his  life,  is  inscribed  upon  his  tomb. 


RES. OF   FRANCES    HOPKINSON 


FRANCIS   HOPKINSON. 


Francis  Hopkinson  was  born  in  Philadelphia,  in  the  year  1737. 
He  was  the  son  of  Thomas  Hopkinson,  an  English  gentleman  of 
respectable  family  and  character,  who  emigrating  from  Great  Bri- 
tain to  her  colonies  in  North  America,  took  up  his  permanent  resi- 
dence in  that  city-  His  career  was  bright,  but  unfortunately  short ; 
for  he  was  cut  off  in  the  prime  of  life,  leaving  the  society  of  which 
he  had  for  a  considerable  time  been  the  delight,  to  lament  one  of 
its  most  precious  ornaments,  and  a  beautiful  and  accomplished  wife 
a  solitary  widow,  embarrassed  with  the  care  of  providing  for,  and 
the  all-important  duty  of  educating  a  large  family,  upon  a  compara- 
tively limited  income.  How  she  acquitted  herself  of  that  awful  re- 
sponsibility, may  be  inferred  from  the  character  afterwards  sustained 
by  her  offspring,  and  from  the  exemplary  moral  and  religious  sense 
which  has  been  observed  essentially  to  pervade  the  writings  and 
intellectual  effusions  of  her  descendants,  and  particularly  of  the 
subject  now  before  us,  who  was  only  fourteen  years  of  age  at  the 
time  of  his  father's  death.  To  the  aid  of  the  boy's  genius,  and  of 
the  talents  derived  from  his  father,  this  exemplary  matron  brought 
every  assistance  that  could  be  derived  from  her  admirable  precepts, 
enforced  by  her  own  excellent  example;  and  relinquishing  for  this 
most  sacred  purpose,  every  enjoyment  and  every  pursuit  which  was 
not  recommended  to  her  judgment  by  its  direct  tendency  to  the 
accomplishment  of  this,  her  most  delightful  duty,  she  never  suffered 
her  attention  to  relax  till,  with  his  manners  softened  by  the  purest 
moral  habits,  and  his  virtues  fenced  in  from  every  attack  by  strict 
religious  instruction,  she  transferred  his  literary  education  to  the 
college  of  Philadelphia,  afterwards  the  "  University  of  Pennsylva- 
nia," in  the  first  class  of  which  he  graduated,  and  from  which  he 
was  removed  to  the  study  of  the  law,  under  an  able  professor  of 
that  science. 

His  attainments  as  a  lawyer  were  great,  and  could  have  only 
been  acquired  by  studious  application  to  the  volumes  of  jurispru- 

317 


318  FRANCIS    HOPKINSON. 

dence;  but  this  did  not  prevent  him  from  warm  devotion  to  those 
lighter  accomplishments,  which  a  natural  taste,  peculiarly  adapted 
to  such  things,  induced  him  to  cultivate;  and  while  he  stored  his 
mind  with  the  more  grave  and  important  knowledge  necessary  for 
advancing  in  his  profession,  he  by  no  means  neglected  those  embel- 
lishments which  were  better  calculated,  not  only  to  gratify  his  own 
fancy,  but  to  captivate  the  general  circle  of  society.  His  talents 
ample,  quick,  and  versatile,  and  his  powers  readily  adapted  to  the 
acquisition  and  digestion  of  any  and  every  art  and  science,  grasped 
with  avidity  whatever  was  presented  to  them,  and  made  them  their 
own;  for  it  appears  from  the  accounts  given  of  him  by  Dr.  Ben- 
jamin Rush,  one  of  the  most  sagacious  and  discriminating  of  his  con- 
temporaries, who  for  the  greater  part  of  his  life  was  personally 
acquainted  with  him,  that  "  he  excelled  in  musifc  and  poetry,  and 
had  some  knowledge  in  painting.  These  arts,  however,"  he  con- 
tinues, "did  not  monopolize  all  the  powers  of  his  mind;  he  was  well 
skilled  in  many  practical  and  useful  sciences,  particularly  mathe- 
matics and  natural  philosophy,  and  he  had  a  general  acquaintance 
with  the  principles  of  anatomy,  chemistry,  and  natural  history.  But 
his  forte  was  humour  and  satire,  in  both  of  which  he  was  not  sur- 
passed by  Lucian,  Swift,  or  Rabelais.  These  extraordinary  powers 
were  consecrated  to  the  advacement  of  the  interests  of  patriotism, 
virtue,  and  science." 

In  the  year  1766,  Mr.  Hopkinson  determined  to  pay  a  visit  to  the 
land  of  his  forefathers,  and  before  his  departure  from  his  native 
city,  received  a  tribute  to  his  excellence  and  worth,  not  often  be- 
stowed, and  singularly  honourable  to  him.  We  have  already  men- 
tioned that  his  education  was  completed  in  the  college  of  Philadel- 
phia; and  it  is  among  the  records  of  a  public  commencement  of 
that  institution,  held  on  the  twentieth  of  May,  1766,  that  the  board 
of  trustees,  comprising  the  governor,  chief  justice,  and  most  dis- 
tinguished men  of  the  province,  passed  the  following  resolution. 
"  After  the  business  of  the  commencement  was  finished,  it  was  re- 
solved, that  as  Francis  Hopkinson,  (who  was  the  first  scholar  entered 
in  this  seminary  at  its  opening,  and  likewise,  one  of  the  first  who 
received  a  degree  in  it,)  was  about  to  embark  for  England,  and  has 
always  done  honour  to  the  place  of  his  education  by  his  abilities 
and  good  morals,  as  well  as  rendered  it  many  substantial  services 
on  all  public  occasions,  the  thanks  of  this  institution  ought  to  be 
delivered  to  him  in  the  most  affectionate  and  respectful  manner; 
and  Mr.  Stedman  and  the  provost  are  desired  to  communicate  the 


FRANCIS    HOPKINSON.  319 

same  to  Mr.  Hopkinson  accordingly,  and  wisli  him  a  safe  and  pros- 
perous voyage." 

He  remained  in  England  upwards  of  two  years,  dividing  his  time 
between  his  relations,  alternately  in  the  vast  metropolis  of  London, 
and  the  delightful  vales  of  Worcestershire,  and  on  his  return  to 
America,  about  the  year  1768,  married  Miss  Ann  Borden,  of  Bor- 
dentown,  in  the  state  of  New  Jersey.  He  was  not,  however,  per- 
mitted long  to  pursue  undisturbed,  either  the  professional  occupa- 
tions of  his  private  life,  or  the  public  duties  of  the  offices  which  had 
been  conferred  on  him;  both  were  invaded  by  the  unjustifiable  en- 
croachments of  the  British  government;  and  both  he  was  obliged 
to  sacrifice  in  the  cause  of  his  country.  In  the  year  1776,  he  was 
chosen  by  the  state  of  New  Jersey  as  one  of  her  representatives  in 
congress ;  in  this  capacity  he  voted  for  and  subscribed  the  ever  me- 
morable Declaration  of  Independence. 

Nor  was  it  in  his  own  state  only,  that  this  esteem  and  confidence 
in  him  existed;  the  state  of  Pennsylvania,  of  which  indeed  he  was 
a  native,  but  where  he  had  in  a  great  degree  ceased  to  reside,  sought 
his  public  services,  even  whilst  he  held  his  appointment  under  New 
Jersey.  Mr.  Ross,  the  judge  of  the  admiralty,  having  retired  from 
office,  the  president  of  Pennsylvania  wrote  to  Mr.  Hopkinson  on  the 
fourteenth  of  July,  1779,  requesting  permission  to  nominate  him  as 
his  successor;  receiving  his  consent,  the  appointment  was  unani- 
mously made  two  days  after,  and  he  held  it  with  high  credit  to  him- 
self and  benefit  to  the  country,  for  ten  years,  until  the  organization 
of  the  federal  government. 

Upon  this  event,  of  course  the  office  which  Mr.  Hopkinson  held, 
expired;  but  General  Washington  had  scarcely  entered  upon  his 
duties  as  president  of  the  United  States,  under  the  new  constitution, 
when  he  addressed  him  a  letter  not  only  honourable  to  him,  but  in 
itself  one  of  the  noblest  testimonies  perhaps  ever  given  to  the  pub- 
lic, of  the  perfect  purity  and  noble  motives  which  governed  every 
official  action  of  that  distinguished  man.  It  has  never  yet  been 
published,  and  is  in  the  following  terms : — 

"  Sir, — I  have  the  pleasure  to  enclose  to  you  a  commission  as 
judge  of  the  United  States  for  the  district  of  Pennsylvania,  to  which 
office  I  have  nominated,  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the 
senate  have  appointed  you.  In  my  nomination  of  persons  to  fill 
offices  in  the  judicial  department,  I  have  been  guided  by  the  impor- 
tance of  the  object.  Considering  it  as  of  the  first  magnitude,  and 
as  the  pillar  upon  which  our  political  fabric  must  rest,  I  have  endea- 
v  2 


320  FRANCIS    HOPKINSON. 

voured  to  bring  into  the  high  offices  of  its  administration  such  cha- 
racters as  will  give  stability  and  dignity  to  our  national  government; 
and  I  persuade  myself  they  will  discover  a  due  desire  to  promote 
the  happiness  of  our  country,  by  a  ready  acceptance  of  their  seve- 
ral appointments.  The  laws  which  have  passed  relative  to  your 
office  accompany  the  commission." 

While  Mr.  Hopkinson  held  his  judicial  offices,  he  avoided,  pro- 
perly, all  minute  interference  in  party  or  occasional  politics,  though 
he  was  always  active  and  useful  when  he  deemed  his  services 
necessary  to  the  public  good.  His  favourite  instrument,  on  such 
occasions,  had  always  been  the  lively  vein  of  satire.  As  early  as 
the  year  1774,  he  had  commenced  this  species  of  hostility  on  the 
common  enemy,  the  British,  by  an  ingenious  production,  which  he 
called  "A  pretty  story."  In  this,  by  a  pleasant  allegory,  he  repre- 
sented some  of  the  many  grievances  the  colonies  laboured  under, 
previous  to  the  revolution,  and  which  shortly  after  occasioned  their 
disunion  from  the  empire.  As  the  piece  was  precisely  adapted  to 
the  feelings  of  the  times,  and  contained  statements  of  incontroverti- 
ble facts,  conveyed  in  a  lively  and  humorous  form,  it  was  sought 
after  with  avidity,  and  read  with  approbation  by  every  class  of  the 
community.  His  letters  to  James  Rivington,  printer  of  the  Royal 
Gazette,  at  New  York;  his  epistle  to  Lord  Howe;  his  two  Letters 
by  a  Tory;  his  translation  of  a  Letter  written  by  a  Foreigner  on 
his  Travels ;  his  Political  Catechism,  and  several  other  pieces,  were 
written  during  this  period,  and  had  a  great  tendency  to  the  comple- 
tion of  this  object.  The  last  of  these  is  called  "  The  New  Roof," 
a  pleasing  little  allegory,  containing,  in  substance,  the  principal 
arguments  used  in  the  convention  of  Pennsylvania,  assembled  in 
1778,  to  consider  the  frame  of  government  for  the  United  States, 
drawn  up  by  the  general  convention  of  the  United  States,  and  by 
them  recommended  to  the  people  at  large.  It  is  upon  this  piece 
Dr.  Rush  observed,  that  it  "  must  last  as  long  as  the  citizens  of  the 
United  States  continue  to  admire,  and  to  be  happy  under  the  present 
national  government." 

He  wrote  several  other  essays,  arising  in  political  dissensions,  but 
which,  being  founded  on  no  important  transaction  of  the  state,  and 
turning  chiefly  upon  personal  ridicule,  have  lost  much  of  their  in- 
terest :  one,  however,  deserves  to  be  particularized,  being  distin- 
guished for  the  severe  pungency  of  its  satire,  and  bears  the  title  of 
"A  Specimen  of  a  modern  Lawsuit:"  this  is  a  piece  of  admirable 
humour;  the  objects  of  his  ridicule  could  not  be  mistaken;  the  man- 


FRANCIS    HOPKINSON.  321 

ners  of  the  judges,  and  the  learned  counsel  engaged  to  argue  the 
important  cause  between  Laurence  Landlord  and  Timothy  Tenant, 
are  sketched  to  nature;  and  the  dramatic  form  in  which  the  case  is 
reported,  conveys  us  immediately  to  a  court  of  justice,  and  makes 
the  humour  irresistible  to  any  person  acquainted  with  legal  pro- 
ceedings. 

Among  the  published  writings  of  Mr.  Hopkinson,  is  the  Essay  on 
White-washing.  This  has  been  frequently  reprinted  in  different 
periodical  journals,  not  only  in  America,  but  in  England,  and  the 
humour  still  remains  as  excellent  as  it  was  at  the  time  of  its  first 
publication.  How  it  came  to  be  inserted  in  Dr.  Franklin's  works, 
we  have  yet  to  learn. 

Of  his  poetry,  the  greatest  praise  which  can  justly  be  bestowed 
upon  it  seems  to  be,  that  the  versification  is  easy,  but  that  the  sub- 
jects upon  which  it  was  employed,  being  generally  occasional,  it 
cannot  afford  much  interest  beyond  the  immediate  circle  acquainted 
with  the  facts.  The  humorous  ballad  called  the  Battle  of  the  Kegs, 
was  very  popular  at  the  time  of  its  publication,  and  still  retains  its 
station  among  poems  of  this  description  ;  Mr.  Hopkinson,  indeed, 
is  better  known  by  this,  than  all  his  other  poems  ;  his  L'AUcgro  and 
II  Penseroso  too  are  imitations  so  graphic  and  agreeable,  that  thev 
might  be  quoted  throughout  with  satisfaction  and  confidence. 

The  various  labours  of  Mr.  Hopkinson,  both  as  a  public  servant, 
and  a  lively  and  useful  man  of  letters,  had  been  rewarded  with  many 
plentiful  harvests  of  well-earned  fame  ;  but  his  death  was  at  last 
premature  to  himself,  his  friends  and  his  country.  Though  subject 
for  some  time  to  frequent  attacks  of  gout  in  his  head,  he  had  latterly 
enjoyed  a  considerable  respite  from  them.  On  Sunday  evening, 
however,  being  the  eighth  of  May,  1791,  he  was  somewhat  indis- 
posed, and  passed  a  restless  night  after  he  went  to  bed.  He  rose 
the  next  morning  as  early  as  usual,  and  breakfasted  with  the  family. 
At  seven  o'clock  he  was  seized  with  an  apoplectic  fit,  which  in  two 
hours  put  a  period  to  his  existence,  in  the  fifty-third  year  of  his  age. 

His  person  was  a  little  below  the  common  size.  His  features 
were  small,  but  extremely  animated.  His  speech  was  quick,  and 
all  his  motions  seemed  to  partake  of  the  unceasing  activity  and  ver- 
satility of  the  powers  of  his  mind.  His  disposition  and  demeanour 
were  marked  by  benignity  and  kindness,  and  the  following  anecdote 
will  be  deemed  rather  apposite  and  affecting  than  trivial,  since  it 
displays  them  in  so  amiable  a  light.  He  was  accustomed  to  cherish 
an  acquaintance  with  a  little  mouse,  which  would  come  from  its 


322  FRANCIS   HOPKINSON 

hiding  place  and  sit  by  him  at  his  meals,  in  order  to  receive  the 
crumbs  with  which  its  boldness  was  plentifully  rewarded.  His 
pigeons  also  became  so  much  attached  to  him,  from  his  constant  at- 
tention to  them,  that,  when  he  walked  in  the  yard,  they  would  alight 
on  his  person,  and  contend  for  a  place,  crowding  upon  his  head, 
shoulders,  arms,  and  indeed  wherever  they  could  rest. 

He  was  always  distinguished  as  a  man  of  great  taste,  fond  of 
science,  when  he  had  leisure  to  devote  himself  to  it,  and  acute  and 
clear  in  his  professional  exertions.  His  skill  in  music  was  consider- 
able, and  the  airs  which  he  composed  for  his  own  songs  rendered 
them  doubly  popular.  At  a  time  when  the  rudeness  and  poverty  of 
the  country  permitted  few  to  devote  themselves  to  the  cultivation  of 
the  arts,  Mr.  Hopkinson  gave  to  them  all  the  attention  which  it  was 
possible  to  bestow. 

Mr.  Hopkinson  possessed  uncommon  talents  for  pleasing  in  com- 
pany. His  wit  was  not  of  that  coarse  kind  which  was  calculated  to 
"  set  the  table  in  a  roar."  It  was  mild  and  elegant,  and  infused 
cheerfulness,  and  a  species  of  delicate  joy,  rather  than  mirth,  into 
the  hearts  of  all  who  heard  it.  His  empire  over  the  attention  and 
passions  of  his  company  was  not  purchased  at  the  expense  of  inno- 
cence. They  who  have  passed  man}'  delightful  hours  in  his  society, 
declare  that  he  was  never  once  heard  to  use  a  profane  expression, 
nor  utter  a  word  that  would  have  made  a  lady  blush,  or  have  clouded 
her  countenance  for  a  moment  with  a  look  of  disapprobation.  It  is 
this  species  of  wit  alone  that  indicates  a  rich  and  powerful  imagina- 
tion, while  that  which  is  tinctured  with  profanity,  or  indelicacy,  ar- 
gues poverty  of  genius,  inasmuch  as  they  have  both  been  con- 
sidered, very  properly,  as  the  cheapest  products  of  the  mind. 

Mr.  Hopkinson  left  behind  him  at  his  death,  a  widow,  and  five 
children,  two  sons  and  three  daughters.  Of  these  the  eldest,  the 
late  Judge  Hopkinson,  is  well  known  as  the  distinguished  successor 
of  his  father's  talents  and  honours,  uniting  the  same  quickness  and 
brilliancy  of  genius,  the  same  taste  and  fondness  for  the  arts,  with 
superior  success  as  an  advocate  at  the  bar,  an  orator  in  the  public 
councils  of  the  nation,  and  a  judge  upon  the  bench  which  had  been 
dignified  by  the  virtues  of  his  father. 


JOHN   HART. 


If  those  who  administered  the  British  government  in  the  early 
part  of  the  reign  of  George  the  Third  had  been  well  informed  of  the 
real  character  of  that  party  in  the  colonies,  which  opposed  their 
pretensions  to  the  exercise  of  unlimited  power,  they  would  have  seen 
the  impracticability  of  their  scheme,  if  they  had  not  been  convinced 
of  its  injustice. 

They  were  not  aware  that  prudent  and  unambitious  men — esta- 
blished land-holders,  deeply  interested  in  the  preservation  of  tran- 
quillity— had  rallied  round  that  standard  of  resistance  which  they 
supposed  to  be  supported  only  by  needy  adventurers,  or  noisy  dema- 
gogues, to  whom  any  change  might  bring  an  improvement  of  con- 
dition. 

One  of  the  patriots  that  voluntarily  incurred  the  greatest  degree 
of  suffering,  without  the  possibility  of  any  individual  gain,  was  John 
Hart,  a  member  of  that  congress  which  issued  the  memorable  De- 
claration of  Independence. 

He  was  the  son  of  Edward  Hart,  of  Hopewell  township  and  Hun- 
terdon county  in  New  Jersey,  from  whom  he  inherited  a  consider- 
able patrimonial  estate,  and  a  spirit  that  would  have  been  worthy  of 
the  best  days  of  ancient  Rome. 

During  the  war  with  France,  Edward  Hart  was  one  of  those  brave 
and  loyal  colonists  who  generously  lent  their  aid  to  the  military  ope- 
rations of  England  : — aid  that  was  gladly  received  and  emphatically 
acknowledged,  but  never  recompensed,  by  the  royal  government. 
He  exerted  himself  in  the  cause  of  the  mother  country,  so  far  as  to 
raise  a  corps  of  volunteers,  called  the  Jersey  Blues ;  a  name  that 
they  first  bore,  but  which  has  become  a  favourite  military  designa- 
tion since  that  period.  With  this  corps  he  marched  into  Canada, 
and  arrived  before  Quebec  in  time  to  participate  in  the  victory 
which  closed  the  mortal  career  of  General  Wolfe. 

John  Hart,  the  son,  did  not  join  in  these  military  expeditions,  but 
was  quietly  cultivating  a  farm  of  four  hundred  acres,  which  he  had 
32  323 


324  JOHN    HART. 

purchased.  He  had  married  a  lady  of  respectable  connexions  and 
great  amiability  of  character,  named  Deborah  Scudder,  and  was 
surrounded  by  a  numerous  family  of  sons  and  daughters.  In  the 
enjoyment,  therefore,  of  domestic  happiness,  and  engrossed  by  the 
cares  of  his  farm,  he  felt  no  aspiration  for  martial  fame,  and  was 
not  particularly  excited  by  the  quarrel  between  France  and  Eng- 
land, in  which  the  colonies  took,  generally,  an  active  part. 

He  served,  however,  in  the  colonial  assembly,  and  for  twenty 
years  assisted  in  the  local  legislation  which  was  exercised  for  the 
improvement  of  the  country,  in  the  laying  out  of  new  roads,  the 
erection  of  bridges,  the  founding  of  seminaries  of  education,  and  the 
provisions  for  administering  justice.  When  the  series  of  agressions 
upon  the  rights  of  the  colonies  was  commenced  by  the  passage  of 
the  stamp  act  in  the  year  1765,  he  assisted  in  the  selection  of  dele- 
gates appointed  to  represent  New  Jersey  in  the  congress  held  at 
New  York,  in  the  month  of  October  of  that  year;  and  he  was  one 
of  those  who  at  once  perceived  the  true  nature  of  the  dispute  be- 
tween the  ministry  of  King  George  on  the  one  side,  and  the  people 
of  the  colonies  on  the  other;  he  saw  clearly  that  the  question  at 
issue  between  them  involved  nothing  less  than  absolute  slavery  to 
the  colonies,  if  they  should  submit  to  the  novel  pretensions  of  the 
British  government. 

The  even  tenor  of  his  life  was  interrupted  by  few  incidents  that 
would  not  appear  trivial  in  narration.  His  farm  grew  yearly  better 
in  value  and  improvement,  his  slock  increased,  and  his  family  was 
augmented  by  a  biennial  addition  of  a  son  or  daughter,  until  he  was 
surrounded  by  thirteen  children.  In  their  education,  together  with 
the  care  of  his  farm,  the  exercise  of  friendly  acts  of  assistance  to  his 
neighbours,  and  in  serving  brief  tours  of  duty  as  a  member  of  the 
colonial  legislature,  he  found  occupation  of  that  enviable  kind  which, 
at  once  useful  and  tranquil,  brings  old  age  with  no  wrinkles  but 
those  which  time  has  traced,  and  preserves  for  advanced  years  the 
cheerfulness  of  youth. 

A  course  of  life  so  peaceful  and  happy  is  not  often  destined  to  re- 
main free  from  interruption.  While  everything  was  proceeding  in 
its  regular  course  in  the  domestic  circle  of  '-honest  John  Hart,'" 
great  events  were  occurring  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic,  which 
were  to  reach,  with  a  malignant  influence,  even  to  the  calm  retire- 
ment of  the  New  Jersey  farmer. 

In  1767,  Charles  Townshend  being  elevated,  unfortunately  for 
the   British  empire,  to  the   place  of  chancellor  of  the   exchequer 


JOHNHART.  325 

brought  forward  his  plan  of  revenue,  including  duties  on  glass,  pa- 
per, pasteboard,  painter's  colours,  and  tea,  imported  into  the  colonies. 

The  generous  confidence  in  which  the  colonists  had  reposed  since 
the  repeal  of  the  stamp  act,  was  now  dispelled  ;  they  had  trusted 
that  the  hateful  project  of  imposing  a  badge  of  slavery  upon  them 
would  not  be  revived,  but  the  adoption  by  parliament  of  this  new 
imposition,  excited  the  most  serious  alarm  and  the  gloomiest  appre- 
hensions. 

John  Hart,  in  the  midst  of  his  quiet  comforts,  appreciated  the  ex- 
tent of  the  evil  that  impended.  Valuing  all  the  blessings  which 
were  his  own,  he  felt  that  they  might  all  be  rendered  valueless  if  he 
were  to  possess  them  but  as  the  slave  of  a  despotic  master.  The 
amount  of  tax  that  he  would  pay  was  not  worth  a  thought ;  he  had 
little  occasion  for  English  paper,  pasteboard,  glass,  or  paint  ;  and 
tea  was  a  luxury  that  hardly  found  its  way  to  the  tables  of  such  plain 
country  families  as  his. 

But  the  sense  of  personal  security  and  unalienable  rights,  the 
sturdy  pride  of  freedom,  which  every  Englishman  of  that  day,  and 
every  inhabitant  of  the  British  colonics  was  accustomed  to  cherish 
as  his  birthright — these  were  indispensable  to  him.  Without  these, 
all  the  advantages  he  possessed  were  of  no  avail — his  riches  might 
increase,  his  friends  might  multiply,  his  honours  might  thicken  upon 
him,  his  children  might  be  all  that  his  parental  wishes  could  sug- 
gest— still  if  he  might  be  taxed,  to  the  value  of  a  straw,  by  a  parlia- 
ment in  which  he  had  no  share  of  actual  or  virtual  representation, 
he  could  be  no  more  than  a  slave.  It  was  a  noble  sentiment  which 
actuated  such  men  to  join  in  the  plans  of  resistance — a  sentiment 
alloyed  by  no  hope  of  personal  aggrandizement,  excited  by  no  rest- 
lessness of  temper,  fomented  by  no  artful  demagogues — but  pure 
and  disinterested,  founded  on  a  sincere  belief  of  rights  invaded,  and 
leading  to  the  most  unbounded  sacrifices. 

The  congress  of  1774  was  called,  and  assembled.  Of  this  body 
the  members  were  variously  constituted.  Hart  was  elected  in  July, 
by  a  conference  of  committees  from  different  parts  of  the  colony, 
and  was  a  fit  representative  of  the  moderation,  disinterestedness 
and  firmness  that  then  characterized  the  people  who  elected  him. 

Of  that  august  and  venerable  body  nothing  can  be  said  in  com- 
mendation, that  would  be  beyond  the  truth.  To  that  body  will 
future  statesmen  look,  and  learn  what  it  is  to  be  a  patriot.  There 
was  no  selfish  intrigue  for  power,  no  aim  at  personal  distinction,  no 
factious  striving  for  individual   honours.     Of  the  members  of  that 


326  JOHN    HART 

congress  it  may  emphatically  be  asserted,  as  was  said  of  the  Romans 
in  their  most  virtuous  age,  "  with  them  the  republic  was  all  in  all; 
for  that  alone  they  consulted ;  the  only  faction  they  formed  was 
against  the  common  enemy;  their  minds,  their  bodies  were  exerted 
sincerely  and  greatly  and  nobly,  not  for  personal  power,  but  for  the 
liberties,  the  rights,  and  the  honour  of  their  country." 

He  returned,  after  the  adjournment  of  congress,  to  the  unvaried 
occupations  of  his  farm;  and  waited,  with  anxious  hope,  the  effect 
of  the  appeal  that  had  been  made  to  the  generosity  of  the  king  and 
British  people. 

In  January,  1775,  the  general  assembly  of  New  Jersey  re-ap- 
pointed him  a  representative  in  the  congress  which  was  to  meet  in 
the  ensuing  spring.  He  took  his  seat  in  this  illustrious  council  on 
the  tenth  of  May;  and  attended  assiduously  until  the  adjournment 
in  the  following  August. 

At  this  time,  however,  the  royal  authority  ceased  in  New  Jersey, 
and  the  general  assembly  was  superseded  by  a  convention  of  depu- 
ties from  the  several  counties,  attended  of  course  only  by  confirmed 
and  decided  whigs.  This  convention,  on  the  fourteenth  of  February, 
1776,  elected  Mr.  Hart  one  of  their  delegates  to  congress,  and  he 
did  not  refuse  the  appointment. 

His  colleagues  were  William  Livingston,  Richard  Smith,  John 
Cooper  and  Jonathan  Dickinson  Sergeant;  and  they  were  vested 
with  full  powers  to  consent  and  agree  to  all  measures  which  con- 
gress might  deem  necessary ;  and  the  province  of  New  Jersey  was 
pledged  by  the  resolution  appointing  these  delegates,  to  execute  to 
the  utmost  all  resolutions  which  congress  might  adopt. 

On  the  twemy-first  of  June,  a  new  appointment  was  made,  in 
which  John  Hart  was  retained  as  being  of  accord  with  the  people 
in  their  determination  to  risk  all,  and  suffer  all,  that  might  be  ne- 
cessarily risked  or  suffered  in  the  effort  to  gain  independence;  but 
some  of  his  colleagues  were  not  continued,  because  their  zeal  or 
their  firmness  could  not  so  safely  be  trusted. 

This  new  appointment,  made  after  the  proposition  to  declare  in- 
dependence had  been  brought  forward  in  congress,  and  with  a  know- 
ledge of  Mr.  Hart's  opinions  on  the  question,  was  accompanied  with 
instructions  "to  join  with  the  delegates  of  the  other  colonies  in  con- 
tinental congress,  in  the  most  vigorous  measures  for  supporting  the 
just  rights  and  liberties  of  America,  and  if  you  shall  judge  it  neces- 
sary or  expedient  for  this  purpose,  to  join  with  them  in  declaring 
the  United  Colonies  independent  of  Great  Britain." 


JOHN    HART.  327 

Although  the  life  of  John  Hart  was  now  drawing  towards  its 
close,  and  he  was  already  full  of  years,  the  act  most  important  to 
his  future  fame  was  yet  to  be  performed. 

The  Declaration  was  at  first  published  with  only  the  names  of 
Mr,  Hancock,  as  president,  and  Charles  Thomson,  as  secretary. 
Such  was  the  caution  still  prevalent  respecting  this  most  important 
measure,  the  consequences  of  which  would  have  been  most  disastrous 
to  all  concerned  in  it,  if  the  contest  had  eventuated  in  the  success 
of  the  British  arms. 

It  is  remarkable  in  the  history  of  the  revolutionary  war,  and  is 
highly  honourable  to  the  patriots  of  that  period,  that  their  courage 
and  spirit  always  appeared  to  be  most  lofty  when  the  pressure  of 
external  circumstances  seemed  most  disheartening.  When  the  De- 
claration of  Independence  was  first  promulgated,  the  British  army 
had  just  landed  on  Staten  Island;  and  no  one  could  tell  which  of 
the  members  of  the  congress  had  voted  for  a  manifesto  so  offensive 
to  the  royal  government.  The  president  and  secretary  alone  could 
be  identified  as  individually  responsible.  Soon  afterwards  the  battle 
on  Long  Island  was  fought;  the  American  army  was  defeated  with 
considerable  loss;  and  it  was  known  that  the  royal  army  was 
numerous,  well  disciplined  and  brave:  under  these  circumstances  a 
new  publication  of  the  Declaration  was  made,  with  the  names  of  all 
the  members,  both  those  who  were  actually  present,  and  those  who 
subsequently  came  into  congress. 

Far  from  shrinking  at  this  alarming  crisis  from  the  share  of  re- 
sponsibility and  contingent  punishment  attaching  to  each  individual, 
by  a  concealment  of  the  part  that  each  had  taken,  every  one  seemed 
desirous  to  affix  his  name  to  an  instrument  which  would  have 
brought  down  on  all  the  signers  the  direst  vengeance  of  the  British 
government,  if  the  contest,  apparently  so  unequal,  had  ended  in  the 
overthrow  of  the  colonists. 

It  is  impossible  to  contemplate  without  admiration  the  moral 
courage,  the  generous  disinterestedness,  and  the  conscientious  reso- 
lution that  could  impel  such  a  man  as  John  Hart  to  sign  his  name 
to  a  paper  which  he  could  not  but  know  would  be  a  signal  for  the 
devastation  of  his  farm,  the  dispersion  of  his  family,  and  the  total 
impoverishment  of  himself  and  his  children.  Not  impelled  by  per 
sonal  ambition,  nor  sustained  by  the  ardour  of  youth — already 
trembling  with  the  feebleness  of  age,  and  having  neither  hope  of  a 
protracted  life  to  enjoy  in  his  own  person  the  restoration  of  peace 
and  the  establishment  of  political  rights — nor  suited  by  tempera- 
W 


328  JOHN    HART. 

ment,  habit  or  education,  for  the  attainment  of  political  distinction; 
what  could  have  supplied  him  with  the  motive  for  such  heroic  self- 
devotion?  His  motive  is  to  be  sought  only  in  a  sober  conviction 
of  rights  invaded,  in  the  dictates  of  a  pure  and  enlightened  patriot- 
ism, and  a  pious  reliance  on  the  protection  of  Heaven  upon  those  • 
who  conscientiously  performed  their  duty. 

Accustomed  during  all  his  life  to  guide  his  conduct  by  the  rules 
of  right,  and  not  by  considerations  of  expediency,  the  same  prin- 
ciple of  rectitude,  which  had  made  him  the  chosen  arbiter  of  all  dis- 
putes among  his  neighbours,  and  acquired  for  him  the  title  of 
'•honest" — a  distinction  which  immortalized  Aristides — this  honesty 
impelled  him  to  execute  all  his  duties  faithfully,  in  whatever  situa- 
tion he  might  be  placed,  and  guided  him  in  the  most  elevated  public 
act  which  was  to  be  known  and  judged  by  the  whole  world,  as  well 
as  in  the  most  trivial  concerns  of  his  domestic  circle. 

New  Jersey  soon  became  the  theatre  of  war.  The  British  army 
proceeded  as  far  as  the  banks  of  the  Delaware,  and  their  progress 
and  vicinity  was  marked  by  the  most  unrestrained  and  wanton  de- 
struction of  property.  The  details  of  their  ravages,  as  they  were 
communicated  to  congress,  were  most  shocking  and  odious.  The 
children  of  Mr.  Hart  escaped  from  insult  by  retiring  from  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  the  troops;  leaving  the  farm  and  stock  to  be  pillaged 
and  destroyed  by  the  Hessians. 

The  waste  committed  there  by  the  marauding  parties  of  the 
enemy  was  unsparing,  and  they  sought  with  great  eagerness  to 
make  Mr.  Hart  himself  a  prisoner. 

Being  unwilling  to  leave  his  family  at  this  particular  juncture,  he 
exposed  himself  frequently  to  the  necessity  of  a  precipitate  flight, 
and  a  most  inconvenient  concealment.  It  had  been  impossible,  so 
late  in  the  season,  to  remove  Mrs.  Hart,  who  was  afflicted  with  a 
disorder  which  terminated  in  her  death,  at  this  gloomy  and  disas- 
trous period.  Mr.  Hart  was  driven  from  the  bedside  of  his  dying 
partner,  and  hunted  through  the  woods  and  among  the  hills,  with  a 
perseverance,  on  the  part  of  his  pursuers,  that  was  worthy  of  a 
better  cause. 

It  was  not  until  the  latter  part  of  December,  that  the  enterprise 
of  Washington,  in  striking  suddenly  at  the  Hessians  posted  at  Tren 
ton,  cleared  Jersey  of  these  unwelcome  visitors.  Until  that  time, 
Mr.  Hart  was  a  fugitive  among  the  scenes  of  his  youthful  sports  and 
his  manly  usefulness.  While  the  most  tempting  offers  of  pardon 
were  held  forth  to  all  rebels  that  would  give  in  their  adhesion  to  the 


JOHN    HART.  329 

royal  cause,  and  while  Washington's  army  was  dwindling  down  to 
a  mere  handful,  this  old  man  was  carrying  his  gray  hairs  and  his 
infirmities  about  from  cottage  to  cottage,  and  from  cave  to  cave, 
while  his  farm  was  pillaged,  his  property  plundered,  his  family 
afflicted  and  dispersed — he  was,  through  sorrow,  humiliation,  and 
suffering,  wearing  out  his  bodily  strength,  and  hastening  the  ap- 
proach of  decrepitude  and  death.  Yet  he  never  despaired,  never 
repented  the  course  he  had  taken;  but  was  always  hoping  for  the 
best,  and  upheld  by  an  approving  conscience,  and  by  a  firm  trust 
that  the  favour  of  Heaven  would  not  be  withheld  from  a  righteous 
cause. 

The  particulars  of  his  wanderings,  as  he  afterwards  unostenta- 
tiously related  them,  would  require  too  minute  a  detail  for  the  scope 
of  the  present  work.  The  extremities  to  which  he  was  reduced, 
may  be  judged  from  two  facts:  one  is,  that  for  a  long  period  he 
never  ventured  to  sleep  twice  at  the  same  house;  and  the  other, 
which  he  very  good  humouredly  told  of  himself,  was,  that  being 
sorely  pressed  for  a  safe  night's  lodging,  and  being  unknown  where 
he  applied  for  one,  he  was  obliged  to  share  the  accommodations  of 
a  large  dog;  a  bed-fellow,  as  he  declared,  not  in  those  evil  times 
the  most  exceptionable. 

The  successes  of  the  American  army  at  Trenton  and  Princeton, 
and  the  consequent  evacuation  of  the  greater  part  of  Jersey  by  the 
British,  relieved  him  from  his  most  uncomfortable  concealment,  and 
enabled  him  to  collect  his  family  again,  and  set  about  repairing  the 
damages  done  to  his  plantation.  They  were  more  easily  repaired, 
indeed,  serious  as  they  were,  than  the  injuries  which  hardship  and 
anxiety  had  committed  on  his  health  and  constitution.  In  restoring 
his  devastated  farm  to  order,  and  in  giving  advice  to  his  friends  and 
neighbours,  who  now  in  great  numbers  sought  his  counsel,  he  found 
ample  occupation,  and  did  not  resume  his  seat  in  congress. 

He  lived  to  see  much  brighter  prospects  open ;  the  surrender  of 
Burgoyne,  and  the  French  alliance,  left  little  doubt  that  with  more 
or  less  of  disaster  and  difficulty,  but  surely  even  if  slowly,  indepen- 
dence and  peace  would  be  obtained. 

Happy  in  the  strengthening  of  this  hope  into  a  confident  antici- 
pation, and  in  the  consciousness  of  having  well  performed  his  duty 
during  the  whole  of  his  life,  he  sunk  into  the  arms  of  death,  in  the 
year  1780;  leaving  a  character  as  free  from  any  stain  of  sordid,  or 
selfish  motive,  as  it  has  ever  fallen  to  the  lot  of  man  to  sustain. 

His  only  public  employment,  except  those  which  have  been  men- 


330  JOHN    HART. 

tioned,  was  that  of  justice  of  the  peace;  in  the  exercise  of  which  lie 
was  an  example  of  patient  investigation  and  equitable  judgment; 
qualities  which  brought  to  the  jurisdiction  of  his  humble  judgment- 
seat  many  of  his  neighbours,  among  whom  the  belief  of  his  untar- 
nished probity  and  cool  sagacity  was  unbounded. 

He  was  in  personal  appearance  highly  prepossessing;  and  in  his 
younger  days  had  been  called  handsome.  His  height  was  about 
five  feet  ten  inches,  his  form  straight  and  well-proportioned,  his  hair 
very  black,  his  eyes  light,  and  his  complexion  dark.  He  was  a  man 
of  great  kindness  and  justice  in  his  domestic  relations;  of  which 
traits  many  characteristic  anecdotes  are  recollected  by  his  surviving 
friends. 

Mr.  Hart  was  a  munificent  benefactor  of  the  Baptist  church,  of 
Hopewell  township,  to  which  he  presented  the  ground  for  the  meet- 
ing house  and  a  burial  ground  adjoining.  He  attended  with  his 
family,  regularly,  on  the  public  worship  at  this  church  until  his 
last  illness,  and  was  always  known  as  a  sincere,  but  unostentatious 
Christian. 


PROCEEDINGS 

DEDICATION  OF  THE  JOHN  HART  MONUMENT, 

AT  HOPEWELL,  N.  J.,  JULY  4,  1865. 


The  Eighty-ninth  Anniversary  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
has  been  made  forever  memorable  for  the  people  of  this  vicinity  by 
the  dedication  of  a  monument*  to  the  memory  of  John"  Hart,  a  dis- 
tinguished citizen  of  Hopewell,  and  one  of  the  immortal  men  who 
affixed  their  signatures  to  the  Declaration  of  American  Independence. 
John  Hart  died  eighty-five  years  ago,  in  1780,  and  was  buried  in  a 

*  The  monument,  which  was  erected  several  days  before  the  dedication  or  inaugu- 
ration, is  a  plain  shaft  of  Quincy  granite,  not  lofty,  hut  appropriate  and  tasteful  in 
design  and  execution,  and  contains  the  following  inscriptions: — 

FRONT. 

JOHN  HART, 

A  Signer  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 

from  New  Jersey, 

July  4th,  1776.— Died  1780. 

BIGHT  SIDE. 
Erected  by  the  State  of  New  Jersey, 
by  Act  approved  April  5,  1865. 
Joel  Parker,  Governor. 
Edward  W.  Scudder,  President  of  Senate. 
Joseph  T.  Crowell,  Speaker  of  House. 
Jacob  Weart, 
Charles  A.  Skillman, 
Zephaniah  Stout, 

Commissioners. 

LEFT   SIDE. 

First  Speaker  of  Assembly, 

August  27th,  1776. 

Member  of  the  Committee  of  Safety, 

1775-1776. 

BE  AH. 
Honor  the  Patriot's  Grave. 


332*  JOHN   HART   MONUMENT. 

family  burial-ground,  where  his  grave  was  marked  only  by  a  rude 
stone,  without  inscription.  The  grave  was,  however,  easily  identified 
through  the  care  of  one  who  attended  the  burial.  In  that  lonely  and 
almost  forgotten  grave  the  remains  of  John  Hart  continued  to  repose 
until  very  recently,  when  they  were  removed  to  the  burying-ground 
of  the  Hopewell  Church,  where  the  monument  is  erected. 

A  year  or  more  ago,  Jacob  Weart,  Esq.,  a  native  of  Hopewell, 
but  now  a  resident  of  Jersey  City,  determined  that  a  fitting  monument 
to  the  memory  of  the  neglected  patriot  and  son  of  New  Jersey  should 
be  erected,  and  to  his  persistent  efforts  it  is  due  that  the  appropriation 
was  obtained  from  the  Legislature,  and  that  the  work  is  accomplished. 

Around  the  monument  are  the  graves  of  those  who  were  his  com- 
panions and  associates,  some  of  the  tombs  dating  back  as  far  as  the 
year  1771,  and  some  bearing  no  date,  being  simply  a  block  or  slab  of 
brown  stone :  over  all,  trees  of  half  a  century's  growth  cast  their 
shadows,  as  if  to  shield  them  from  the  storms. 

At  eleven  o'clock,  the  procession  having  previously  arrived  on  the 
ground,  the  exercises  of  the  day  commenced. 

Jacob  Weart,  Esq.,  Chairman  of  the  Commission,  delivered  the 
following 

OPENING  ADDRESS. 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen:  The  hour  has  arrived  for  the  commencement  of 
the  exercises  of  this  deeply  interesting  occasion.  Eighty-five  years  ago,  near 
this  spot,  the  spirit  of  a  revolutionary  patriot  took  its  flight  and  went  to  dwell 
with  those  of  all  past  generations.  Around  his  bier  were  gathered  those  who 
like  himself  were  having  their  souls  tried  with  the  struggles  and  defeats  of  the 
Revolution  :  the  land  was  still  resounding  with  the  clash  of  arms  and  the  shock 
of  battle;  at  every  rising  of  the  sun  the  reveille  pealed  forth,  and  sturdy  sol- 
diers marked  the  passing  events  upon  the  dial  of  time.  It  was  amid  such 
scenes  as  these  that  the  men  of  Hopewell  bore  the  corpse  of  honest  John 
Hart  to  its  resting-place,  at  the  then  burial-ground  of  all  the  neighborhood, 
upon  the  farm  of  John  P.  Hunt,  and  there  deposited  it  by  the  side  of  those 
members  of  his  family,  those  dear  little  ones  who  had  preceded  him  to  their 
long  home.  As  the  earth  was  closed  in  upon  his  remains,  the  bearers,  as  was 
the  custom  in  those  days,  placed  at  the  head  of  his  grave  a  rude  stone  such 
as  nature  had  furnished  for  the  occasion :  when  all  these  sad  rites  were  per- 
formed, the  friends  departed. 

But  beside  that  grave,  on  that  day,  there  stood  one  who  was  more  than  a 
silent  spectator — he  was  a  soldier  of  the  Revolution — one  who  had  buckled  on 
his  armor  and  gone  forth  to  defend  those  imperishable  principles  to  which 
Hart  had  attached  his  name.     After  the  funeral  was  over,  this  man  said  that 


JOHN   HART  MONUMENT.  333s 

the  men  of  future  times  would  want  to  know  the  spot  where  the  remains  of 
Hart  rested ;  so  he  went  to  the  grave  and  cut  a  mark  in  the  stone,  in  order 
that  it  might  be  identified.  This  man  was  Deacon  James  Hunt,  a  brother  of 
John  P.  Hunt;  and  one,  also,  of  the  remarkable  men  of  the  times  in  which 
he  lived.  He  was  a  man  who,  like  Abraham  of  old,  put  his  trust  in  God. 
And  as  Abraham,  when  he  was  leaning  over  the  body  of  his  son,  with  his 
knife  just  raised  to  shed  his  blood,  and  the  Angel  of  the  Lord  called  out  of 
Heaven  unto  him,  Abraham  looked  up  with  a  calm  and  serene  countenance 
and  said,  "Lord,  here  am  I;"  so  when  God  sent  a  cloud,  mainly  of  wind, 
thunder  and  lightning,  to  burn  down  the  barn  and  outbuildings  of  Deacon 
Hunt,  and  while  they  were  in  flames,  he  seized  his  Bible  and  went  out  under  a 
tree  and  commenced  reading  and  praising  God,  while  his  earthly  property  was 
being  destroyed.  What  a  sublime  spectacle!  And  as  Abraham  was  blessed, 
so  was  Deacon  James  Hunt  blessed  for  his  faith;  his  days  were  lengthened 
out  twenty-two  years  beyond  those  ordinarily  allotted  to  man,  and  at  ninety- 
two  years  he  went  down  to  his  grave,  a  ripe  Christian,  beloved  by  all  men  who 
knew  him,  carrying  with  him  the  respect  and  affections  of  the  people  among 
whom  he  lived,  and  leaving  behind  a  bright  Christian  character  which  will 
endure  through  all  time. 

This  farm  still  remains  in  the  possession  of  the  Hunt  family,  and  the  grave 
of  Hart  we  know  has  come  down  to  us,  pointed  out  by  the  finger  of  Deacon 
Hunt  as  certainly  as  though  we  had  stood  by  the  side  of  it  iu  1180,  and  our- 
selves beheld  the  remains  deposited  there. 

How  true  the  prediction,  that  the  men  of  future  times  would  want  to  know 
the  spot  where  rested  the  remains  of  Hart.  For  eighty-five  long  years  they 
have  slept  undisturbed  beneath  the  rude  stone  upon  which  Deacon  Hunt  put 
his  mark.  The  Revolutionary  war,  then  about  closing,  passed  away;  the  war 
of  1812  came  and  went;  and  a  mighty  nation  rose  up  and  inhabited  the  waste 
places  of  the  land  until  it  blossomed  like  a  rose,  and  the  infant  nation  which 
Hart  had  aided  in  planting  here  became  one  of  the  mighty  powers  of  the 
earth ;  and  when  it  was  rolling  in  wealth  and  luxury  the  great  rebellion  swept 
over  the  country,  plunging  the  nation  in  the  furnace  of  affliction  and  deluging 
the  land  beneath  a  sea  of  blood;  but  amid  all  the  last  four  years  of  shock  of 
battle  and  din  of  strife,  the  remains  of  Hart  slept  quietly  on  with  no  signs  of 
ever  being  disturbed. 

But  as  we  were  coming  out  of  the  furnace,  not  only  in  name  but  iu  reality 
a  nation  of  freemen,  being  welded  together  by  the  blood  of  thousands  of  mar- 
tyrs— and  as  the  white  heat  began  to  run  off,  and  the  signs  of  peace  daily 
approached — the  people  of  this  State  came  forward  and  said  that  the  grave 
of  Hart  should  not  be  so  cruelly  neglected  longer.  And  on  the  6th  of  April 
last,  the  Governor  put  his  signature  to  the  act  by  which  the  silence  of  Hart's 
tomb  was  broken  on  the  Cth  day  of  June,  when  his  remains  were  exhumed  and 
placed  here  beneath  this  granite  monument,  which  the  people  of  the  State 
have  erected. 


334*  JOHN   HART   MONUMENT. 

We  have  met  together  to-day  to  solemnly  dedicate  these  stones  to  a  departed 
one,  dear  and  sacred  to  the  people  of  this  State,  whose  memory  will  be  as 
lasting  as  liberty  itself.  The  State  has  also  come  up  on  this  occasion  to  pay 
still  further  homage  to  the  ashes  of  Hart.  His  Excellency  is  here  to  deliver 
the  oration.     The  public  exercises  will  now  commence. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  opening  address,  an  impressive  prayer  was 
offered  by  Elder  Philander  Hartwell,  Pastor  of  the  Hopewell 
Church. 

After  music  by  the  band,  Rev.  J.  Romeyn  Berry,  of  Jersey  City, 
read  the  Declaration  of  Independence  as  only  such  an  accomplished 
reader  could  do  the  same. 

His  Excellency  Joel  Parker,  Governor  of  New  Jersey,  was  then 
introduced,  who  delivered  the  following 

ORATION   AND    EULOGY. 

It  is  now  a  little  more  than  a  century  since  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain 
inaugurated  that  system  of  unjust  and  tyrannical  measures  which  ended  in  the 
Americau  Revolution,  and  the  establishment  of  the  independence  of  the  colo- 
nies. The  treasury  of  the  mother  country  had  been  exhausted  by  continued 
war,  and  the  British  Ministry  determined  to  replenish  its  empty  coffers  without 
placing  additional  burdens  on  the  people  of  England.  Hence,  in  1163,  a  plan 
to  tax  America  was  devised,  and  heavy  duties  were  laid  on  imported  goods. 
In  1?65  (just  one  hundred  years  ago)  the  Stamp  Act  was  passed,  and  soon 
after  came  the  Mutiny  Act,  which  compelled  the  people  of  the  colonies  to 
subsist  the  troops  sent  by  the  King  to  coerce  and  overawe  them.  Measures 
of  a  similar  character  followed  in  quick  succession.  A  spirit  of  resistance 
was  aroused.  The  Colonial  Legislatures  and  the  people  in  conventions  pro- 
tested, and  declared  that,  inasmuch  as  they  had  no  representation  in  Parlia- 
ment, they  would  not  submit  to  laws  passed  by  that  body,  imposing  taxes 
upon  them;  and  that  the  rights  of  taxation  and  representation  were  insepa- 
rable. Tumult  and  violence  followed.  The  people  refused  to  pay  the  taxes 
or  to  use  the  stamps,  and  compelled  the  officers  of  the  crown  to  resign.  With 
each  repeated  act  of  oppression  the  spirit  of  resistance  grew  stronger,  until, 
in  1115  it  broke  forth  in  actual  hostilities.  The  first  blast  from  the  trump  of 
war  sounded  on  the  field  of  Lexington.  It  spread  over  the  plain,  and  pene- 
trated the  distant  valley.  The  bells  from  a  thousand  spires  tolled  out  their 
signal  notes,  and  the  alarm  fires  from  a  thousand  hills  lit  up  the  country  in  a 
blaze.  It  was  on  the  Sabbath  day  that  the  news  reached  the  quiet  and 
secluded  valley  of  Hopewell.  "In  the  old  Hopewell  Baptist  Meeting-house, 
Joab  Houghton  received  the  first  intelligence  of  the  battle  of  Lexington. 
Stilling  the  breathless  messenger,  he  sat  quietly  through  the  services,  and 
when  they  were  ended,  passed  out,  and  mounting  the  great  stone  block  in 


JOHN  HART  MONUMENT.  335* 

front  of  tlie  Meeting-house,  beckoned  to  the  people  to  stop.  Men  and  women 
paused  to  hear,  curious  to  know  what  so  unusual  a  sequel  to  the  services  of 
the  day  could  mean.  At  the  6rst  word,  a  silence,  stern  as  death,  fell  over  all. 
The  Sabbath  quiet  of  the  hour  and  place  was  deepened  into  a  terrible  solem- 
nity, lie  told  them  all  the  story  of  the  cowardly  murder  at  Lexington  by 
the  royal  troops;  the  heroic  vengeance  following  hard  upon  it,  and  the  gather- 
ing of  the  children  of  the  Pilgrims  around  the  beleaguered  hills  of  Boston. 
Then,  pausing  and  looking  over  the  silent  crowd,  he  said  slowly:  'Men  of 
New  Jersey,  the  red-coats  are  murdering  our  brethren  of  New  England  !  Who 
follows  me  to  Boston?'  And  every  man  stepped  out  into  line  and  answered, 
'I.' — There  was  not  a  coward  or  a  traitor  in  old  Hopewell  Meeting-house 
that  day." 

At  the  commencement  of  the  American  Revolution,  the  idea  of  independ- 
ence did  not  enter  the  mind  of  the  Colonists.  They  took  up  arms  to  defend 
themselves  from  oppression,  and  were  ready  to  lay  them  down  and  submit  to 
the  Royal  Government  as  soon  as  that  Government  should  repeal  the  objec- 
tionable laws  of  which  they  complained,  and  withdraw  military  force  from 
their  soil.  They  still  acknowledged  allegiance  to  the  King,  and  indulged  the 
hope  that  a  reconciliation  would  speedily  be  consummated.  The  people  con- 
tinued to  vote  petitions  to  his  Majesty,  entreating  him  to  prevent  the  dissolu- 
tion of  that  connection  which  the  remembrance  of  former  friendships  and  pride 
in  the  glorious  achievements  of  common  ancestors,  had  so  long  maintained. 
But  all  was  in  vain.  Entreaty  and  remonstrance  were  of  no  avail.  The  peo- 
ple of  England  were  governed  by  an  unwise  King.  He  drove  America  to  a 
declaration  of  her  rights,  and  by  his  own  imprudence  lost  the  brightest  jewel 
of  his  crown. 

The  time  at  length  arrived  when  the  Colonies  were  compelled  to  stand  forth 
and  declare  their  independence.  On  the  7th  day  of  June,  1776,  Richard  Henry 
Lee,  of  Virginia,  arose  in  the  Continental  Congress,  and  submitted  this  reso- 
lution : — ■ 

"Hesoh-ed,  That  these  united  colonies  are  and  of  right  ought  to  be  free 
and  independent  States  ;  that  they  are  absolved  from  all  allegiance  to  the 
British  Crown,  and  that  all  political  connection  between  them  and  Great 
Britain  is  and  ought  to  be  totally  dissolved." 

Mr.  Lee  accompanied  his  resolutions  with  a  brilliant  address.  "Why,"  said 
he,  "why  longer  delay?  Why  still  deliberate?  Let  this  day  give  birth  to  an 
American  Republic.  The  eyes  of  the  world  are  fixed  upon  us.  If  we  are  not 
this  day  wanting  in  our  duty,  the  names  of  the  American  legislators  of  1776 
will  be  inscribed  on  the  page  of  history  by  the  side  of  those  whose  memory 
has  been  and  ever  will  be  dear  to  virtuous  men  and  good  citizens."  The  con- 
sideration of  the  resolution  was  postponed  to  the  1st  day  of  July,  and  in  the 
mean  time  a  committee  was  appointed  to  prepare  a  declaration  of  independ- 
ence, to  be  adopted,  provided  the  resolution  then  pending  should  pass.  On 
the  1st  day  of  July  the  subject  was  resumed,  and  on  the  4th  day  of  July,  1776 


336*  JOHN   HART   MONUMENT. 

(the  resolution  having  passed),  the  declaration  of  independence  was  signed. 
How  solemn,  how  impressive,  and  yet  how  grand  the  spectacle]  At  a  time 
when  despondency  and  gloom  had  seized  the  stoutest  hearts,  when  all  seemed 
to  be  lost,  and  the  triumphant  shouts  of  the  victorious  enemy  could  be  heard 
on  every  side,  these  choice  spirits  of  the  land,  whose  memory  will  be  revered 
to  the  remotest  generation,  were  gathered  around  the  charter  of  American 
freedom.  The  fate  of  America  and  perhaps  the  political  destiny  of  the  world 
were  about  to  be  decided.  The  act  then  to  be  consummated  was  not  the  result 
of  sudden  passion,  nor  the  wild  burst  of  enthusiasm,  but  of  long  and  painful 
discussion,  of  midnight  meditation  and  secret  prayer.  The  men  who  sur- 
rounded that  table  and  affixed  their  names  to  that  instrument,  knew  that,  if 
unsuccessful,  they  were  signing  a  death-warrant.  They  knew  that  a  price  had 
been  set  upon  their  heads,  and  that  they  had  been  excluded  from  the  general 
amnesty  offered  those  who  would  return  to  their  allegiance.  On  the  one  side 
was  prospective  ignominy,  chains,  and  death  ;  and  on  the  other  the  independ- 
ence of  their  country,  freedom  from  the  tyrant's  yoke,  and  the  prosperity  and 
happiness  of  their  children.  They  did  not  hesitate.  Nothing  daunted  by 
adverse  circumstances,  they  boldly  deDed  the  most  powerful  monarch  on  the 
globe.  One  by  one  they  seized  the  pen  and  traced  their  names  in  those  bold 
characters  that  can  never  be  effaced,  and  by  that  act  gave  birth  to  a  nation. 
The  thirteen  feeble  Colonies,  comparatively  without  resources,  without  men 
or  munitions  of  war,  were  embarked  in  a  struggle  for  independence  against  a 
government  that  could  command  the  most  formidable  fleets,  and  bring  into 
the  field  the  most  powerful  armies. 

Among  those  gathered  around  that  table  on  that  memorable  Fourth  of 
July,  eighty-nine  years  ago,  was  one  whose  name  this  day  involuntarily  comes 
to  the  lips  of  all  here  assembled.  His  lot  in  life  was  cast  in  the  secluded 
scenes  of  this  beautiful  valley.  Here  be  passed  his  childhood  and  youth ; 
here,  one  hundred  years  ago,  in  the  prime  of  manhood  he  trod  the  soil  where 
we  now  stand,  and  here,  after  a  long  and  eventful  life,  he  found  a  resting-place. 
At  his  grave,  in  the  presence  of  this  vast  assembly  convened  to  pay  a  tribute 
of  respect  to  his  memory,  as  the  representative  of  the  State  whose  faithful 
servant  he  was,  I  dedicate  this  monument. 

John  Hart,  one  of  the  signers  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  from 
New  Jersey,  was  born  in  the  year  IT  15.  He  was  the  son  of  Edward  Hart, 
of  Hopewell  township,  then  in  Hunterdon  County.  Edward  was  a  man  of 
considerable  importance  in  his  neighborhood,  and  during  the  French  war  raised 
in  Hunterdon  County  a  company  of  soldiers  called  the  "Jersey  Blues,"  and  at 
their  head  marched  to  Quebec,  where  he  fought  under  Wolfe  on  the  Heights 
of  Abraham.  Johu  took  no  part  in  the  French  war,  but  remained  upon  his 
farm.  In  the  retirement  of  his  quiet  home  he  was  an  attentive  observer  of 
the  conduct  of  the  British  Ministry  towards  the  Colonies,  and  anxiously  con- 
sidered the  great  questions  then  agitating  the  public  mind.  At  an  early  day 
he  determined  on  the  course  to  pursue.     He  was  among  the  first  to  advocate 


JOHN   HART   MONUMENT.  887* 

resistance  to  the  tyranny  of  the  mother  country,  and  in  all  his  subsequent 
career,  whether  in  public  or  private  life,  he  was  consistent,  steadfast,  and 
immovable  in  the  line  of  duty  he  had  marked  out. 

For  a  long  time  he  refused  to  accept  office,  and  it  was  not  until  the  difficul- 
ties and  dangers  that  threatened  the  peace  of  the  Colonies  began  to  thicken, 
that  he  could  be  induced  to  separate  himself  from  the  pleasures  of  a  home 
made  attractive  by  a  large  and  dependent  family.  In  the  year  1761,  when  4fi 
years  of  age,  he  was  for  the  first  time  elected  a  member  of  the  Colonial  Legis- 
lature; and  from  that  time  to  the  day  of  his  death,  a  period  of  eighteen  years, 
he  was  continually  in  public  stations  of  the  gravest  importance  and  responsi- 
bility. The  district  which  he  represented  embraced  the  territory  now  com- 
posing the  counties  of  Hunterdon,  Sussex,  Warren,  Morris,  and  part  of  Mercer. 
He  was  an  active  and  useful  member,  and  was  re-elected  for  ten  years  suc- 
cessively. 

The  time  during  which  John  Hart  occupied  a  seat  in  the  Colonial  Legis- 
lature was  a  very  important  period  in  American  history.  The  spirit  that 
animated  the  Revolution  was  then  born.  Patrick  Henry,  in  Virginia,  and 
James  Otis,  in  Massachusetts,  with  surpassing  eloquence,  harangued  the  peo- 
ple, and  aroused  them  to  the  highest  pitch  of  patriotic  excitement.  New 
Jersey  kept  pace  with  the  other  colonies,  and  her  Legislature  was  among  the 
foremost  in  defiant  protest  and  condemnation.  On  the  30th  day  of  November, 
1765,  resolutions  strongly  condemning  the  Stamp  Act  were  passed.'  For  these 
resolutions  John  Hart  voted;  and  in  order  to  understand  the  motives  that 
influenced  his  action  in  resisting  the  authority  of  the  British  Government,  it 
will  be  well  to  read  them : — . 

"Whereas,  the  late  act  of  Parliament  called  the  Stamp  Act,  is  found  to 
be  utterly  subversive  of  privileges  inherent  in  and  originally  secured  by,  grants 
and  confirmations  from  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain  to  the  settlers  of  this 
Colony:  in  duty,  therefore,  to  ourselves,  our  constituents,  and  posterity,  the 
House  of  Assembly  thinks  it  absolutely  necessary  to  leave  the  following  re- 
solves on  our  minutes: 

"That  it  is  inseparably  essential  to  the  freedom  of  a  people  and  the  un- 
doubted rights  of  Englishmen  that  no  taxes  be  imposed  on  them  but  with 
their  own  consent,  given  personally  or  by  their  representatives."       *       *      * 

"That  the  people  of  this  Colony  are  not  and  from  their  remote  situation 
cannot  be  represented  in  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain,  and  if  the  principle 
of  taxing  the  Colonies  without  their  consent  should  be  adopted,  the  people 
here  would  be  subjected  to  the  taxation  of  two  Legislatures,  a  grievance  un- 
precedented and  not  to  be  thought  of  without  the  greatest  anxiety."      *      * 

"That  any  incumbrance  that  in  effect  restrains  the  liberty  of  the  Press  in 
America,  is  an  infringement  upon  the  subjects'  liberty."     *         *         *         * 

"That  the  extension  of  the  powers  of  the  Court  of  Admiralty  within  this 
province  beyond  the  ancient  limits,  is  a  violent  innovation  of  the  right  of  trial 
by  jury,  a  right  which  this  House,  upon  the  principles  of  their  British  ances- 
tors, hold  most  dear  and  invaluable." 

These  were  the  principles  which  an  hundred  years  ago  influenced  John  Hart 
and  his  colleagues  of  the  Colonial  Legislature  of  New  Jersey  in  protesting 


338*  JOHN    HART   MONUMENT. 

against  the  usurpations  of  the  Crown.  "No  taxation  without  representa- 
tion," "Freedom  of  the  Press,"  "Trial  by  Jury;"  and  they  are  as  dear  to  the 
people  and  as  essential  to  the  existence  of  free  government  now  as  they  were 
then. 

On  the  Till  of  May,  1768,  an  address  to  the  King  was  unanimously  adopted 
by  the  House,  in  which  it  was  declared  that  one  of  the  "rights  and  liberties 
vested  in  the  people  of  the  Colony  is  the  privilege  of  being  exempt  from  any 
taxation  but  such  as  is  imposed  on  them  by  themselves  or  their  representatives." 

And  on  the  18th  day  of  October,  1769,  it  was  resolved  without  dissent 
"that  the  thanks  of  the  House  be  given  to  the  merchants  and  traders  of  this 
Colony  and  of  the  Colonies  of  New  York  and  Pennsylvania,  for  their  disinte- 
rested and  public  spirited  conduct  in  withholding  their  importations  of  British 
merchandise  until  certain  acts  of  Parliament  laying  restrictions  on  American 
commerce  for  the  express  purpose  of  raising  a  revenue  in  America,  be  repealed." 
But  the  legislative  action  most  antagonistic  to  the  Royal  Government,  and  in 
which  John  Hart  bore  a  conspicuous  part,  was  commenced  by  a  resolution  of 
the  Assembly  passed  on  the  23d  day  of  October,  1770,  in  these  few  words: 
"Resolved,  That  no  further  provision  be  made  for  the  supply  of  His  Majesty's 
troops  stationed  in  this  Colony."  This  was  a  direct  impeachment  of  the 
King's  authority,  and  if  adhered  to,  must  inevitably  produce  collision.  On 
the  passage  of  this  resolution  the  vote  was  recorded,  and  among  those  voting 
against  any'allowance  to  the  King's  troops,  and  in  favor  of  the  resolution,  we 
find  the  name  of  John  Hart.  When  a  copy  of  this  resolution  was  presented 
to  Governor  Franklin,  he  was  extremely  indignant,  and  immediately  sent  a 
message  to  the  House,  in  which  he  said:  "lam  greatly  surprised  and  con- 
cerned to  find  that  you  have  resolved  that  no  further  provision  be  made  for  the 
supply  of  His  Majesty's  troops  stationed  in  this  Colony.  As,  by  the  resolu- 
tion, you  refuse  to  comply  with  the  express  order  from  His  Majesty  founded 
on  the  highest  authority,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  it  will,  if  adhered  to,  be 
attended  with  very  serious  consequences.  Should  you  determine  to  abide  by 
your  resolution,  I  must  desire  that  you  furnish  me  with  your  reasons,  in  as 
plain,  full,  and  explicit  a  manner  as  possible,  to  be  transmitted  to  His  Majesty, 
that  he  may  know  from  your  own  words,  and  not  from  my  representations, 
the  motives  of  your  extraordinary  conduct."  This  was  intended  as  a  threat, 
and  it  had  the  desired  effect,  for,  on  the  same  day  the  House  receded,  recon- 
sidered the  resolution,  and  granted  five  hundred  pounds  for  the  use  of  the 
troops.  But  this  was  not  done  by  a  unanimous  vote.  Six  names  are  recorded 
in  the  negative,  and  among  them  is  that  of  John  Hart.  The  agitation  of  this 
question  did  not  stop  here.  At  the  next  session,  held  in  April,  1771,  the 
resolution  not  to  pay  the  troops  was  renewed  and  again  passed,  Mr.  Hart 
voting  in  the  affirmative;  and  no  British  soldier  was  afterwards  paid  by  the 
Colony  of  New  Jersey.  When  the  Governor  was  notified  of  the  passage  of 
this  resolution  a  second  time,  he  was  so  vexed  that  he  immediately  prorogued 
the  House  to  the  2d  of  May,  and  administered  to  the  members  a  severe  lecture, 


JOHN    HART   MONUMENT.  339* 

telling  them  to  go  boaie  and  take  the  sense  of  their  constituents  on  the  sub" 
ject.  The  constituents  of  John  Hart  took  the  Governor  at  his  word,  and 
wrote  a  letter  of  instruction  to  their  representatives,  in  which  they  warmly 
sustained  his  action.  Although  ninety-four  years  have  passed  since  that  doc- 
ument was  written,  it  is  still  in  existence.*  I  have  here  the  original,  and  will 
now  read  it.  It  proves  of  what  stuff  the  people  of  Hopewell  were  made  in 
the  "time  that  tried  men's  souls." 

"We,  the  Freeholders  of  the  county  of  Hunterdon,  of  West  New  Jersey, 
to  the  representatives  of  said  county,  appointed  to  meet  at  Burlington  with 
the  other  representatives  of  said  province,  on  the  2d  day  of  May,  1771,  greet- 
ing. Gentlemen:  Whereas,  we  understand  His  Excellency  the  Governor  has 
adjourned  the  House  of  Assembly  in  order  to  consider  further  on  divers  affairs 
presented  to  the  House  last  session,  in  which  interval  the  members  might  have 
an  opportunity  to  consult  their  constituents:  therefore,  without  the  least 
defection  in  our  zeal  for  His  Majesty,  or  desire  to  promote  contention  between 
the  different  branches  of  the  Legislative  body  in  this  province,  yet  desirous 
that  our  liberties  may  be  secured  to  us,  do  agree  with  the  resolution  taken  by 
the  Assembly  at  their  last  sitting;  and  approve  the  reasons  given  to  His 
Excellency,  for  not  complying  with  several  requisitions  made  respecting  'In- 
couragement  for  the  augmenting  His  Majesty's  regular  troops  in  this  province, 
and  granting  supplies  for  their  support.'  Moreover,  we,  your  constituents, 
subject  these  following  queries  to  your  further  consideration : — 

"1.  Whether  to  have  the  King's  troops  stationed  among  us  in  time  of 
Peace  is  constitutional  and  agreeable. 

"2.  Whether  they  are  or  can  be  of  any  use  to  us,  or  whether  any  proper 
officer  of  this  government  has  the  command  of  them  in  any  case  of  immergency. 

"3.  Whether  regular  troops  does  not  spread  vice  and  immorality  in  a  coun- 
try where  they  are  maintained  in  idleness. 

"1.  Is  it  consistent  with  honor  and  justice  to  support  them  who  do  us  no 
service  ? 

"5.  Whether  there  is  not  danger  that  a  military  power  may  in  time  inter- 
rupt the  proper  influence  and  management  of  civil  administration. 

"We  think,  gentlemen,  that  the  consideration  of  these  things,  with  what 
you  have  already  urged,  will  constrain  you  to  abide  by  your  former  resolutions, 
and  you  will  continue  to  make  the  ease,  safety,  interest,  and  morals  of  the 
Province  the  subject  of  your  zealous  attentions.  Signed  by  the  freeholders  of 
Hunterdon,  May,  1771. 

Hezekiah  Stout,  Benjamin  Stout, 

Moses  Hart,  Joab  Houghton, 

William  Sherd,  Henry  Vankirk, 

Nehemiah  Sexton,  Andrew  Stout, 

Nathaniel  Stout,  Abraham  Stout, 

Wm.  Chamberling,  Wm.  Bryant. 

"To  John  Hart  and  Samuel  Tucker." 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  add  that  at  the  next  session  the  resolution  was 
adhered  to.  The  question  was  taken  on  the  31st  of  May,  and  carried  by  a 
vote  of  fifteen  to  four,  John  Hart  voting  in  the  affirmative. 

*  It  is  the  property  of  Cha's  L.  Pascal,  Esq.,  of  Philadelphia,  a  grandson  of  John 
Hart's  daughter  Susanna,  who  married  Major  John  Polhemus,  of  New  Jersey. 


810*  JOHN    HART   MONUMENT. 

I  have  mark  this  brief  reference  to  the  record  of  Mr.  Hart,  as  a  member  of 
the  Colonial  Legislature,  in  order  to  establish  the  fact  that  he  was  one  of  the 
earliest  as  well  as  oue  of  the  most  resolute  friends  of  American  Independence; 
and  that  upon  all  vital  questions,  such  as  the  Liberty  of  the  Press,  the  Trial 
by  Jury,  and  especially  the  subjection  of  military  to  the  civil  authority,  he 
espoused  the  cause  of  the  people  against  the  Crown.  His  fellow  members 
must  have  placed  implicit  confidence  in  his  honesty  and  business  capacity,  for 
besides  being  on  other  important  committees,  he  was  always  appointed  to 
audit  and  settle  public  accounts,  and  adjust  claims  against  the  Colony. 

Mr.  Hart  left  the  Colonial  Legislature  in  1772,  but  he  soon  appeared  again 
in  a  position  of  still  greater  importance  and  responsibility.  The  controversy 
between  the  Legislature  and  Governor  Franklin,  growing  out  of  the  Stamp 
Act  and  other  kindred  measures,  was  conducted  with  great  acrimony.  The 
sympathies  of  the  Governor  were  with  the  Crown,  and  he  contrived  to  thwart 
the  action  of  the  Legislature  in  defending  the  rights  of  the  people.  He  would 
sometimes  dissolve  or  prorogue  the  House  without  justifiable  cause,  and  at 
other  times  would  refuse  to  convene  it  when  absolutely  necessary.  It  was 
evident  that  something  must  be  done  to  get  rid  of  the  Governor's  power,  or 
the  Colony  would  be  irretrievably  subjugated ;  and  accordingly  the  people  of 
every  county  met  and  appointed  delegates  to  a  convention  called  to  take  into 
consideration  the  condition  of  public  affairs,  and  to  put  the  Colony  in  a  pos- 
ture of  defence.  The  first  session  of  this  convention  was  held  at  New  Bruns- 
wick in  1774,  and  it  subsequently  met  at  Trenton  and  Burlington,  and  con- 
tinued in  being  until  July,  1776,  when  it  formed  a  constitution,  deposed  Gov. 
Franklin,  and  organized  a  State  government,  which  still  exists,  and  we  trust 
will  continue  to  exist  to  the  end  of  time.  This  convention,  which  was  entirely 
independent  of  the  Governor,  assumed  the  functions  of  legislation,  and  was 
called  the  Provincial  Congress.  It  was,  perhaps,  the  most  important  body 
that  ever  convened  in  New  Jersey.  During  the  whole  period  of  its  existence 
John  Hart  was  a  delegate  from  the  County  of  Hunterdon.  He  was  present, 
and  served  in  the  sessions  of  May,  June,  and  August,  1775;  was  re-elected, 
and  attended  the  sessions  of  October,  1775,  and  January  and  June,  1776. 
He  appears  to  have  been  a  leading  member,  and  served  as  chairman  of  several 
important  committees.  To  him  was  intrusted  the  preparation  of  an  estimate 
of  the  expenses  necessary  to  put  the  Colony  in  a  state  of  defence ;  also  the 
preparation  of  an  ordinance  for  the  government  of  the  militia.  In  those 
primitive  days  of  finance,  he  was  selected  to  frame  an  ordinance  for  emitting 
bills  of  credit,  and  making  provision  to  sink  the  same,  and  was  appointed  one 
of  the  commissioners  to  sign  the  proclamation  money.  He  was  also  chairman 
of  a  committee  to  prepare  an  ordinance  for  erecting  a  Court  of  Admiralty- 
These  various  trusts  committed  to  him  by  his  fellow  members,  prove  the  esti- 
mate of  his  character  and  talents  entertained  by  those  who  knew  him  best. 

At  each  session  after  actual  hostilities  commenced  the  Provincial  Congress 
selected  from  among  its  members  a  commission  called  the  "Committee  of 


JOHN   HART   MONUMENT.  341* 

Safety,"  which  met  in  various  parts  of  the  Colony  during  the  recess,  and  per- 
formed the  most  important  and  delicate  duties.  Of  this  committee  John  Hart 
was  continually  a  member,  and  the  proceedings  show  that  he  was  always  in 
attendance  at  its  deliberations. 

But  a  station  of  far  greater  importance  and  distinction — one  that  will  trans- 
mit to  the  remotest  posterity  the  name  of  John  Hart,  and  give  him  an  enduring 
place  on  the  historic  page — awaited  him.  A  crisis  in  American  affairs  ap- 
proached. In  the  character  of  rebels,  the  colonists  could  not  hope  to  enlist 
the  sympathy  or  aid  of  European  powers;  neiCher  was  there  a  sufficient  motive 
to  command,  to  the  fullest  extent,  their  own  energies;  and  it  became  necessary 
for  them  to  assert  their  nationality.  Many  were  opposed  to  the  movement, 
and  it  was  extremely  doubtful,  up  to  the  day  the  Continental  Congress  adopted 
Mr.  Lee's  resolution,  whether  independence  would  be  declared.  In  February, 
177G,  the  Provincial  Congress  of  New  Jersey  chose  five  delegates  to  the  Con- 
tinental Congress,  all  of  whom,  except  William  Livingston  (who  had  received 
a  military  commission),  declined  or  refused  to  attend,  because  they  were  not 
prepared  to  take  the  proposed  step.  Under  these  circumstances,  the  Provincial 
Congress  met  at  Burlington,  in  June,  1776,  and  proceeded  to  elect  men  of 
sterner  mould,  upon  whom  they  could  rely,  to  join  with  the  other  Colonies  in 
the  contemplated  declaration.  John  Hart,  although  at  the  time  a  member  of 
the  Provincial  Congress,  was  chosen  a  delegate,  together  with  Richard  Stock- 
ton, John  Witherspoon,  Francis  Hopkiuson,  and  Abraham  Clark;  and  they 
signed  the  declaration  on  the  fourth  day  of  the  following  month.  This  man, 
of  humble  origin,  modest  and  unassuming,  without  advantages  of  early  educa- 
tion, a  plain  farmer,  had,  by  his  integrity  of  character,  his  wisdom,  his  prac- 
tical sense,  and  his  patriotic  zeal,  acquired  such  an  influence  among  his 
colleagues  as  to  be  esteemed  worthy  to  stand  side  by  side  with  Jefferson  and 
Adams,  Franklin  and  Rush,  Stockton  and  Witherspoon,  the  most  eloquent, 
the  most  learned,  the  most  distinguished  statesmen  of  the  land. 

In  the  directions  given  to  the  New  Jersey  delegates  to  the  Continental 
Congress,  their  action  on  the  question  of  independence  was  left  to  their  dis- 
cretion ;  and  they  were  requested  to  join  in  declaring  the  United  Colonies 
independent  of  Great  Britain,  if  they  thought  it  necessary  and  expedient. 
But  the  instructions  upon  the  nature  of  the  government  to  be  formed  in  case 
independence  should  be  declared,  were  specific;  and  they  prove  the  kind  of 
government  our  forefathers  intended  should  be  established,  and  their  extreme 
jealousy  of  the  right  of  self-control  in  reference  to  the  proper  subjects  of  local 
legislation.  The  instructions  were,  to  join  with  the  delegates  of  the  other 
Colonies  in  the  most  vigorous  measures  for  supporting  the  just  rights  and 
liberties  of  America;  and  if  independence  should  be  declared,  then  to  enter 
into  a  confederacy  for  Union  and  common  defence,  and  make  treaties  with 
foreign  nations,  and  take  such  other  measures  as  might  lie  necessary  for  these 
great  ends;  but  that  whatever  confederacy  they  should  enter  into,  the  regula. 
tion  of  internal  affairs  was  to  be  reserved  to  the  Provincial  Legislature, 


342*  JOHN    HART   MONUMENT. 

New  Jersey  did  not  wait  for  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  but  proceeded 
in  advance  of  all  the  other  Colonies  to  assert  the  right  of  self-government ; 
and  before  the  Declaration  of  National  Independence  was  signed  she  separated 
from  the  mother  country,  cut  loose  from  all  allegiance  to  the  Crown,  and 
established  a  State  government.  On  the  2d  day  of  July,  1176,  the  Provincial 
Congress  adopted  a  constitution,  which  governed  the  State  from  that  day  to 
the  year  1844. 

At  the  first  election  under  the  new  government,  held  in  August,  1776,  John 
Hart,  although  still  a  member  of  the  Continental  Congress,  was  elected  a 
member  of  Assembly  from  the  county  of  Hunterdon.  The  first  Legislature  of 
the  State  of  New  Jersey  met  at  Princeton  on  the  23d  of  August,  and  Mr. 
Hart  was  elected  Speaker  of  the  House  by  a  unanimous  vote.  Thus,  within 
the  period  of  three  months,  he  filled  three  stations  of  the  first  importance :  a 
member  of  the  Provincial  Congress,  a  delegate  to  the  Continental  Congress, 
and  Speaker  of  Assembly.  William  Livingston  was  elected  by  the  Legislature 
the  first  Governor  of  the  State,  and  after  his  induction  to  office,  as  was  then 
the  custom,  lie  sent  for  the  Assembly  to  attend  him  in  the  Council  Chamber, 
where  he  delivered  in  person  his  message;  and  on  the  5th  day  of  October, 
1776,  the  Speaker  delivered  in  return  the  address  of  the  House.  This  address 
was  not  only  delivered,  but  signed  by  John  Hart,  and  for  the  purpose  of 
developing  still  further  his  character  and  the  sentiments  that  controlled  his 
action  at  this  most  interesting  period  of  revolutionary  history,  I  will  make 
some  extracts  from  this  address.  "Your  obliging  mention  of  the  importance 
of  the  station  in  which  the  uncorrnpted  voice  of  our  constituents  hath  placed 
us,  demand  our  acknowledgments,  and  will,  we  hope,  spirit  us  to  such  exertions 
in  our  duty  as  may  redound  to  the  benefit  of  the  State,  and  we  assure  you, 
with  sincerity,  that,  laying  aside  all  private  attachments  and  resentments,  it 
shall  be  our  duty  to  cultivate  that  harmony,  that  spirit  of  economy,  industry, 
and  patriotism,  so  essential  to  the  public  welfare;  and  that  whilst  our  heaven- 
directed  generals  and  soldiers,  with  an  ardor  peculiar  to  freemen,  brave  the 
dangers  of  well-fought  fields,  against  the  lawless  sons  of  rapine  and  plunder, 
ours  shall  be  the  important  task,  in  conjunction  with  your  Excellency,  to  give 
our  cool  deliberation  and  useful  resolves.  We  hope  that  no  situation  in  life 
can  make  us  lose  sight  of  that  evident  truth  so  loudly  proclaimed  in  the  historic 
page,  that  dissoluteness  of  manners  and  political  corruption  are  inseparable 
companions  in  the  destruction  of  kingdoms;  while  the  concurring  testimony 
of  the  inspired  penmen  will  enforce  on  the  most  obdurate  heart  that  '  righteous- 
ness exalteth  a  nation,  but  that  sin  is  a  reproach  to  any  people  '  Determined 
to  employ  the  talents  given,  in  procuring  and  transmitting  inviolate  to  pos- 
terity the  fair  inheritance  of  civil  and  religious  liberty,  though  bought  at  the 
price  of  life,  we  will  look  for  the  permanency  and  stability  of  our  new  govern- 
ment to  Hun  who  bringeth  Princes  to  nothing  and  teacheth  nations  wisdom." 
Such  was  the  language  of  this  noble  patriot  at  the  most  gloomy  period  of  the 
Revolution.     Firmly  resolved  to  do  his  duty  in  every  emergency,  though  at  the 


JOHN   HART   MONUMENT.  343* 

risk  of  his  life,  yet  his  trust  was  in  God.  The  British  forces  then  had  pos- 
session of  the  State  of  New  Jersey.  The  Americans,  unable  to  resist  the 
immense  armies  brought  against  them,  had  retired  from  New  York  across  the. 
Hudson.  The  decimated  army  of  Washington,  almost  without  arms  or  am- 
munition, ragged  and  ill  fed,  were  driven  through  New  Jersey,  and  across  the 
Delaware,  by  the  well  equipped,  well  supplied,  and  confident  British  regulars 
and  their  Hessian  allies.  Towns  were  sacked  and  destroyed,  houses  pillaged, 
and  the  families  of  prominent  patriots  driven  from  their  homes  and  compelled 
to  conceal  themselves  in  swamps  and  caves.  Never  did  a  country  suffer  more 
from  the  ravages  of  war  than  did  New  Jersey  during  the  advance  of  the  army 
of  Lord  Cornwallis  in  1 T t G .  In  his  message  to  the  Legislature  next  succeed- 
ing this  campaign,  Governor  Livingston  thus  describes  the  conduct  of  the 
enemy:  "Their  rapacity  was  boundless,  their  rapine  indiscriminate,  and  their 
barbarity  unparalleled.  They  have  warred  upon  decrepit  age  and  defenceless 
youth.  They  have  butchered  the  wounded  asking  for  quarter,  mangled  the 
dying  weltering  in  their  blood,  refused  to  the  dead  the  rights  of  sepulture, 
suffered  prisoners  to  perish  for  want  of  sustenance,  and  in  the  rage  of  impiety 
and  barbarism,  profaned  edifices  dedicated  to  Almighty  God."  The  Legisla- 
ture fled  from  Princeton  to  Burlington,  thence  to  Pittstown,  in  Salem  County, 
and  thence  to  Haddonfield,  where  it  dissolved,  and  Mr.  Hart  returned  to  look 
after  his  family.  He  found  his  home  deserted.  The  health  of  his  wife,  to  whom 
he  was  devotedly  attached,  impaired  by  the  cares  of  a  large  family  and  the 
alarm  created  by  the  near  approach  of  the  Hessians,  had  given  way,  and  she 
died  in  the  absence  of  her  husband.  His  children  had  fled,  and  were  concealed 
in  various  places  in  the  mountains.  His  crops  had  been  consumed  by  the 
enemy,  and  his  stock  driven  away.  He  was  compelled  to  fly  to  save  his  life ; 
and  for  weeks  he  was  a  fugitive,  hunted  from  house  to  house,  wandering 
through  the  forests,  and  sleeping  in  caves.  His  biographer  feelingly  remarks: 
"Thus  was  this  old  man,  carrying  his  gray  hairs  and  his  infirmities  about  from 
cottage  to  cottage,  and  from  cave  to  cave,  leaving  his  farm  to  be  pillaged,  his 
property  plundered,  his  family  afflicted  and  dispersed;  yet  through  sorrow, 
humiliation,  and  suffering,  wearing  out  his  bodily  strength,  and  hastening  on 
decrepitude  and  death,  never  despairing,  never  repenting  the  course  he  had 
taken,  hoping  for  the  best,  and  upheld  by  an  apprpving  conscience  and  by  a 
firm  trust  that  the  power  of  Heaven  would  not  be  withheld  from  a  righteous 
cause." 

At  length  a  change  came.  On  the  memorable  night  of  the  25th  of  Decem- 
ber, 1776,  in  the  midst  of  snow,  hail,  and  rain,  Washington,  at  the  head  of 
his  brave  but  almost  despairing  army,  recrossed  the  Delaware  at  McKonkey's 
Ferry.  Silent  and  thoughtful  was  the  march  of  that  little  band  over  those 
long  and  weary  miles  of  snow  and  frost  on  that  tempestuous  night ;  but  at 
dawn  of  day  their  artillery  swept  the  streets  of  Trenton,  the  impetuous  charge 
was  made,  and  the  victory  won.  This,  with  the  success  of  the  Americans  at 
Princeton,  revived  the  drooping  spirits  of  the  people,  and  rescued  the  State 


344*  JOHN    HAET    MONUMENT. 

from  the  invaders'  grasp.  John  Hart  came  forth  from  his  hiding  place,  and 
convened  the  Legislature  to  meet  at  Trenton  on  the  22d  of  January,  1777. 
.He  was  again  unanimously  elected  Speaker,  and  continued  to  hold  the  same 
position  at  that  and  subsequent  sessions,  exercising  a  controlling  influence  in 
legislation  until  his  declining  health  obliged  him  to  vacate  the  chair;  and  on 
the  11th  day  of  May,  1779,  at  his  home  in  Hopewell,  he  departed  this  life, 
full  of  years  and  honors,  leaving  behind  him  a  name  that  will  never  perish. 

As  his  public  career  was  without  blemish,  so  was  his  private  life  pure  and 
exemplary.  He  was  a  consistent  member  of  the  old  Hopewell  Church,  and 
gave  to  the  congregation  the  land  on  which  the  meeting-house  was  erected, 
and  in  which  his  remains  are  now  deposited. 

Such,  fellow-citizens,  were  the  services,  and  such  the  character  of  the  man 
around  whose  grave  we  are  now  assembled.  And  surely  his  was  a  character 
worthy  of  all  respect,  honor,  and  reverence.  He  was  a  true  patriot.  He 
sacrificed  his  property  and  his  life  in  defence  of  the  rights  of  the  people.  And 
this  he  did,  not  from  the  promptings  of  ambition.  He  was  an  unostentatious 
farmer,  and  loved  retirement.  He  cared  not  for  place  or  power,  but,  after  he 
had  passed  the  prime  of  life,  he  accepted  tile  various  stations  lie  filled  so  wor- 
thily only  from  a  sense  of  duty  to  his  country. 

In  the  dark  hours  of  1776,  when  all  seemed  lost,  that  old  man  called  together 
the  body  over  which  he  presided,  and  encouraged  Lis  desponding  associates  to 
take  measures  for  defence;  and  when  forced  to  dissolve  the  House  and  fly  for 
his  life,  a  fugitive  and  a  wanderer,  his  faith  and  courage  never  forsook  him. 
The  history  of  that  day  does  not  furnish  a  more  marked  or  more  interesting 
character.  Not  eloquent  or  learned,  he  was  gifted  with  strong  intellect  and 
sterling  common  sense,  and  these,  joined  with  great  integrity  and  zealous  and 
untiring  patriotism,  gave  him  a  powerful  influence  over  all  with  whom  he  was 
associated.  Upon  a  careful  examination  of  the  history  of  New  Jersey  during 
and  immediately  preceding  the  Revolutionary  war,  I  am  of  opinion  that  John 
Hart  had  greater  experience  in  the  Colonial  and  State  legislation  of  that  day, 
than  any  of  his  contemporaries;  and  that  no  man  exercised  greater  influence 
in  giving  direction  to  the  public  opinion  which  culminated  in  independence. 
In  erecting  this  monument  to  his  memory  the  State  of  New  Jersey  has  done 
an  act  of  long-delayed  justice;  and  I  rejoice  that  during  my  official  term  I 
have  the  privilege  of  being  present  at  its  dedication,  and  at  the  patriot's  grave, 
on  behalf  of  a  grateful  people  to  pay  this  imperfect  tribute  to  the  memory  of 
one  who  bore  so  honorable  and  so  conspicuous  a  part  in  the  great  drama  of 
the  American  Revolution.  Henceforth  it  will  not  be  said,  as,  alas !  it  has  been 
said  with  too  much  truth,  that  he  who  stood  by  the  country  in  the  hour  of  its 
peril,  who  placed  his  name  to  the  instrument  which  declared  her  free,  who 
sacrificed  time,  and  health,  and  life  in  her  cause,  is  suffered  to  sleep  in  neglect, 
without  even  a  stone  to  say  to  the  curious  stranger,  "Here  lies  the  body  of 
honest  John  Hart." 

John  Hart  did  not  live  to  see  the  end  of  the  war.     He  died  before  the  object 


JOHN   HART   MONUMENT.  345* 

for  which  he  toiled  and  suffered,  and  for  which  he  pledged  fortune,  honor,  and 
life,  had  been  attained. 

But  he  was  permitted  to  live  long  enough  to  see  the  dawning  of  the  day. 
The  alliance  with  France  and  the  surrender  of  Burgoyne  preceded  his  death, 
and  lie  must  have  died  with  the  assurance  that  the  Declaration  to  which  he  had 
affixed  his  name  would  be  maintained  by  the  power  of  arms. 

Long  and  doubtful  was  the  struggle  that  followed,  but  the  God  of  battles 
directed  the  issue.  The  proudest  and  most  powerful  monarch  on  earth  was 
humbled,  and  the  United  States  of  America  was  enrolled  upon  the  list  of 
nations. 

The  work  was  finished,  and  not  a  stain  defaced  the  escutcheon  of  American 
arms.  Other  armies,  after  subduing  the  enemy,  have  turned  upon  their  breth- 
ren, and  embroiled  their  country  in  civil  war.  Other  generals  have  refused  to 
sheathe  the  sword  so  long  as  ambition  presented  an  object  for  its  exercise.  It 
was  reserved  for  the  American  hero,  as  soon  as  the  necessity  that  called  him 
to  the  field  ceased  to  exist,  cheerfully  to  yield  up  his  commission,  and  retire  to 
the  rural  shades  of  Vernon.  On  the  2d  of  November,  1183,  Washington 
issued  his  farewell  orders  and  bade  his  comrades  a  final  adieu.  On  the  next 
day  the  army  disbanded,  and  the  soldiers  returned  to  their  homes.  A  grateful 
country,  since  possessed  of  ample  means,  remembered  their  services.  The 
morning  of  their  life  was  passed  amid  the  storm  and  tempest,  its  evening  was 
solaced  by  the  twilight  of  repose. 

"The  joy 
"With  which  their  children  tread  the  hallowed  ground 
That  holds  their  venerated  bones ;  the  peace 
That  smiles  on  all  they  fought  for,  and  the  wealth 
That  clothes  the  land  they  rescued ;  these,  though  mute 
(As  feeling  ever  is  when  deepest),  these 
Are  monuments  more  lasting  than  the  fanes 
Reared  to  the  kings  and  demigods  of  old." 

Time  will  not  suffice  to  trace  the  progress  of  the  new  nation.  A  constitu- 
tion founded  on  the  great  and  eternal  principles  of  justice  was  adopted,  forming 
a  union  of  many  distinct  sovereignties,  yet  so  blended  as  to  constitute  one 
harmonious  whole.  Under  this  form  of  government  the  nation  prospered  and 
grew  in  power  and  resources  beyond  all  precedent.  Its  flag  was  known  and 
respected  in  every  port  of  the  civilized  globe,  and  its  commerce  traversed  every 
sea.  Millions  of  fearless  and  hardy  pioneers  penetrated  the  western  forests, 
redeemed  the  wilderness,  and  built  splendid  cities  on  the  shore  of  the  Pacific. 
In  eighty  years  the  population  increased  from  three  to  thirty  millions,  the 
territory  was  vastly  extended,  and  the  number  of  States  more  than  doubled. 
History  does  not  furnish  au  example  of  such  rapid  progress  in  all  that  goes 
to  constitute  a  great  and  powerful  nation.  But,  alas!  while  in  the  midst  of 
unexampled  prosperity,  the  seeds  of  civil  discord  were  sown.  The  heresy  of 
secession  took  deep  root.     The  people  of  a  section  becoming  dissatisfied,  and 


346*  JOHN   HART   MONUMENT. 

claiming  secessiou  as  a  constitutional  right,  attempted  to  withdraw  from  the 
Union  and  set  up  a  separate  government.  We  have  but  just  emerged  from 
the  terrible  struggle  that  ensued,  with  our  wounds  still  bleeding.  The  weeds 
of  mourning  for  those  who  have  fallen  are  still  fresh,  and  the  flowers  have  not 
yet  withered  on  the  new-made  graves.  Tltanks  be  to  God  that  peace,  once 
more  reigns  throughout  the  land.  Thanks  be  to  God  that  the  Union  is  saved. 
The  question  which,  from  the  infancy  of  the  nation,  has  imperilled  its  exist- 
ence, has  been  settled.  But  do  not  mistake  the  import  of  the  decision.  It 
has  not  been  decided  that  the  States  have  no  rights.  The  nature  of  the 
government  established  by  our  revolutionary  fathers  is  not  changed.  The 
States  have  never  been  out  of  the  Union,  and  their  powers  of  government 
within  their  proper  sphere  are  as  real  and  absolute  now  as  they  ever  were ; 
but  it  has  been  settled  beyond  all  controversy,  that  to  secede  at  will,  and  thus 
dissolve  the  Union,  is  not  one  of  the  rights  of  a  State,  and  that  all  fancied 
or  real  grievances  must  be  settled  within  the  Union  by  the  lawful  tribunals, 
and  not  outside  of  it,  by  force  of  arms.  It  has  been  decided  that  the  framers 
of  the  Constitution  intended  to  make  a  perpetual  Union,  and  that  the  exist- 
ence of  a  great  nation  must  not  depend  on  the  will  of  a  single  party  to  the 
compact. 

As  New  Jersey  was  among  the  foremost  in  the  struggle  which  ended  in  the 
formation  of  the  Union,  so  has  she  been  among  the  most  earnest  to  preserve 
it.  While  the  maintenance  of  peace  seemed  possible,  she  labored  perseveringly 
to  that  eud;  but  when  the  insurgents  fired  upon  the  flag  which  is  the  emblem 
of  our  nationality,  her  people  arose  as  one  man;  and  at  the  call  of  the  au- 
thorities, thousands  rushed  to  the  scene  of  conflict;  nor  did  she  relax  her 
efforts  so  long  as  an  armed  foe  defied  the  authority  of  the  Government.  No 
troops  have  behaved  with  greater  gallantry.  There  is  not  an  instance  of  a 
New  Jersey  regiment  leaving  the  field  in  confusion  and  without  orders.  They 
were  with  Kearney  on  the  Peninsula,  with  Mott  at  Petersburg,  with  Torbert  in 
the  valley  of  the  Shenandoah,  and  with  Kilpatrick  in  his  triumphant  march 
through  the  South. 

For  the  preservation  of  the  Union,  which  John  Hart  and  his  compeers 
labored  to  establish,  they  bared  their  bosoms  in  the  forefront  of  danger,  on 
almost  every  battle-field  of  the  war.  Having  finished  their  work,  they  are 
now  returning  to  their  homes.  Let  them  be  welcomed  with  every  manifesta- 
tion of  joy.  Let  age  and  youth,  manhood  and  beauty,  vie  with  each  other  in 
doing  honor  to  these  brave  men.  Let  bonfires  and  illuminations,  the  sound 
of  music,  the  roar  of  artillery,  and  the  loud  huzzas  of  a  grateful  people,  greet 
them. 

And  now  that  the  war  is  over,  the  nation  will  resume  with  vigor  the  great 
race  of  civilization  and  progress.  Those  who  participated  in  the  rebellion 
acknowledge  that  they  have  been  thoroughly  defeated,  and  are  sincerely  anxious 
to  renew  their  allegiance.  The  magnanimous  terms  extended  by  Grant,  not 
only  disbanded  the  rebel  armies,  but  completely  disarmed  the  passions  and 


JOHN   HART   MONUMENT.  347* 

prejudices  of  the  people.  No  tongue  can  describe  the  suffering  they  have 
endured  for  the  last  four  years.  Let  a  spirit  of  kindness  and  charity,  so  far 
as  is  consistent  with  justice  and  the  public  welfare,  be  extended  to  a  fallen  foe, 
and  soon  the  wounds  made  by  the  ravages  of  war  will  be  healed;  and  bound 
together  in  cordial  union,  the  United  States  of  America  will  speedily  become 
the  great  power  among  nations. 

And  now,  my  friends,  our  duty  is  performed,  and  we  will  soon  leave  this 
consecrated  ground.  This  monument  may  crumble  and  decay,  but  the  fame 
of  him  whose  remains  are  here  entombed  shall  never  die.  The  historic  page 
will  speak  of  him  to  posterity;  and  may  we  not  hope  that,  after  all  now  here 
assembled  shall  have  passed  from  earth — in  the  far  off  centuries — that  future 
generations  shall  stand  by  this  tomb,  dedicated  to  virtue  and  to  patriotism ; 
and  as  they  contemplate  the  character  of  him  whose  dust  lies  beneath  this 
monument,  draw  inspiration  from  the  hallowed  spot;  and  here,  beneath  the 
shadow  of  this  temple  dedicated  to  Almighty  God,  renew  their  vows,  and  swear 
that  his  work  shall  never  perish,  and  the  Union  shall  be  perpetual. 

Several  relics  of  John  Hart  and  his  times  were  shown  by  the  Go- 
vernor during  the  delivery  of  the  oration.  Among  these  was  the  old 
family  Bible  used  by  John  Hart,  in  which  are  recorded,  in  his  own 
handwriting,  the  record  of  the  births,  marriages,  and  deaths  of  the 
family.  The  original  deed  from  John  Hart  to  the  Baptist  Church  of 
Hopewell  (giving  the  land  on  which  the  church  is  built),  drawn  in 
1771,  and  a  piece  of  the  table  used  by  John  Hancock,  on  which  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  was  signed,  were  also  shown.  These 
interesting  relics  are  now  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  Cha's  L.  Pascal,  of 
Philadelphia,  a  descendant  of  John  Hart. 


32c 


JOHN    HAET   MONUMENT. 


NOTES. 


CHILDREN  OF  JOHN  HAET. 

EXTRACTS  FROM  FAMILY  BIBLE  IN  JOHN  HART'S  WRITING" 

Sarah,  born  October  16.     [Year  not  legible.] 

Jesse,  born  September  19,  1742. 

Martha,  born  April  10,  1746. 

Nathaniel,  born  October  29,  1747. 

John,  born  October  29,  1748. 

Susannah,  born  August  2,  1750. 

Mary,  born  April  7,  1752. 

Abigail,  born  February  10,  1754. 

Edward,  born  December  20,  1755. 

Scudder,  born  December  30,  1759. 

A  daughter  (nameless),  March  16,  1761. 

Daniel,  born  August  13,  1762. 

Deborah,  born  August  21,  1765. 

Sarah  married  a  Wyekoff,  and  her  grandson,  Samuel  S.  Wyckoff,  is  a  pro- 
minent merchant  in  Murray  Street,  New  York. 

Susannah  married  Major  John  Polhemus,  a  revolutionary  officer. 

Deborah  married  Joseph  Ott. 

Daniel  went  to  Virginia. 

Three  of  John  Hart's  sons  (supposed  to  be  Jesse,  Nathaniel,  and  John) 
acted  as  Washington's  guides  while  campaigning  in  New  Jersey. 

The  wife  of  John  Hart  was  Deborah  Scndder,  whom  he  married  about  the 
year  1740.  She  was  then  18  years  old.  She  died  on  the  26th  of  October, 
1776,  leaving  twenty-two  grandchildren. 

The  township  of  Hopewell  was  formerly  in  Hunterdon  County,  but  is  now 
in  Mercer;  the  latter  county  having  been  set  off  from  Hunterdon  and  Burling- 
ton by  legislative  act. 

A  part  of  Mr.  Hart's  family,  in  the  fall  and  winter  of  1776,  took  refuge  in 
a  log  hovel  near  Moore's  Mill,  about  two  miles  from  Hart's  residence.  He 
was  secreted  in  Sourland  Mountains  during  the  day,  and  at  night  he  slept  in 
an  out-house  with  the  family  dog  as  his  only  companion.  ■_ 

The  time  of  Mr.  Hart's  death  has  been  stated  differently  by  different  writers. 
Sanderson,  in  his  "Lives  of  the  Signers,"  puts  it  in  the  year  1780.     Others 


JOHN   HART   MONUMENT.  349* 

make  the  time  1118.     Tbe  true  time  is  that  given  by  Governor  Parker 11th 

of  May,  1779.  This  appears  by  a  marginal  note  in  the  proceedings  of  the 
Legislature  of  that  year,  and  this  date  is  confirmed  by  the  probate  of  the  will, 
which  was  May  23,  1779. 

The  personal  appearance  of  Mr.  Hart  was  very  prepossessing.  He  was 
5  feet  10  inches  high,  well  proportioned,  very  black  hair,  keen  blue  eyes ; 
stood  very  straight;  skin  little  brown. 

Mr.  Hart  was  a  man  of  great  kindness  of  heart.  It  is  told  that  lie  had  a 
negro  named  Jack,  who  was  a  great  favorite  of  his  master.  While  Mr.  Hart 
was  absent  Jack  committed  some  offence  that  subjected  him  to  the  charge  of 
larceny  of  his  master's  goods.  On  his  return,  Mr.  Hart  was  solicited  by  some 
of  the  family  to  punish  Jack,  but  he  refused,  and  declared  that  Jack  could  not 
steal  from  him,  since  he  had  confided  all  his  movables  to  his  care,  and  nothing 
more  than  a  breach  of  trust  could  be  made  of  it. 

Joab  Houghton,  who  was  one  of  the  signers  of  the  instructions  to  John 
Hart  in  1771,  was  made  a  Colonel  in  the  American  army  in  1775.  He  was 
a  brave  officer.  In  1776,  when  the  county  was  overrun  by  tbe  Hessians,  he 
collected  a  few  of  his  neighbors  and  had  a  fight  with  a  party  of  the  enemy  at 
Moore's  Mill,  in  which  the  leader  of  the  Hessians,  with  a  dozen  men,  were 
taken  prisoners.  Col.  Houghton  remained  in  the  field  during  the  whole  war, 
and  was  afterwards  a  member  of  the  Legislature  from  Hunterdon.  He  was  a 
member  of  the  Hopewell  Baptist  Church,  and  died  in  1795. 

THE  STOUT  FAMILY. 

Jonathan,  the  ancestor  of  the  Stouts,  came  to  Hopewell  from  Middletown, 
in  this  State,  in  the  year  1706.  His  family  was  one  of  the  first  three  which 
settled  on  the  tract  now  called  Hopewell.  The  place,  then,  was  a  wilderness, 
and  full  of  Indians.  "The  family  of  the  Stouts  are  so  remarkable  for  their 
number,  origin,  and  character,  in  both  church  and  state,  that  their  history 
deserves  to  be  conspicuously  recorded;  and  no  place  can  be  so  proper  as  that 
of  Hopewell,  where  the  bulk  of  the  family  resides.  We  have  already  seen 
that  Jonathan  Stout  and  family  were  the  seed  of  the  Hopewell  church,  and 
the  beginning  of  Hopewell  settlement;  and  that  of  the  fifteen  which  consti- 
tuted the  church,  nine  were  Stouts.  The  church  was  constituted  at  the  house 
of  a  Stout,  and  the  meetings  were  held  chiefly  at  the  dwellings  of  the  Stouts 
for  foi'ty-oue  years,  viz.,  from  the  beginning  of  the  settlement  to  the  building 
of  the  meeting-house,  before  described.  Mr.  Hart  was  of  opinion  'that, 
from  first  to  last,  ialf  the  members  have  beeu  and  were  of  that  name ;  for, 
in  looking  over  the  church  book  (saith  he),  I  find  that  near  two  hundred 
of  the  name  have  been  added;  besides  about  as  many  more  of  the  blood  of  the 
Stouts,  who  had  lost  the  name  by  marriage.    The  present  (1790)  two  deacons 


350*  JOHN   HART  MONUMENT. 

and  four  elders  are  Stouts;  the  late  Zebulon  aud  David  Stout  were  two  of  its 
main  pillars;  the  last  lived  to  see  his  offspring  multiplied  into  one  hundred 
and  seventeen  souls.'  The  origin  of  this  Baptist  family  is  no  less  remarkable, 
for  they  all  sprang  from  one  woman,  and  she  as  good  as  dead;  her  history  is 
in  the  mouths  of  most  of  her  posterity,  and  is  told  as  follows:  'She  was  born 
at  Amsterdam,  about  the  year  1602;  her  father's  name  was  Vanprincis;  she 
and  her  first  husband  (whose  name  is  not  known)  sailed  for  New  York  (then 
New  Amsterdam)  about  the  year  1620  ;  the  vessel  was  stranded  at  Sandy 
Hook,  the  crew  got  ashore,  and  marched  towards  the  said  New  York ;  but 
Penelope's  (for  that  was  her  name)  husband  being  hurt  in  the  wreck,  could 
not  march  with  them ;  therefore,  he  and  the  wife  tarried  in  the  woods.  They 
had  not  been  long  in  the  place  before  the  Indians  killed  them  both  (as  they 
thought),  and  stripped  them  to  the  skin.  However,  Penelope  came  to,  though 
her  skull  was  fractured  and  her  left  shoulder  so  hacked  that  she  could  never 
use  that  arm  like  the  other.  She  was  also  cut  across  the  abdomen,  so  that 
her  bowels  appeared ;  these  she  kept  in  with  her  hand.  She  continued  in  this 
situation  for  seven  days,  taking  shelter  in  a  hollow  tree,  and  eating  the  ex- 
crescence of  it.  The  seventh  day  she  saw  a  deer  passing  by  with  arrows  stick- 
ing in  it,  and  soon  after  two  Indians  appeared,  whom  she  was  glad  to  see,  in 
hope  they  would  put  her  out  of  her  misery.  Accordingly,  one  made  towards 
her  to  knock  her  on  the  head,  but  the  other,  who  was  an  elderly  man,  pre- 
vented him,  and,  throwing  his  matchcoat  about  her,  carried  her  to  his  wigwam, 
and  cured  her  of  her  wounds  and  bruises.  After  that  he  took  her  to  New 
York,  and  made  a  present  of  her  to  her  countrymen,  viz.,  an  Indian  present, 
expecting  ten  times  the  value  in  return.  It  was  in  New  York  that  one  Richard 
Stout  married  her.  He  was  a  native  of  England,  and  of  a  good  family.  She 
was  now  in  her  22d  year,  and  he  iu  his  40th.  She  bore  him  seven  sons  and 
three  daughters,  viz.,  Jonathan  (founder  of  Hopewell),  John,  Richard,  James, 
Peter,  David,  Benjamin,  Mary,  Sarah,  and  Alice.  The  daughters  married  into 
the  families  of  the  Bounds,  Pikes,  Throckmortons,  and  Skeltons,  and  so  lost 
the  name  of  Stout:  the  sons  married  into  the  families  of  Bullen,  Crawford, 
Ashton,  Traux,  &c,  and  had  many  children.  The  mother  lived  to  the  age  of 
110,  and  saw  her  offspring  multiplied  into  502,  in  about  88  years.'  " — Bene- 
dict's Hist.  Baptists. 


ABEAHAM    CLARK. 


Abraham  Clark  was  born  in  the  borough  of  Elizabethtown, 
county  of  Essex,  and  province  of  New  Jersey,  on  the  fifteenth  of 
February,  1726.  He  was  the  only  child  of  Alderman  Thomas  Clark, 
whose  ancestors  first  settled  upon  the  farm  which  descended  to  his 
son.  He  enjoyed  a  good  English  education,  under  competent  teach- 
ers, and  was  particularly  addicted  to  the  study  of  the  mathematics, 
and  of  civil  law.  In  the  year  1743,  at  the  age  of  twenty-two  years, 
he  married  Sarah  Hetfield,  of  Elizabethtown,  who  survived  him 
ten  years. 

On  the  twenty-first  of  June,  1776,  he  was  appointed  by  the  pro- 
vincial congress,  in  conjunction  with  Richard  Stockton,  John  Hart, 
Francis  Hopkinson,  and  Dr.  John  Witherspoon,  a  delegate  to  the 
continental  congress.  They  were  instructed  to  unite  with  the  dele- 
gates of  the  other  colonies  in  the  most  vigorous  measures  for  sup- 
porting the  just  rights  and  liberties  of  America,  and  if  it  should  be 
deemed  necessary  or  expedient  for  this  purpose,  to  join  with  them 
in  declaring  the  United  Colonies  independent  of  Great  Britain. 

Mr.  Clark  applied  himself  zealously  to  the  discharge  of  his  new 
duties,  and  was,  for  a  long  time,  one  of  the  leading  -members  of  the 
Jersey  delegation.  His  industry,  abilities,  and  perseverance  in  the 
business  of  committees,  and  his  plain,  clear  view  of  general  mea- 
sures, rendered  him  a  valuable  member  of  the  house;  while  his 
patriotism  and  integrity  attracted  the  respect  and  admiration  of  his 
colleagues.  His  faith  and  firmness  were  amply  tested,  a  few  days 
after  he  took  his  seat,  by  his  cordial  co-operation  with  those  who 
advocated  the  immediate  proclamation  of  Independence;  and  it  is 
believed  that  his  strong  conviction  of  the  propriety  of  that  measure 
united  with  his  many  political  virtues  in  promoting  his  appointment. 
One  of  the  first  duties  which  devolved  on  him  as  a  member  of  the 
great  national  council,  involving  personal  safety  and  fortune,  and, 
what  ranked  above  all  other  considerations  in  the  estimation  of 
Mr.  Clark,  the  liberties  of  his  country,  was  discharged  with  alacrity; 
33  w2  331 


332  ABEAHAM    CLARK. 

and  he  affixed  his  name  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  with 
those  feelings  of  pride  and  resolution  which  are  excited  by  a  noble 
but  dangerous  action.  On  the  thirtieth  of  November,  1776,  he  was 
again  elected  by  the  provincial  congress  of  New  Jersey,  and  con- 
tinued, with  the  exception  of  the  session  of  1779,  to  be  annually 
re-elected  a  delegate  from  that  state  until  the  month  of  November, 
1783.  During  this  long  period  of  service,  his  necessary  intimacy 
with  the  proceedings  of  congress,  and  the  course  and  nature  of  the 
arduous  and  protracted  affairs  which  frequently  demanded  a  great 
extent  of  memory  and  attention,  rendered  him  an  active  and  useful 
member.    In  1788,  he  again  took  his  seat  in  the  national  legislature. 

The  intervals  of  his  non-election  to  congress  were  not  devoted 
to  leisure,  nor  applied  to  that  relief  from  public  cares  which  the 
feebleness  of  his  constitution  required.  His  exertions  and  services 
in  the  state  legislature,  of  which  he  was  a  member  during  those 
periods,  were  properly  appreciated,  and  his  influence  became  so 
extensive,  that  he  personally  incurred  popular  praise  or  reproach, 
in  proportion  to  the  applause  or  odium  excited  by  the  general  acts 
of  the  legislature. 

Mr.  Clark  possessed  the  reputation  of  being  a  rigid  economist  in 
all  things  relating  to  the  public  treasure.  Having,  during  the  im- 
poverished state  of  the  country,  strongly  opposed  a  proposition  of 
commutation  for  pay  made  in  behalf  of  the  officers  of  the  revolu- 
tionary army,  they  became  his  decided  enemies,  and  united  their 
influence  with  the  legal  interest,  in  opposing  his  popularity.  In  jus- 
tification of  the  course  which  he  had  pursued,  he  maintained  that  he, 
as  well  as  many  other  civil  officers,  had  cheerfully  sacrificed  a  large 
share  of  property  and  domestic  enjoyment  for  the  public  benefit, 
and  that  he  considered  the  officers  of  the  army,  in  common  with 
himself,  his  family,  and  all  others,  as  fully  compensated  for  years  of 
suffering  and  privation,  by  the  result  of  the  contest. 

Mr.  Clark  was  one  among  the  earliest  promoters  of  those  mea- 
sures which  led  to  a  convention  for  the  purpose  of  framing  a  more 
stable  and  efficacious  constitution  for  the  government  of  the  states. 
He  had  frequently  discussed  this  subject  with  Governor  Clinton,  of 
New  York,  particularly  as  it  related  to  the  oppressive  conduct  of 
the  government  of  that  state,  in  levying  duties  on  vessels  from 
other  states;  and  he  had  demonstrated  the  dangerous  tendency  of 
the  measure.  It  is  not,  however,  probable  that  he  contemplated,  at 
that  period,  the  magnificent  fabric  which  was  subsequently  erected 
on  the  ruins  of  the  old  confederation ;  his  views  and  wishes  were 


ABRAHAM    CLARK.  333 

then  circumscribed  to  an  enlargement  of  the  powers  of  the  latter 
instrument. 

In  1787  he  was  appointed  a  member  of  the  general  convention 
which  framed  the  federal  constitution,  but  was  prevented  by  ill 
health  from  joining  in  the  deliberations  of  that  illustrious  assembly. 
He  was  opposed  to  the  constitution,  in  its  primitive  form;  but  his 
objections  being  removed  by  subsequent  amendments,  it  met  with 
his  cordial  approbation  and  support.  Advantage  was  taken  of 
these  free  sentiments  by  those  who  were  inimical  to  Mr.  Clark.  His 
objections  were  magnified  into  a  charge  of  anti-federalism,  which, 
joined  with  the  opposition  of  the  legal  interest,  and  of  the  discon- 
tented officers,  together  with  a  corrupt  election,  (which  was  referred 
to  the  first  congress,)  placed  him,  for  the  only  time  during  his  long 
political  life,  in  the  minority  in  the  elections  of  New  Jersey.  He 
was,  however,  appointed,  in  the  winter  of  1789-1790,  a  commis- 
sioner to  settle  the  accounts  of  the  state  with  the  United  States, 
which  office  he  held  until  the  ensuing  election,  when  he  was  elected 
a  representative  in  the  second  congress,  and  continued  to  hold  this 
honourable  appointment  until  a  short  time  previous  to  his  death. 

Towards  the  close  of  his  public  career,  Mr.  Clark  continued,  with 
unimpaired  activity,  to  engage  in  the  promotion  of  such  political 
measures  as,  according  to  his  mature  judgment,  appeared  compati- 
ble with  the  welfare  of  his  country,  or  necessary  for  the  support  of 
its  dignity.  In  the  congress  of  1794,  he  exerted  his  influence  and 
talents  in  support  of  the  memorable  resolutions  submitted  by  Mr. 
Madison,  relative  to  the  commerce  of  the  United  States. 

The  proceedings  of  the  national  legislature  continued  gradually 
to  assume  a  more  threatening  character,  and  a  war  with  Great  Bri- 
tain appeared  to  be  almost  inevitable.  The  irritable  state  of  the 
public  temper  was  felt  upon  the  floor  of  congress,  and  the  debates 
were  conducted  with  peculiar  vehemence.  Numerous  propositions 
had  been  made,  during  the  general  ferment,  of  the  most  decisive 
nature.  On  the  twenty-seventh  of  March,  1794,  Mr.  Dayton  moved 
a  resolution  for  sequestering  all  debts  due  to  British  subjects,  for 
the  purpose  of  indemnifying  our  citizens  for  spoliations  committed 
on  their  commerce  by  British  cruisers;  but,  before  any  question 
was  taken  on  this  proposition,  Mr.  Clark  moved  a  resolution  which 
suspended,  for  a  time,  the  consideration  of  the  commercial  regula- 
tions. This  was  to  prohibit  all  intercourse  with  Great  Britain,  until 
full  compensation  was  made  to  our  citizens  for  the  injuries  sustained 
by  them  from  British  armed  vessels,  and   until  the  western  posts 


334  ABRAHAM    CLARK. 

should  be  delivered  up.  Warm  and  animated  discussions  of  the 
several  propositions  continued  to  take  place  daily,  but  they  were 
suffered,  by  the  majority,  to  remain  undecided.  On  the  sixteenth 
of  April,  President  Washington  announced  to  the  senate,  the  nomi- 
nation of  the  honourable  John  Jay  as  envoy  extraordinary  to  his 
Britannic  majesty,  for  the  purpose  of  adjusting  the  difficulties  which 
existed  between  the  two  countries. 

On  the  eighteenth  of  April,  a  motion  to  consider  the  report  of 
the  committee  on  the  resolution  proposed  by  Mr.  Clark,  was  opposed 
principally  on  the  ground,  that  as  Mr.  Jay  had  been  nominated  to 
the  court  of  Great  Britain,  no  obstacle  ought  to  be  thrown  in  his 
way.  It  was  also  said,  that  the  adoption  of  the  resolution  would 
be  a  bar  to  negotiation,  as  it  used  the  language  of  menace,  and 
would  certainly  be  received  with  indignation;  that  it  also  prescribed 
the  terms  on  which  alone  a  treaty  should  be  made,  and  was  conse- 
quently an  infringement  of  the  right  of  the  executive  to  negotiate, 
and  an  indelicacy  to  the  department;  and  that,  as  it  withheld  the 
benefits  of  American  commerce  from  one  belligerent,  while  it  re- 
mained free  to  the  other,  it  manifested  a  partiality  which  was  in- 
compatible with  neutrality,  and  led  to  war.  On  the  contrary,  it  was 
urged  that  the  measure  was  strictly  within  the  duty  of  the  legis- 
lature, they  having  solely  the  right  to  regulate  commerce;  that,  if 
there  was  any  indelicacy  in  the  clashing  of  the  proceedings  of  the 
legislature  and  executive,  it  was  to  the  latter,  and  not  to  the  for- 
mer, that  this  indelicacy  was  to  be  imputed;  that  the  resolution  had 
been  several  days  depending  in  the  house,  before  the  nomination  of 
an  envoy  had  been  made;  and  that  America,  having  a  right  as  an 
independent  nation  to  regulate  her  own  commerce,  the  resolution 
could  not  lead  to  war.  A  bill  was  finally  brought  in  conforming  to 
Mr.  Clark's  resolution,  and  carried  by  a  considerable  majority.  It 
was,  however,  lost  in  the  senate,  on  the  twenty-eighth  of  April,  by 
the  casting  vote  of  Mr.  Adams,  the  vice  president. 

The  feelings  which  actuated  Mr.  Clark  in  his  course  of  public 
usefulness,  were  wholly  disinterested.  Separating  the  patriot  from 
the  father,  he  scrupulously  refrained  from  exerting  his  influence 
with  congress  in  favour  of  his  sons,  who  were  officers  in  the  army, 
and  had  been  captured  by  the  enemy:  yet  a  part  of  their  confine- 
ment was  in  the  prison-ship  Jersey,  and  they  suffered  more  than 
the  ordinary  hardships  of  prisoners.  In  one  instance,  however, 
paternal  feeling  was  exercised  with  propriety.  The  treatment  of 
American  prisoners  by  the  British  had,  in  many  cases,  been  pecu- 


A  GRAHAM     C  L  A  R  K  .  335 

liarly  barbarous,  and  disgraceful  to  a  civilized  nation,  and  retaliation 
was  the  indirect  mode  by  which  protection  was  afforded  to  our  suf- 
fering countrymen.  Thomas  Clark,  a  son  of  Mr.  Clark,  and  a  cap- 
tain of  artillery,  experienced  the  most  cruel  persecution:  he  was 
immured  in  a  dungeon,  with  no  other  food  than  that  which  was  in- 
troduced by  his  fellow  prisoners  through  a  key-hole.  A  represen- 
tation of  this  fact  being  made  to  congress,  retaliation  was  resorted 
to  in  the  person  of  a  British  captain ;  the  desired  result  was  pro- 
duced, and  Captain  Clark's  sufferings  were  mitigated. 

Exhausted  by  his  political  toils,  and  the  infirmities  incident  to  a 
feeble  constitution,  Mr.  Clark  finally  retired  from  public  life  on  the 
adjournment  of  congress,  ninth  June,  1794. — Patriotism  was  the 
most  distinguishing  trait  in  the  character  of  this  plain  and  pious 
man.  In  private  life,  he  was  reserved  and  contemplative:  prefer- 
ring retirement  to  company,  and  reflection  to  amusement,  he  ap- 
peared to  be  continually  absorbed  in  the  affairs  of  the  public. 
Limited  in  his  circumstances,  moderate  in  his  desires,  and  unam- 
bitious of  wealth,  he  was  far  from  being  parsimonious  in  his  private 
concerns,  although  a  rigid  economist  in  public  affairs. — His  person 
was  of  the  common  height,  his  form  slender,  and  his  eyebrows 
heavy,  which  gave  an  appearance  of  austerity  to  his  countenance. 
His  habits  were  extremely  temperate,  and  his  manner  thoughtful 
and  sedate. 

In  the  autumn  of  1794,  this  excellent  man  experienced  a  coup  de 
soldi,  or  stroke  of  the  sun,  which  terminated  his  existence  in  two 
hours.  He  died  in  the  sixty-ninth  year  of  his  age,  and  was  buried 
in  the  church-yard  at  Railway,  upon  which  church  he  had  bestowed 
numerous  benefactions.  The  inscription  which  designates  the 
grave  of  the  patriot,  comprehends  a  concise  view  of  the  character 
of  him  who  rests  within  it: 

Firm  and  decided  as  a  patriot, 

Zealous  and  faithful  as  a  friend  to  the  public, 

He  loved  his  country, 

And  adhered  to  her  cause 

In  the  darkest  hours  of  her  struggles 

Against  oppression. 


ROBERT  MORRIS. 


The  Declaration  of  Independence  was  signed  on  behalf  of  the 
state  of  Pennsylvania  by  nine  delegates,  Robert  Morris,  Ben- 
jamin Rush,  Benjamin  Franklin,  John  Morton,  George 
Clymer,  James  Smith,  George  Taylor,  James  Wilson,  and 
George  Ross. 

The  first  of  these,  Robert  Morris,  was  born  in  Lancashire,  in 
the  month  of  January,  1733-4,  O.  S.  of  respectable  parentage;  his 
father  being  a  merchant  of  some  eminence  in  Liverpool,  and  ex- 
tensively engaged  in  trade  with  the  American  colonies.  Mr.  Morris, 
having  formed  the  design  of  emigrating,  embarked  for  America, 
leaving  his  son  under  the  care  of  his  grandmother,  to  whom  he  was 
extremely  attached.  Having  established  himself  at  Oxford,  on  the 
river  Treadhaven,  Talbot  county,  Maryland,  he  sent  to  England  for 
young  Morris,  who  arrived  at  the  age  of  thirteen  years. 

Mr.  Morris  did  not  enjoy  the  benefits  of  a  classical  education. 
He  was  placed  under  the  tuition  of  one  Annan,  at  that  time  one  of 
the  few  teachers  in  Philadelphia,  and  his  progress  in  learning  does 
not  appear  to  have  been  very  rapid. 

His  father,  at  this  period,  carried  on  an  extensive  business,  as 
agent  for  vessels  from  Liverpool.  Having  invited  a  large  party  to 
dine  on  board  of  one  of  these  ships,  he  was  returning  to  shore  in 
the  yawl,  after  the  conclusion  of  the  festivity,  when  the  captain  fired 
a  salute  in  honour  of  the  occasion,  although  in  opposition  to  the 
expressed  injunction  of  Mr.  Morris.  A  wad  from  one  of  the  guns 
unfortunately  struck,  and  inflicted  a  severe  wound  on  his  arm, 
which  mortified,  and  caused  his  death.  His  memory  was  so  highly 
esteemed,  that  the  gentlemen  residing  in  the  vicinity  solemnly  en- 
joined in  their  wills  that  his  tomb  should  be  preserved  inviolate. 
His  favourite  dog  could  not  be  enticed  from  the  body  of  his  deceased 
master,  and  died  upon  the  grave. 

Mr.  Morris  was  left  an  orphan  at  the  age  of  fifteen  years.  He 
had  previously  been  placed  by  his  father  with  Mr.  Charles  Willing, 
336 


^^Ssrsr*-- 


WASHINGTONS    MANSION 

190  Market-  Street 


R     MORRIS     MANSION 
S.E.  c'or.  6"' 3  Marke-  St; 


ROBERT    MORRIS.  339 

at  that  time  one  of  the  first  merchants  of  Philadelphia,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  receiving  a  commercial  education.  Although  deprived  of 
the  benefit  of  parental  counsel,  his  clerkship  was  characterized  by 
the  greatest  fidelity  and  attention,  and  he  soon  gained  the  implicit 
confidence  of  Mr.  Willing. 

His  extensive  mercantile  knowledge,  and  close  application  to  the 
discharge  of  his  duties,  attracted  the  friendship  and  confidence  of 
Mr.  Thomas  Willing,  who  proposed  to  him,  some  time  after  the  ex- 
piration of  the  term  for  which  he  had  engaged  himself,  to  form  to- 
gether a  commercial  connection.  This  partnership  was  entered  into 
in  the  year  1754,  and  continued  until  1793,  embracing  the  long  pe- 
riod of  thirty-nine  years.  Mr.  Morris  was  the  acting  partner,  and 
previous  to  the  commencement  of  the  revolution,  the  house  was  en- 
gaged more  extensively  in  commerce  than  any  other  in  Philadelphia. 

The  unalterable  resolution  of  Mr.  Morris,  with  respect  to  his  po- 
litical course  of  conduct,  appears  to  have  been  formed  in  the  early 
part  of  the  year  1775  :  the  shedding  of  American  blood  in  Massa- 
chusetts, for  ever  fixed  the  principles  upon  which  his  resplendent 
services  in  the  darkest  days  of  the  revolution  were  founded,  and  ex- 
tinguished the  last  glimmering  of  hope  that  the  evils  and  miseries 
of  war  might  yet  be  averted.  On  St.  George's  day,  twenty-third 
April,  1775,  about  one  hundred  guests  and  members  of  the  St. 
George's  Society  were  assembled  at  the  City  Tavern  in  Philadel- 
phia, to  celebrate  the  anniversary  of  their  tutelary  saint.  Mr.  Mor- 
ris was  the  presiding  officer.  Reconciliation  and  a  change  of  minis- 
ters were  the  phantoms  which  had  lulled  and  deluded  the  American 
community.  About  five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  in  the  height  of 
their  festivity,  when  moderate  hilarity  alone  had  attended  their  liba- 
tions, the  news  of  the  massacre  at  Lexington,  which  occurred  four 
days  previous,  was  communicated  to  the  company.  The  change  of 
scene  was  instantaneous  and  appalling :  an  electric  shock  could  not 
have  been  more  suddenly  prostrating.  The  tables  were  immedi- 
ately deserted,  and  the  seats  overturned.  Mr.  Morris,  and  a  few 
members,  among  whom  was  Richard  Peters,  retained  their  seats, 
and  viewed  this  extraordinary  display  in  silent  astonishment.  When 
the  fugitives  had  retreated,  a  solemn  scene  succeeded  the  merri- 
ment and  gaiety  which,  a  few  moments  before,  had  resounded 
through  the  hall.  After  feelingly  deploring  the  awful  event  which 
separated  them  for  ever  from  the  British  government ;  the  small 
party  that  remained  took  leave  of  their  patron  saint,  and  pronounced 
a  solemn  requiem  over  the   painted  vapour, — reconciliation.     Mr. 


340  ROBERT    MORRIS. 

Morris,  in  unison  with  his  associates,  at  that  time  avowed  his  irre- 
vocable decision  as  to  revolutionary  measures,  from  which  he  never 
deviated. 

The  appointment  of  Mr.  Morris,  by  the  legislature  of  Pennsylva- 
nia, on  the  third  of  November,  1775,  as  one  of  the  delegates  to  the 
second  congress,  was  his  first  formal  entrance  into  public  life.  Soon 
after  he  had  assumed  his  seat  in  congress,  he  was  added  to  the  secret 
committee,  (of  which  he  was  the  chairman,)  that  had  been  formed, 
on  the  eighteenth  of  September,  to  contract  for  the  importation  of 
arms,  ammunition  and  gunpowder.  On  the  eleventh  of  December, 
he  was  appointed  a  member  of  the  committee  to  devise  ways  and 
means  of  furnishing  the  colonies  with  a  naval  armament ;  and  their 
report,  embracing  the  expedience  of  augmenting  the  navy  by  the 
addition  of  five  ships  of  32,  five  of  28,  and  three  of  24  guns,  being 
adopted,  a  naval  committee  was  formed,  of  which  Mr.  Morris  was  a 
member,  with  full  powers  to  carry  the  plan  into  execution,  with  all 
possible  expedition.  In  the  beginning  of  1776,  he  was  conspicuous 
in  the  discussions  which  attended  the  regulation  of  trade,  and  the 
restrictions  under  which  it  ought  to  be  placed.  On  the  fifteenth  of 
April,  1776,  he  was  specially  commissioned  to  negotiate  bills  of  ex- 
change, with  a  pledge  of  indemnity  from  congress  should  any  loss 
arise  from  his  responsibility  as  the  endorser.*  On  the  twentieth  of 
July,  he  was  re-elected  a  representative  of  the  state  of  Pennsyl- 
vania. 

When  the  approach  of  the  enemy  through  New  Jersey  caused  the 
removal  of  congress  from  Philadelphia  to  Baltimore,  the  national 
affairs  wore  a  gloomy  and  disheartening  aspect.  In  December, 
1776,  when  congress  retired  from  Philadelphia,  a  committee,  con- 
sisting of  Mr.  Morris,  Mr.  Clymer,  and  Mr.  Walton,  was  appointed, 
with  extensive  powers,  to  remain  in  that  city,  and  execute  all  ne- 
cessary and  proper  continental  business.  Being  in  daily  expectation 
of  the  arrival  of  the  enemy,  Mr.  Morris  removed  his  family  to  the 
country,  and  resided  with  an  intimate  friend  who  had  resolved,  at 
every  hazard,  to  remain  in  the  city.    At  this  time,  he  received  a  let- 

*  On  the  first  of  July  he  voted  against  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  on 
the  fourth,  declined  voting  at  all,  considering  the  time  premature  and  inappropriate. 
Shortly  after  this  he  wrote  to  the  commissioners  at  Paris,  "  Our  people  knew  not 
the  hardship  and  calamities  of  war,  when  they  so  boldly  dared  Britain  to  arms." 
And  to  Gen.  Gates,  "  The  business  of  all  America  seems  to  be  making  constitutions. 
It  is  the  fruits  of  a  certain  premature  declaration,  which  you  know  I  always  oppo- 
sed. My  opposition  was  founded  on  the  evil  consequences  I  foresaw,  and  the  pre- 
sent state  of  several  of  the  colonies  justifies  my  apprehensions." 


ROBERT   MORRIS.  341 

ter  from  General  Washington,  who  was  then  encamped  with  the 
army  at  the  place  now  called  New  Hope,  on  the  Delaware,  in  which 
it  was  stated,  that  while  the  enemy  was  accurately  informed  of  all 
his  movements,  he  was  compelled,  from  the  want  of  specie,  to  re 
main  in  complete  ignorance  of  their  designs,  and  that  a  certain  sum 
specified,  was  absolutely  necessary  to  the  safety  of  the  army,  and  to 
enable  him  to  obtain  such  intelligence  of  the  movements  and  precise 
position  of  the  enemy  on  the  opposite  shore,  as  would  authorize  him 
to  act  offensively.  This  pressing  application,  and  appeal  to  the  feel 
ings  of  Mr.  Morris,  which,  from  the  urgency  of  the  occasion,  was 
despatched  by  a  confidential  messenger,  was  received  at  a  time 
when  compliance  was  almost  hopeless,  owing  to  the  general  flight 
of  the  citizens.  He  frequently  adverted  to  the  mental  depression 
which  he  experienced  on  that  trying  occasion,  and  to  the  means  he 
employed  to  relieve  the  necessities  of  the  commander-in-chief.  From 
the  time  he  received  the  despatch  until  evening,  he  revolved  deeply 
and  gloomily  in  his  mind,  the  means  through  which  he  might  realize 
the  expectations  which  had  been  formed  from  his  patriotism  and  in- 
fluence :  his  usual  hour  of  retiring  from  the  counting-room  arrived, 
and  as  he  was  proceeding  slowly  and  sorrowfully  home,  he  acci- 
dentally met  a  gentleman  of  the  society  of  Friends,  with  whom  he 
was  intimate,  and  who  placed  implicit  confidence  in  his  integrity. 
He  inquired  the  news  from  Mr.  Morris,  who  replied;  "The  most 
important  news  is,  that  I  require  a  certain  sum  in  specie,  and  that 
you  must  let  me  have  it."  His  friend  hesitated  and  mused  for  a  mo- 
ment— "  Your  security  is  to  be  my  note  and  my  honour,"  continued 
Mr.  Morris. — "  Robert,  thou  shalt  have  it,"  replied  the  friend  ;  and 
this  personal  loan,  causing  a  prompt  and  timely  compliance  with  the 
demand,  enabled  General  Washington  to  gain  the  signal  victory 
over  the  hireling  Hessians  at  Trenton.  Such  was  the  instrumen- 
tality of  Robert  Morris,  in  the  victory  of  Trenton ;  and  it  may  be 
truly  remarked,  that  although  his  own  brows  were  unadorned  with 
the  laurels  of  the  warrior,  it  was  his  hand  which  crowned  the  heroes 
who  triumphed  on  that  day. 

On  the  tenth  of  March,  1777,  he  was,  a  third  time,  appointed  by 
the  assembly  of  Pennsylvania  to  represent  that  state  in  congress,  in 
conjunction  with  Benjamin  Franklin,  George  Clymer,  James  Wil- 
son, Daniel  Roberdeau,  and  Jonathan  B.  Smith.  During  this  year, 
the  "secret  committee"  was  dissolved,  and  succeeded  in  all  its 
powers  by  the  "committee  of  commerce,"  of  which  Mr.  Morris  was 
a  prominent  member.  On  the  twenty-eighth  of  November,  he  was 
34  X 


342  ROBERT    MORRIS. 

selected,  together  with  Mr.  Gerry  and  Mr.  Jones,  to  repair  to  the 
army,  and  in  a  private  confidential  consultation  with  the  comman- 
der-in-chief, to  consider  the  best  and  most  practicable  means  for 
conducting  a  winter  campaign  with  vigour  and  success,  and,  with 
the  concurrence  of  General  Washington,  to  direct  every  measure 
which  circumstances  might  require  for  the  promotion  of  the  public 
service.  He  was  frequently  and  actively  engaged  in  managing  the 
fiscal  concerns  of  congress,  a  duty  for  which  his  capacity  for  busi- 
ness, and  intimate  knowledge  of  pecuniary  transactions,  rendered 
him  peculiarly  competent.  On  the  twenty-seventh  of  August,  1778, 
he  was  appointed  a  member  of  the  standing  committee  of  finance. 
Besides  the  enthusiastic  zeal  which  he  manifested  in  the  cause  of 
his  country,  and  the  financial  talents  which  he  possessed,  his  com- 
mercial credit  probably  ranked  higher  than  that  of  any  other  man 
in  the  community;  and  this  credit  he  unhesitatingly  devoted  to  the 
public  service,  whenever  necessity  required  such  an  evidence  of  his 
patriotism  and  disinterestedness.  These  occasions  were  neither  few 
in  their  number,  nor  trifling  in  their  nature.  Mr.  Morris  frequently 
obtained  pecuniary  as  well  as  other  supplies,  which  were  most  press- 
ingly  required  for  the  service,  on  his  own  responsibility,  and  appa- 
rently on  his  own  account,  when,  from  the  known  state  of  the  public 
treasury,  they  could  not  have  been  procured  by  the  government. 
Judge  Peters,  from  his  official  station,  possessed  the  most  perfect 
knowledge  of  every  military  transaction,  and  of  the  influence  of 
Mr.  Morris  in  giving  efficacy  to  enterprise.  The  personal  friendship 
which  subsisted  between  those  active  and  enlightened  patriots,  and 
their  constant  co-operation  in  the  great  work  of  freedom,  closely 
united  them  together ;  and  it  is  by  the  pen  of  the  latter  statesman, 
that  the  particulars  of  the  providential  supply  of  lend  for  the  army 
is  afforded.  "In  1779  or  1780,  two  of  the  most  distressing  years 
of  the  war,  General  Washington  wrote  to  me  a  most  alarming  ac- 
count of  the  prostrate  condition  of  the  military  stores,  and  enjoined 
my  immediate  exertions  to  supply  the  deficiencies.  There  were  no 
musket-cartridges  but  those  in  the  men's  boxes,  and  they  were  wet; 
of  course,  if  attacked,  a  retreat,  or  a  rout,  was  inevitable.  We  (the 
board  of  war)  had  exhausted  all  the  lead  accessible  to  us,  having 
caused  even  the  spouts  of  houses  to  be  melted,  and  had  offered, 
abortively,  the  equivalent  in  paper  of  two  shillings  specie  per  pound 
for  lead.  I  went,  in  the  evening  of  the  day  on  which  I  received 
this  letter,  to  a  splendid  entertainment,  given  by  Don  Juan  Mi- 
railles,  the   Spanish   minister.     My  heart  was  sad,  but  I  had  the 


ROBERT    MORRIS.  343 

faculty  of  brightening  my  countenance,  even  under  gloomy  disas- 
ters; yet  it  seems  then  not  sufficiently  adroitly.  Mr.  Morris,  who 
was  one  of  the  guests,  and  knew  me  well,  discovered  some  casual 
traits  of  depression.  He  accosted  me  in  his  usual  blunt  and  disen- 
gaged manner:  'I  see  some  clouds  passing  across  the  sunny  coun- 
tenance you  assume;  what  is  the  matter?'  After  some  hesitation, 
I  showed  him  the  general's  letter,  which  I  had  brought  from  the 
office,  with  the  intention  of  placing  it  at  home  in  a  private  cabinet. 
He  played  with  my  anxiety,  which  he  did  not  relieve  for  some  time. 
At  length,  however,  with  great  and  sincere  delight,  he  called  me 
aside,  and  told  me  that  the  Holkar  privateer  had  just  arrived  at  his 
wharf,  with  ninety  tons  of  lead,  which  she  had  brought  as  ballast. 
It  had  been  landed  at  Martinique,  and  stone  ballast  had  supplied  its 
place;  but  this  had  been  put  on  shore,  and  the  lead  again  taken  in. 
'You  shall  have  my  half  of  this  fortunate  supply;  there  are  the 
owners  of  the  other  half  (indicating  gentlemen  in  the  apartment.) 
'Yes,  but  I  am  already  under  heavy  personal  engagements,  as 
guarantee  for  the  department,  to  those,  and  other  gentlemen.' 
'Well,'  rejoined  Mr.  Morris,  'they  will  take  your  assumption  with 
my  guarantee.'  I,  instantly,  on  these  terms,  secured  the  lead,  left 
the  entertainment,  sent  for  the  proper  officers,  and  set  more  than 
one  hundred  people  to  work,  during  the  night.  Before  morning,  a 
supply  of  cartridges  was  ready,  and  sent  off  to  the  army.  I  could 
relate  many  more  such  occurrences.  Thus  did  our  affairs  succeed, 
"per  varios  casus,  per  tot  discrimina  rerum;"  and  these  discrimina 
rerum  occurred  so  often,  that  we  had  frequently  occasion  feelingly 
to  exclaim, 

'  Quod  optanti  divum  promiltere  nemo 
Auserat — Fors  en !  attulit  ultra.' 

Events,  happy  or  adverse,  succeeded  each  other  so  rapidly,  that  the 
present  almost  obliterated  the  past;  at  least  the  actual  employment 
growing  out  of  the  present,  often  critical,  arduous,  and  hazardous, 
blunted  our  recollection.  We  lived,  in  many  periods  of  our  strug- 
gle, by  the  day;  and  deemed  ourselves  happy,  if  the  sun  set  upon 
us  without  misfortune." 

Few  public  men  have  escaped  the  breath  of  slander.  During  the 
time  that  congress  assembled  at  Yorktown,  reflections  were  indulged 
by  a  member  of  that  body,  which  tended  to  raise  a  suspicion  of 
fraudulent  proceedings  to  the  detriment  of  the  public,  by  the  house 
of  Willing,  Morris,  &.  Co.  The  established  character  of  Mr.  Lau- 
rens impresses  the  belief  that  his  sole  object  in  making  these  remarks 


344  ROBERT    MORRIS. 

was  to  do  justice;  and  this  opinion  is  strengthened  by  his  co-opera- 
tion, however  late,  in  the  vindication  of  Mr.  Morris.  On  the  nine 
teenth  of  January,  1779,  a  committee  of  five  was  appointed  to  in- 
quire into  the  facts  set  forth,  in  the  accusatory  papers  which  had 
been  submitted  to  congress.  They  reported,  and  congress,  there- 
fore, unanimously  agreed  with  the  report,  that  the  defence  of  Mr. 
Morris  was  full  and  explicit  on  every  fact,  circumstance,  and  ques- 
tion, stated  in  the  charges  against  him,  and  supported  by  clear  and 
satisfactory  vouchers;  that  he  had  clearly  and  fully  vindicated  him- 
self; and  that  in  the  execution  of  the  powers  committed  to  him  by 
the  secret  committee,  he  had  acted  with  fidelity  and  integrity,  and 
an  honourable  zeal  for  the  welfare  of  his  country. — Similar  asper 
sions  were  heaped  upon  him  during  the  course  of  his  financial  career, 
which,  when  he  deigned  to  notice  them  at  all,  were  dissipated  with 
equal  facility  and  success. 

In  the  year  1780,  when  the  reverses  in  the  south  had  produced 
general  depression,  and  the  increasing  and  clamorous  wants  of  the 
army  threatened  its  total  dissolution,  Mr.  Morris,  with  a  zeal  guided 
by  that  sound  discretion  which  turns  expenditure  to  the  best  account, 
established  a  bank,  in  conjunction  with  many  patriotic  citizens  of 
Philadelphia,  the  principal  object  of  which  was  to  supply  the  army 
with  provisions  and  rum.  The  directors  were  authorized  to  borrow 
money  on  the  credit  of  the  bank,  and  to  grant  special  notes  bearing 
interest  at  six  per  cent.  The  credit  of  the  members  was  to  be 
employed,  and  their  money  advanced,  if  necessary,  but  no  emolu- 
ments whatever  were  to  be  derived  from  the  institution.  Congress, 
while  they  expressed  a  high  sense  of  this  patriotic  transaction, 
pledged  the  faith  of  the  United  States  effectually  to  reimburse  and 
indemnify  the  associators.  Thus,  at  a  time  when  the  public  credit 
was  at  its  lowest  ebb,  and  the  public  exigencies  most  pressing,  an 
institution  was  erected  on  the  credit  and  exertions  of  a  few  patriotic 
individuals,  for  the  purpose  of  supplying,  and  transporting,  to  the 
army,  three  millions  of  rations,  and  three  hundred  hogsheads  of 
rum ;  it  continued  until  the  ensuing  year,  when  the  Bank  of  North 
America  was  established. 

The  last  re-election  of  Mr.  Morris  to  congress,  previous  to  the 
adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  occurred  on  the  thirteenth  of 
December,  1777. 

On  the  twentieth  of  February,  1781,  Robert  Morris  was  unani- 
mously elected  superintendent  of  finance.  To  offer  a  succinct  view 
of  the  Herculean  task  which  this  appointment  imposed  upon  him,  it 


ROBERT    MORRIS  345 

is  necessary  to  state,  that  he  was  required  to  examine  into  the  situa- 
tion of  the  public  debts,  expenditures,  and  revenue  ;  to  digest  and 
report  plans  for  improving  and  regulating  the  finances,  and  for  es- 
tablishing order  and  economy  in  the  disbursement  of  the  public 
money  ;  to  direct  the  execution  of  all  plans  adopted  by  congress  re- 
specting revenue  and  expenditure  ;  to  superintend  the  settlement  of 
all  public  accounts ;  to  direct  and  control  all  persons  employed  in 
procuring  supplies  for  the  public  service,  and  in  the  expenditure  of 
public  money  ;  to  obtain  accounts  of  all  the  issues  of  the  specific 
supplies  furnished  by  the  several  states;  to  compel  the  payment  of 
all  moneys  due  to  the  United  States,  and  in  his  official  character,  to 
prosecute  in  behalf  of  those  states,  for  all  delinquencies  respecting 
the  public  revenue  and  expenditure ;  and  to  report  to  congress  the 
officers  necessary  for  conducting  the  various  branches  of  his  depart- 
ment. By  successive  resolutions  of  congress,  he  was  subsequently 
empowered  to  appoint  and  remove,  at  his  pleasure,  his  assistants  in 
his  peculiar  office;  as  well  as  those  persons,  not  immediately  ap- 
pointed by  congress,  as  were  officially  intrusted  with  the  expendi- 
ture of  the  public  supplies  ;  to  appoint  agents  to  prosecute  or  defend 
for  him  in  his  official  capacity;  to  manage  and  dispose  of  the  mo- 
neys granted  by  his  Most  Christian  Majesty  to  the  United  States, 
and  the  specific  supplies  required  from  the  several  states  ;  to  procure 
on  contract  all  necessary  supplies  for  the  army,  navy,  artificers  and 
prisoners  of  war  ;  to  make  provision  for  the  support  of  the  civil  list ; 
to  correspond  with  the  foreign  ministers  of  the  United  States  upon 
subjects  relating  to  his  department ;  and  to  take  under  his  care  and 
management,  all  loans  and  other  moneys  obtained  in  Europe,  or 
elsewhere,  for  the  use  of  the  United  States.  He  was  also  autho- 
rized to  import  and  export  goods,  money,  or  other  articles  for  ac- 
count of  the  United  States,  to  any  extent  he  should  deem  useful  to 
the  public  service.  Such  is  a  slight  sketch  of  the  duties  which  this 
office  alone  devolved  on  him,  for  it  would  be  utterly  impossible  to 
enumerate  the  vast  variety  of  measures  in  which  he  co-operated  for 
the  public  benefit :  while  to  trace  him  through  all  the  acts  of  his 
financial  administration,  would  involve  the  history  of  the  last  two 
years  of  the  revolutionary  war.  When  the  exhausted  credit  of  the 
government  threatened  the  most  alarming  consequences  ;  when  the 
army  was  utterly  destitute  of  the  necessary  supplies  of  food  and 
clothing;  when  the  military  chest  had  been  drained  of  its  last  dol- 
lar, and  even  the  confidence  of  Washington  was  shaken;  Robert 
Morris,  upon  his  own  credit,  and  from   his  private  resources,  fur- 


340  ROBERT    MORRIS. 

nished  those  pecuniary  means,  without  which  all  the  physical  force 
of  the  country  would  have  been  in  vain. 

At  this  period,  a  deep  gloom  enveloped  the  prospects  of  America, 
the  darkness  of  which  may  be  imagined  from  the  summary  presented 
by  Washington  at  the  commencement  of  his  Military  Journal,  on 
the  first  of  May,  1781.  "Instead  of  having  magazines  filled  with 
provisions,  we  have  a  scanty  pittance  scattered  here  and  there  in 
the  several  states :  Instead  of  having  our  arsenals  well  supplied 
with  military  stores,  they  are  poorly  provided,  and  the  workmen  all 
leaving  them:  Instead  of  having  the  various  articles  of  field  equi- 
page ready  to  deliver,  the  quarter-master-general  is  but  now  applying 
to  the  several  states  (as  the  dernier  resort)  to  provide  these  things 
for  their  troops  respectively :  Instead  of  having  a  regular  system 
of  transportation  established  upon  credit,  or  funds  in  the  quarter- 
master's hand  to  defray  the  contingent  expenses  of  it,  we  have  nei- 
ther the  one  nor  the  other  ;  and  all  that  business,  or  a  great  part 
of  it,  being  done  by  military  impressment,  we  are  daily  and  hourly 
oppressing  the  people,  souring  their  tempers,  and  alienating  their 
affections  :  Instead  of  having  the  regiments  completed  to  the  new 
establishments,  scarce  any  state  in  the  union  has,  at  this  hour,  one 
eighth  part  of  its  quota  in  the  field  ;  and  there  is  little  prospect  that 
I  can  see,  of  ever  getting  more  than  one  half.  In  a  word,  instead 
of  having  every  thing  in  readiness  to  take  the  field,  we  have  no- 
thing ;  and,  instead  of  having  the  prospect  of  a  glorious  offensive 
campaign  before  us,  we  have  a  bewildered  and  gloomy  prospect 
of  a  defensive  one,  unless  we  should  receive  a  powerful  aid  of  ships, 
land  troops,  and  money,  from  our  generous  allies  :  and  these  at 
present  are  too  contingent  to  build  upon." 

Such  were  the  clouds  which  overshadowed  the  campaign  of  1781; 
but  they  were  dissipated  by  the  resources  and  energy  of  Mr.  Mor- 
ris. Uniting  great  political  talents  with  a  degree  of  mercantile  en- 
terprise, information,  and  credit,  seldom  equalled  in  any  country, 
and  urged  by  the  critical  state  of  public  affairs  and  the  pressing 
wants  of  the  army,  he  entered  immediately  on  the  duties  of  his  of- 
fice, without  reference  to  the  stipulation  touching  the  prior  arrange- 
ments of  his  mercantile  affairs.  The  occasion  required  that  he 
should  bring  his  private  credit  in  aid  of  the  public  resources,  and 
pledge  himself  personally  and  extensively,  for  articles  of  the  most 
absolute  necessity,  which  could  not  be  otherwise  obtained.  Con- 
demning the  system  of  violence  and  of  legal  fraud,  which  had  too 
long  been  practised,  as  one  which  was  calculated  to  defeat  its  own 


ROBERT    MORRIS.  347 

object,  he  sought  the  gradual  restoration  of  confidence,  by  the  only 
means  which  could  restore  it, — a  punctual  and  faithful  compliance 
with  the  engagements  he  should  make.  Herculean  as  was  this  task, 
in  the  existing  derangement  of  the  American  finances,  he  entered 
upon  it  with  courage,  and  if  not  completely  successful,  certainly  did 
more  than  could  have  been  supposed  practicable  with  the  means 
placed  in  his  hands.  Incited  by  a  penetrating  and  indefatigable 
mind,  and  supported  by  the  confidence  which  his  probity  and  punc- 
tuality, through  the  various  grades  of  commercial  pursuits,  had 
established,  he  discarded,  in  this  threatening  conjuncture,  consider- 
ations applying  forcibly  to  his  own  reputation,  and  devoted  his  en 
tire  attention  to  the  resuscitation  of  public  credit.  Promulgating 
his  determination  to  meet  every  engagement  with  punctuality,  he 
was  sought  with  eagerness  by  all  who  had  the  means  of  supplying 
the  public  wants.  The  scene  suddenly  changed  :  faithfully  perform 
ing  his  promise,  the  public  deficiencies  began  to  disappear,  and  mili- 
tary operations  no  longer  were  suspended  by  failure  of  the  neces 
sary  means.  Strong  in  his  personal  credit,  and  true  to  his  engage- 
ments, the  superintendent  became  every  day  stronger  in  the  public 
confidence,  and  unassisted,  except  by  a  small  portion  of  a  small 
loan  of  six  millions  of  livres  tournois,  granted  by  the  court  of  Ver- 
sailles to  the  United  States,  this  individual  citizen  gave  food  and 
motion  to  the  main  army  ;  proving  by  his  conduct,  that  credit  is  the 
offspring  of  integrity,  economy,  system,  and  punctuality. 

When  Mr.  Morris  assumed  the  duties  of  his  office,  the  treasury 
was  more  than  two  millions  and  a  half  of  dollars  in  arrcar ;  the 
greater  part  of  this  debt  was  of  such  a  nature  that  the  payment 
could  neither  be  avoided  nor  delayed;  and  Dr.  Franklin  was  there- 
fore under  the  necessity  of  ordering  back  from  Amsterdam,  money 
which  had  been  sent  thither  for  the  purpose  of  being  shipped  to 
America:  had  he  not  taken  this  step,  the  bills  of  exchange  drawn 
by  congress  must  have  been  protested,  and  the  tottering  credit  of 
the  government  in  Europe,  would  have  been  wholly  prostrated. 
Public  and  private  distress  every  where  existed:  the  credit  of  the 
government  was  so  far  destroyed,  as  to  form  a  foundation  on  which 
the  enemy  erected  the  most  sanguine  expectations  of  conquest : 
many  public  officers  could  not  perform  their  duties,  without  pay- 
ment of  the  arrears  due  from  the  treasury,  and  without  immediate 
aid  must  have  been  imprisoned  for  debts  which  enabled  them  to 
live.  The  public  treasury  was  reduced  to  so  low  an  ebb,  that  some 
of  the  members  of  the  board  of  war  declared  to  Mr.  Morris,  they 


348  ROBERT    MORRIS. 

had  not  the  means  of  sending  an  express  to  the  army.  Starvation 
threatened  the  troops ;  and  the  paper  bills  of  credit  had  so  far  de- 
preciated, that  it  required  a  burdensome  mass  to  pay  for  an  article 
of  clothing.  The  gigantic  efforts  of  the  financier,  however,  dissi- 
pated these  appalling  prospects  with  an  almost  miraculous  rapidity. 
To  him  it  was  principally  owing  that  the  armies  of  America  did  not 
disband;  and  that  congress,  instead  of  yielding  to  an  inevitable 
necessity,  recovered  the  means,  not  only  of  sustaining  the  efforts  of 
the  enemy,  but  of  resuming  the  offensive  with  vigour  and  success. 

The  establishment  of  the  Bank  of  North  America  was  one  of  the 
first,  and  most  prominent,  acts  in  the  administration  of  Mr.  Morris ; 
and  but  for  this  institution,  his  plans  of  finance  must  have  been 
totally  frustrated.  Previous  to  the  war,  he  had  laid  the  foundation 
of  a  bank,  and  established  a  credit  in  Europe  for  the  purpose  of 
carrying  the  scheme  into  execution.  His  design,  however,  was  de- 
feated by  the  revolution,  and  he  now  devoted  to  the  benefit  of  his 
country,  the  knowledge  that  he  had  acquired  of  the  principles  of 
banking,  and  of  the  advantages  resulting  to  a  commercial  commu- 
nity from  a  well-regulated  bank,  by  enabling  merchants,  in  cases 
of  exigency,  to  anticipate  their  funds,  and  to  take  advantage  of 
occasions  which  offered  well-grounded  schemes  of  speculation.  On 
the  seventeenth  of  May,  he  submitted  to  the  consideration  of  con- 
gress, his  plan  for  establishing  a  national  bank,  accompanied  with 
explanatory  observations.  "  Anticipation  of  taxes  and  funds,"  he 
remarked,  "  is  all  that  ought  to  be.  expected  from  any  system  of 
paper  credit:  this  seems  as  likely  to  rise  into  a  fabric  equal  to  the 
weight,  as  any  I  have  yet  seen,  or  thought  of;  and  I  submit  whether 
it  may  not  be  necessary  and  proper,  that  congress  make  immediate 
application  to  the  several  states  to  invest  them  with  the  powers  of 
incorporating  a  bank,  and  for  prohibiting  all  other  banks  or  bankers 
in  these  states,  at  least  during  the  war."  The  capital  of  the  bank 
was  established  at  four  hundred  thousand  dollars,  in  shares  of  four 
hundred  dollars  each,  payable  in  gold  or  silver.  Twelve  directors 
were  to  manage  the  affairs  of  the  institution,  who  were  empowered, 
under  certain  restrictions,  to  increase  the  capital  of  the  bank.  It 
was  to  be  incorporated  by  the  government,  and  be  subject  to  the 
inspection  of  the  superintendent  of  finance,  with  the  privilege,  at  all 
times,  of  access  to  the  books  and  papers.  Such  were  the  bases  and 
principal  features  of  the  establishment.  The  utility  to  be  derived 
from  it  was  that  the  notes  of  the  bank,  payable  on  demand,  should 
be  declared  legal  money  for  the  payment  of  all  duties  and  taxes  in 


ROBERT    MORRIS.  349 

each  of  the  United  States,  and  receivable  into  the  public  treasury 
as  gold  or  silver.  This  necessary  and  beneficial  institution  received 
the  full  approbation  of  congress,  on  the  twenty-sixth  of  May:  it 
was  resolved,  with  the  dissenting  voice  of  Massachusetts  alone,  that 
the  subscribers  should  be  incorporated  as  soon  as  the  subscriptions 
were  filled;  that  the  several  states  should  be  requested  to  provide 
that  no  other  banks,  or  bankers,  should  be  established  during  the 
war;  that  the  notes  of  the  bank  should  be  receivable  in  payment  of 
nil  taxes,  duties,  and  debts,  due  to  the  United  States;  and  that  the 
several  state  legislatures  should  be  earnestly  required  to  pass  laws, 
making  it  felony  to  counterfeit  the  notes  of  the  bank. 

In  consequence  of  these  resolutions,  the  plan  of  the  bank  was 
published  by  Mr.  Morris,  with  a  suitable  and  urgent  address  to  the 
public.  "To  ask  the  end,"  he  observed,  "which  it  is  proposed  to 
answer  by  this  institution  of  a  bank,  is  merely  to  call  the  public  at- 
tention to  the  situation  of  our  affairs.  A  depreciating  paper  cur- 
rency has  unhappily  been  the  source  of  infinite  private  mischief, 
numberless  frauds,  and  the  greatest  distress.  The  national  cala- 
mities have  moved  with  an  equal  pace,  and  the  public  credit  has 
received  the  deepest  injury.  This  is  a  circumstance  so  unusual  in 
a  republican  government,  that  we  may  boldly  affirm  it  cannot  con- 
tinue a  moment  after  the  several  legislatures  have  determined  to 
take  those  vigorous  and  effectual  measures,  to  which  the  public 
voice  now  loudly  commands  their  attention.  In  the  mean  time,  the 
exigencies  of  the  United  States  require  an  anticipation  of  our  reve- 
nues; while,  at  the  same  time,  there  is  not  such  confidence  estab- 
lished as  will  call  out,  for  that  purpose,  the  funds  of  individual 
citizens.  The  use,  then,  of  a  bank,  is  to  aid  the  government  by 
their  moneys  and  credit,  for  which  they  will  have  every  proper 
reward  and  security;  to  gain  from  individuals  that  credit  which 
property,  abilities,  and  integrity,  never  fail  to  command;  to  supply 
the  loss  of  that  paper  money,  which  becoming  more  and  more  use- 
less, calls  every  day  more  loudly  for  its  final  redemption;  and  to 
give  a  new  spring  to  commerce,  in  a  moment  when,  by  the  removal 
of  all  restrictions,  the  citizens  of  America  shall  enjoy  and  possess 
that  freedom  for  which  they  contend." 

Mr.  Morris,  from  motives  of  official  duty,  as  well  as  the  conviction 
of  its  utility,  continued  incessantly  to  promote  the  progress  of  this 
plan;  but  such  was  the  public  distress,  and  the  gloomy  prospect  of 
public  affairs,  that,  notwithstanding  the  zealous  endeavours  of  indi- 
viduals, the  necessary  sum  was  not  subscribed  until  the  year  1782 
35 


350  ROBERT    MORRIS. 

and  it  was  some  time  after  the  business  of  the  bank  was  fairly  com 
menced,  before  the  actual  sum  paid  in  by  individual  subscribers 
amounted  to  seventy  thousand  dollars.  In  the  mean  time  the 
exertions  of  the  financier  were  unremitting. 

Mr.  Morris,  finding  that  it  was  impracticable  to  procure  the  whole 
amount  of  the  capital  from  individual  subscriptions,  subscribed,  on 
account  of  the  United  States,  for  stock  to  the  amount  of  two  hun- 
dred and  fifty  thousand  dollars ;  and  it  was  principally  upon  this 
fund,  that  the  operations  of  the  institution  were  commenced.  Four 
hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dollars  had  been  imported  from  France, 
and  deposited  in  the  bank,  and  he  had  determined,  from  the  moment 
of  its  arrival,  to  subscribe  for  those  shares  which  remained  vacant ; 
but  one  half  the  sum  was  exhausted  by  the  public  expenditures 
before  the  institution  could  be  organized.  At  length,  on  the  thirty- 
first  of  December,  1781,  a  charter  of  incorporation  was  granted  by 
congress,  limiting  the  capital  to  ten  millions  of  dollars.  On  the 
same  day,  congress  recommended  to  the  several  state  legislatures 
to  enact  laws  for  facilitating  the  full  operation  of  the  institution ;  and 
on  the  seventh  of  January,  1782,  the  bank  was  opened,  and  indi- 
viduals began  to  deposit  their  money.  Mr.  Morris  seized  this  occa- 
sion to  renew  his  solicitations  to  the  several  state  governors,  rela- 
tive to  the  passage  of  laws  for  the  protection  and  promotion  of  the 
institution,  the  advantages  of  which  he  displayed  in  inviting  colours' 
"  It  will  facilitate,"  said  he,  "  the  management  of  the  finances  of 
the  United  States.  The  several  states  may,  when  their  respective 
necessities  require,  and  the  abilities  of  the  bank  will  permit,  derive 
occasional  advantages  and  accommodation  from  it.  It  will  afford 
to  the  individuals  of  all  the  states  a  medium  for  their  intercourse 
with  each  other,  and  for  the  payment  of  taxes,  equally  safe  and 
more  convenient  than  the  precious  metals.  It  will  have  a  tendency 
to  increase  both  the  internal  and  external  commerce  of  North  Ame- 
rica, and  undoubtedly  will  be  infinitely  useful  to  all  the  traders  of 
every  state  in  the  Union;  provided,  as  I  have  already  said,  it  is 
conducted  on  the  principles  of  equity,  justice,  prudence,  and  eco- 
nomy." On  the  first  of  April,  1782,  the  assembly  of  Pennsylvania 
agreed  to,  and  passed,  the  state  act  of  incorporation;  Delaware 
pursued  the  same  course,  and  other  states  enacted  laws  for  the  pro- 
tection of  the  bank. 

The  country  realized  an  extraordinary  benefit  from  this  institu- 
tion, as  it  enabled  Mr.  Morris  to  use,  by  anticipation,  the  funds  of 
the  nation  ;  a  power  of  infinite  value,  when  prudently  and  judiciously 


ROBERT    MORRIS.  351 

exercised.  The  sudden  restoration  of  public  and  private  credit. 
which  took  place  on  the  establishment  of  the  bank,  was  an  event  as 
extraordinary  in  itself,  as  any  domestic  occurrence  during  the  pro- 
gress of  the  revolution.  Its  first  operations  were  greatly  assisted 
by  the  arrival  of  a  large  sum  in  specie,  from  Europe  and  the  West 
Indies  ;  and,  although  the  subscriptions  to  the  capital  stock  were  not 
paid  with  punctuality,  from  the  great  scarcity  of  money,  yet  as  the 
subscribers  were  generally  men  of  property,  and  liable  to  the  full 
amount  of  their  subscriptions,  the  directors  of  the  bank  were  en- 
couraged to  proceed  in  the  business. 

The  aid  which  the  institution  afforded  to  the  country,  in  a  period 
of  great  gloom  and  distress,  was  very  extensive,  considering  its 
limited  capital.  Mr.  Morris,  as  before  stated,  subscribed  two  hun- 
dred and  fifty  thousand  dollars  in  his  official  capacity;  but  the 
finances  were  so  much  exhausted,  that,  in  the  following  December, 
the  bank  was  obliged  to  release  the  United  States  from  their  sub- 
scription, to  the  amount  of  two  hundred  thousand  dollars;  the 
remaining  fifty  thousand  having  been  sold,  by  the  superintendent, 
to  individuals  in  Holland. 

On  the  twelfth  of  January,  1782,  in  less  than  two  weeks 
after   the  bank   was   opened,  the   directors   loaned   to   the  United 

States,  -         - §100,000 

In  the  month  of  February  following,      -  100,000 

In  the  month  of  March  following,  -         -         -  100,000 

In  the  month  of  June  following,    -         -         -         -  100,000 


Making,  together,  the  sum  of  8400,000 


In  May,  1792,  the  state  of  Pennsylvania  being  unable  to  pay  its 
quota  of  the  public  contribution,  the  bank  lent  it  the  sum  of  eighty 
thousand  dollars;  so  that  with  a  capital  of  three  hundred  thousand 
dollars,  the  bank  actually  advanced,  for  the  public  service,  within 
six  months  after  its  organization,  the  sum  of  four  hundred  and 
eighty  thousand  dollars;  and  this  will  appear  more  extraordinary 
when  it  is  recollected,  that  the  heavy  losses  of  individuals  by  the 
depreciation  of  the  continental  money,  were  then  fresh  in  the  public 
recollection,  and  occasioned  such  a  distrust  of  every  kind  of  paper 
engagements,  that  the  circulation  of  bank  notes  was  very  limited, 
and  the  bank  could  derive  but  little  aid  from  them.  These  loans 
were  not  finally  reimbursed  until  the  first  of  January,  17S4. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  year  1781,  when  the  overwhelming 
distress  of  the  army  had  driven  congress,  and  the  commander-in- 


352  ROBERT    MORRIS. 

chief,  almost  to  desperation,  Mr.  Morris,  on  his  own  private  credit, 
supplied  the  suffering  troops  with  several  thousand  barrels  of  flour. 
He  thus  prevented  the  design  which  had  been  contemplated  by  con- 
gress, of  authorizing  General  Washington  to  seize  all  the  provisions 
that  could  be  found  within  twenty  miles  of  his  camp:  the  sanction 
of  this  procedure  by  congress  would  have  proved  extremely  detri- 
mental to  the  cause  of  the  country ;  and  it  was  avoided  solely 
through  the  private  credit  and  resources  of  the  financier.  In  a  let- 
ter to  Thomas  Lowrey,  of  New  Jersey,  on  this  subject,  dated  twenty- 
ninth  of  May,  1781,  he  makes  the  following  remarks  and  assurances: 
"  It  seems  that  General  Washington  is  now  in  the  utmost  necessity 
for  some  immediate  supplies  of  flour,  and  I  must  either  undertake 
to  procure  them,  or  the  laws  of  necessity  must  be  put  in  force,  which 
I  shall  ever  study  to  avoid  and  prevent.  I  must  therefore  request 
that  you  will  immediately  use  your  best  skill,  judgment,  and  indus- 
try, in  purchasing,  on  the  lowest  terms  you  can,  one  thousand  bar- 
rels of  sweet,  sound  flour,  and  in  sending  it  forward  to  camp  in  the 
most  expeditious  and  least  expensive  manner  that  you  can  contrive. 
To  obtain  this  flour  readily  and  on  good  terms,  I  know  you  must 
pledge  your  private  credit,  and  as  I  have  not  the  money  ready, 
although  the  means  of  raising  it  are  in  my  power,  I  must  also 
pledge  myself  to  you,  which  I  do  most  solemnly,  as  an  officer  of  the 
public ;  but  lest  you  should,  like  some  others,  believe  more  in  pri- 
vate than  in  public  credit,  I  hereby  pledge  myself  to  pay  you  the  cost 
and  charges  of  this  flour  in  hard  money."  "  I  will  enable  you  most 
honourably  to  fulfil  your  engagements.  My  character,  utility,  and 
the  public  good,  are  much  more  deeply  concerned  in  doing  so  than 
yours  is." — In  a  letter  of  the  same  date,  addressed  to  Major-Gene- 
ral  Schuyler,  the  disinterestedness  and  purity  of  his  exertions  for 
the  public  benefit  are  equally  apparent.  In  informing  the  comman- 
der-in-chief of  these  arrangements,  he  observes,  that  the  distress 
of  his  army  for  want  of  bread  had  been  made  known  to  him  by  a 
committee  of  congress:  "I  found  myself,"  he  continues,  "imme- 
diately impressed  with  the  strongest  desire  to  afford  you  relief.  Not 
being  prepared,  in  my  official  character,  with  funds  or  means  of 
accomplishing  the  supplies  you  need,  I  have  written  to  Major-Gene- 
ral  Schuyler,  and  to  Thomas  Lowrey,  of  New  Jersey,  requesting 
their  immediate  exertions  to  procure,  upon  their  own  credit,  one 
thousand  barrels  of  flour  each,  and  to  send  the  same  forward  in 
parcels,  as  fast  as  procured,  to  camp,  deliverable  to  your  excellency's 
order;  and  I  have  pledged  myself  to  pay  them  in  hard  money,  for 


ROBERT    MORRIS.  353 

the  costs  and  charges,  within  a  month,  six  weeks,  or  two  months. 
I  shall  make  it  a  point  to  provide  the  money,  being  determined  never 
to  make  an  engagement  that  cannot  be  fulfilled;  for  if,  by  any  means, 
I  should  fail  in  this  respect,  I  will  quit  my  office  as  useless  from 
that  moment." — Thus,  by  a  liberal  use  of  his  private  credit,  he 
afforded  food  to,  and  restored  order  in,  the  army,  at  a  period  when 
starvation  and  mutiny  stalked  hand  in  hand  throughout  the  ranks. 

In  the  same  year,  the  talents  and  integrity  of  Mr.  Morris  attracted 
an  honourable  mark  of  confidence  from  the  legislature  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, by  his  appointment  as  the  agent  of  the  state,  to  meet  the 
requisitions  of  congress.  After  having  relieved  the  wants  of  the 
moment,  by  his  private  credit,  Mr.  Morris  proposed,  and  undertook, 
to  furnish  all  the  specific  requisitions  made  by  congress  on  Penn- 
sylvania, during  the  current  year,  on  receiving,  as  a  reimbursement, 
the  taxes  imposed  by  a  law  which  had  been  recently  enacted.  On 
the  twenty-fifth  of  June,  the  contract  was  agreed  to  by  the  assembly 
of  the  state,  and  on  the  sixth  of  July  following,  congress  passed  a 
resolution  approving  of  the  transaction,  as  having  a  tendency  to 
promote  the  public  service  of  the  United  States.  Thus  were  sup- 
plies, which  the  government  found  itself  incapable  of  furnishing, 
raised  by  an  individual. 

The  services  rendered  by  Mr.  Morris  to  the  southern  army,  under 
the  command  of  General  Greene,  were  as  extensive  as  the  embar- 
rassed state  of  the  finances  would  permit.  It  is  stated  by  Marshall, 
that  "the  distresses  of  the  southern  army,  like  those  of  the  north, 
were  such  that  it  was  often  difficult  to  keep  them  together.  That 
he  might  relieve  them  when  in  the  last  extremity,  and  yet  not  di- 
minish the  exertions  made  to  draw  support  from  other  sources,  by 
creating  an  opinion  that  any  supplies  could  be  drawn  from  him,  Mr. 
Morris  employed  an  agent  to  attend  the  southern  army  as  a  volun- 
teer, whose  powers  were  unknown  to  General  Greene.  This  agent 
was  instructed  to  watch  its  situation,  and  whenever  it  appeared  im- 
possible for  the  general  to  extricate  himself  from  his  embarrass- 
ments, to  furnish  him,  on  his  pledging  the  faith  of  the  government 
for  repayment,  with  a  draft  on  the  financier  for  such  a  sum  as  would 
relieve  the  urgency  of  the  moment.  Thus  was  Greene  frequently 
rescued  from  impending  ruin,  by  aids  which  appeared  providential, 
and  for  which  he  could  not  account."  In  a  letter  to  General  Greene, 
dated  the  third  of  October,  1781,  Mr.  Morris  thus  unfolds  the  state 
of  their  finances.  "To  give  you  an  idea  of  my  situation  as  to 
money,  I  think  I  need  only  inform  you  that  since  I  have  been  in 
Y 


354  ROBERT    MORRIS. 

office,  I  have  received  the  sum  of  seven  hundred  and  fifty  pounds, 
Pennsylvania  money,  from  the  treasury  of  this  state,  and  that  is  in 
part  payment  of  advances  made  for  them.  This  is  all  I  have  re- 
ceived from  the  funds  of  America.  It  is  true  that  Colonel  Laurens 
has  lately  arrived,  and  brought  with  him  a  sum  of  money  from 
France.  (This  occurred  nearly  eight  months  after  his  appointment.) 
And  it  is  also  true  that  I  have  made  use  of  a  very  limited  credit 
given  me  on  France,  by  drawing  bills  of  exchange;  but  both  these 
resources  taken  together  are  vastly  short  of  what  is  necessary.  I 
have  lost  no  occasion  of  showing  to  the  several  states  their  situation, 
but  hitherto  without  success,  and  unless  some  unforeseen  event, 
turns  up  very  speedily,  it  is  impossible  to  say  what  may  be  the  con- 
sequences. However,  it  is  our  business  to  hope  all  things:  and  that 
Providence,  who  has  hitherto  carried  us  through  our  difficulties,  will, 
I  trust,  continue  his  protection."  His  solicitations  to  the  governors 
of  the  states,  whose  defalcation  absolutely  rendered  it  impossible  to 
relieve  the  necessities  of  the  troops,  were  vehement  and  unceasing. 
On  the  third  of  October,  1781,  after  describing  the  low  state  of 
the  treasury,  he  observes,  in  a  letter  to  General  Greene,  "your  cir- 
cumstances have  long  been  arduous,  but  you  have  hitherto  risen  so 
superior  to  them,  that  we  should  be  almost  as  much  surprised  now 
if  you  were  not  successful,  as  we  formerly  were  at  your  successes. 
I  wish  I  could  contribute  to  render  you  more  easy.  As  far  as  my 
abilities  extend,  I  shall  do  it  most  cheerfully:  but  they,  unfortunately, 
are  very  limited.  Accept,  I  pray  you,  my  good  wishes,  which  are 
almost  all  I  have  to  give."  On  the  second  of  November,  1781,  he 
uses  the  following  language :  "  I  hope  it  is  unnecessary  to  make 
assurances  of  my  disposition  to  render  your  situation  both  easy  and 
respectable.  I  am  sure  it  is  unnecessary  to  remark,  how  inadequate 
the  provisions  have  been,  which  the  states  have  hitherto  made:  at 
least,  it  is  unnecessary  to  you.  Much  less  need  I  display  the  detail 
of  expenditures  which  have  been  requisite  for  the  accomplishment 
of  that  happy  event  which  has  taken  place  in  Virginia.  I  have 
neither  forgotten  nor  neglected  your  department.  I  have  done  the 
utmost  to  provide  clothing,  arms,  accoutrements,  medicines,  hospital 
stores,  &c.  and  I  flatter  myself  you  will  derive,  through  the  different 
departments,  both  benefit  and  relief  from  my  exertions.  /  have 
detained  Captain  Pierce  a  day,  in  order  to  make  up^  with  infinite  dif- 
ficulty, one  thousand  pounds,  Pennsylvania  currency,  in  gold,  which  he 
is  the  bearer  of,  and  which  will,  I  hope,  be  agreeable  and  useful.  You 
have  done  so  much  with  so  little,  that  my  wishes  to  increase  yout 


ROBERT    MORRIS.  355 

activity  have  every  possible  stimulus.  I  hope  soon  to  hear  that  you 
have  gathered  fresh  laurels,  and  that  you  may  wear  them  as  long 
and  as  happily  as  they  have  been  speedily  and  worthily  acquired,  is 
the  earnest  wish  of,  &c.  tfcc." 

In  his  letter  of  the  tenth  of  June,  1782,  Mr.  Morris  forcibly 
describes  the  situation  to  which  he  is  reduced  ;  a  situation,  struggling 
as  he  was  in  favour  of  his  country  against  almost  incredible  diffi- 
culties, which  entitles  him  to  the  warmest  gratitude  of  the  existing 
generation,  and  ought  to  have  silenced  the  tongue  of  slander  itself. 
"I  can  easily  suppose  that  they  (the  army)  are  in  want  of  money, 
because  I  well  know  that  none  has  been  sent  for  a  long  time  past ; 
but  I  did  hope  and  expect  that  you  would  have  had  a  sufficiency  of 
clothing ;  and  knowing,  as  I  do,  the  expenditures  which  have  been 
made  for  that  purpose,  I  was  both  surprised  and  hurt  to  find  your 
distresses  so  great,  when  I  had  flattered  myself  that  they  had,  in 
this  respect,  been  totally  relieved.  Your  situation  in  that  exhausted 
country,  and  the  impossibility  of  sending  you  any  aid  from  hence, 
while  our  coasts  are  infested  so  much  by  the  enemy,  will  naturally 
account  for  those  distresses  which  have  arisen  from  the  want  or 
badness  of  food.  I  cannot  conceive  that  even  money  would  afford 
you  any  considerable  relief,  were  it  in  my  power  to  send  you  any, 
which  it  is  not.  I  have  long  since  taken  measures  to  obtain  salt, 
but  whether  they  will  be  effectual  God  only  knows.  With  respect 
to  pay  I  have  laid  down  a  rule  which  I  am  determined  not  to  break 
through :  it  is,  never  to  be  guilty  of  partial  payments,  on  any  account 
whatever.  You  may,  therefore,  rely  that  your  army  shall,  in  this 
respect,  fare  equally  with  the  rest  of  our  officers  and  soldiers.  If 
the  states  will  furnish  me  with  money,  most  cheerfully  will  I  dis- 
pense it  to  all  who  are  entitled  to  receive  it:  but  until  they  do,  I 
must  continue  to  be  as  I  am,  exposed  to  clamour  from  every  quarter. 
I  have  hopes,  but  I  have  so  often  been  disappointed,  that  I  dare  not 
cherish  those  hopes  myself,  nor  convey  them  to,  nor  encourage 
them  in,  you.  It  is  with  the  greatest  truth  I  assure  you  that  I  am 
driven  to  the  greatest  shifts  to  find  the  smallest  sums  for  the  com- 
monest purposes.  Rely  on  it,  my  dear  sir,  that  I  have  hitherto, 
and  shall  continue  to  give  you,  all  the  support  which  my  means  will 
possibly  admit  of."  On  the  eighteenth  of  June,  1782,  in  a  commu- 
nication to  a  committee  of  congress,  detailing  the  causes  which  pre- 
vented the  supply  of  the  southern  army  on  contract,  and  which 
General  Greene  had  been  authorized  to  effect,  if  practicable,  in 
Oecemb  r,  1781,  the  financier  remarks  that  he  had  already  done 


356  ROBERT    MORRIS. 

every  thing  that  his  means  would  permit,  to  supply  that  army;  and 
that,  if  he  could  command  money,  he  would  take  care  that  they 
should  be  furnished  with  every  thing  necessary.*  It  may  be  observed, 
in  exemplification  of  the  expense  and  difficulty  of  procuring  those 
supplies,  that  the  cost  of  transporting  flour  alone  was  estimated  at 
sixty  pounds,  Pennsylvania  currency,  per  ton. — With  respect  to  the 
bills  drawn  in  1783,  by  General  Greene  on  Mr.  Morris,  the  latter 
observes,  in  a  letter  of  the  sixteenth  of  May,  "  Before  I  close  this 
letter,  I  must  again  repeat  my  solicitude  on  the  score  of  your  bills, 
which  are  coming  in  upon  me  so  fast  that  the  means  of  paying  them 
must,  I  fear,  be  deficient;"  and  on  the  next  day  he  advises  him 
that  it  had  been  necessary  to  pay  his  draft  for  five  hundred  dollars 
out  of  his  private  fortune.  The  bills,  however,  at  length  so  far 
exceeded  the  expectations  of  Mr.  Morris,  that  he  was  unable  to 
provide  funds,  and  was  consequently  compelled,  in  August,  1783, 
to  postpone  their  payment. 

The  campaign  of  1781,  which  proved  decisive  of  the  long  and 
doubtful  contest,  encircled  the  name  of  Robert  Morris  with  living 
laurels  which  will  for  ever  flourish.  In  the  capture  of  Cornwallis,  the 
energy,  perseverance,  and  financial  talents  of  that  great  man,  united 
with  the  wisdom  and  bravery  of  Washington  in  deciding  the  fate 
of  the  union.  The  plan  of  the  campaign  of  1781,  as  agreed  upon 
by  the  commander-in-chief  and  the  French  authorities,  was  to  aim 
at  the  reduction  of  New  York,  the  stronghold  of  the  British ;  in 
this  attack,  the  French  army  under  Count  Rochambeau,  and  the 
French  fleets,  under  De  Barras  and  De  Grasse,  were  to  co-operate. 
At  that  time,  the  American  army  lay  at  Phillipsburg  on  York  island, 
waiting  for  the  fleet  under  De  Grasse,  then  momentarily  expected 
from  the  West  Indies.  The  southern  enterprise  was  never  contem- 
plated until  unexpectedly,  and  to  his  extreme  surprise,  General 
Washington  was  compelled  to  change  the  whole  plan  of  operations, 
because  the  French  admiral,  on  his  arrival,  broke  his  engagement  to 
come  into  the  bay  of  New  York,  and  announced  his  intention,  through 
the  admiral  commanding  the  squadron  at  Rliode  Island,  to  enter 
and  remain,  for  a  few  weeks,  in  the  Chesapeake. 

By  a  resolution  of  congress,  of  the  thirty-first  of  July,  1781,  Mr. 
Peters  was  directed,  as  a  member  of  the  board  of  war,  to  repair  to 
head-quarters,  with  Mr.  Morris,  the  superintendent  of  finance,  in 

*  About  this  time,  notwithstanding  the  scarcity  of  funds,  he  hired  Thomas  Paine 
for  a  future  compensation  in  money,  or  an  office,  to  write  in  favour  of  such  measures 
as  he  (Mr.  M.)  should  convince  him  were  for  the  benefit  of  the  country. 


ROBERT    MORRIS.  357 

order  to  consult  with  the  commander-in-chief  on  the  subject  of  the 
arrangement  and  numbers  of  the  army ;  the  main  object  being  to 
establish  the  mode,  and  quantity  of  supplies  required  for  the  opera- 
tions of  the  campaign,  which  was  known  to  them  to  be  directed  to 
the  capture  of  New  York.  Mr.  Morris  and  Mr.  Peters  immediately 
proceeded  to  camp,  and  arrived  at  head-quarters  in  the  early  part 
of  August,  where  they  had  repeated  conferences  with  the  comman- 
der-in-chief on  the  subject  of  their  mission,  to  which  only  a  few  con- 
fidential officers  were  admitted.  The  proposed  attack  on  New  York 
was  almost  the  exclusive  subject  of  discussion  ;  and  the  expectation 
of  the  arrival  of  the  French  fleet  in  the  bay  was  a  frequent  theme 
of  discourse.  No  doubt  whatever  existed  as  to  the  consummation  of 
this  event,  on  which  the  most  perfect  reliance  was  placed  :  but  the 
apprehension  expressed  by  Count  De  Grasse,  of  danger  to  his  heavy 
ships,  should  they  enter  the  New  York  bay,  and  the  avowal  of  his 
intention  to  sail  for  the  Chesapeake,  put  at  once  an  end  to  delibera- 
tion on  the  subject.  This  breach  of  a  positive  engagement  produced 
an  agitation  in  the  high-minded  and  honourable  American  chief, 
which  those  who  witnessed  it  "  can  never  forget."  One  morning, 
at  the  beating  of  the  reveille,  Mr.  Morris  and  Mr.  Peters  were 
aroused  from  their  slumbers  by  a  message  from  head-quarters,  re- 
questing their  immediate  attendance.  Somewhat  surprised  at  the 
circumstance,  they  complied  without  delay,  and  found  General  Wash- 
ington violently  exclaiming  against  the  breach  of  faith  on  the  part 
of  the  French  admiral,  who  had  changed  his  destination,  and  in- 
formed him  that  he  would  proceed  to  Chesapeake  bay,  where  he 
would  co-operate  in  any  plan  formed  for  an  enterprise  in  that  quar- 
ter. After  receiving  this  unwelcome  communication,  the  commis- 
sioners returned  to  their  tent,  musing  on  the  past  scene,  and  lamenting 
the  total  subversion  of  the  plan  which  they  had  been  empowered  to 
support.  At  the  usual  hour  of  breakfast,  they  returned  to  head- 
quarters, and  found  the  general  as  calmly  engaged  in  making  out 
his  notes  of  the  supplies  he  should  require,  as  if  nothing  extraordi- 
nary had  happened  :  from  the  powerful  resources  of  his  mind,  he 
had  already  planned,  in  a  sudden  and  masterly  manner,  the  course 
of  his  future  operations.  His  first  question  was,  "Well,  what  can 
you  do  for  me  under  this  unexpected  disappointment  ?"  Mr.  Peters 
replied,  "  Every  thing  with  money,  without  it  nothing,"  and  looked 
anxiously  towards  the  financier.  "  I  understand  you,"  said  Mr. 
Morris,  "  but  I  must  know  the  amount  you  require."  Before  the 
hour  of  dinner,  Mr.  Peters  having  examined  the  returns  of  the  com- 
36  Y2 


358  ROBERT    MORRIS. 

mander-in-chief,  communicated  the  result.  Mr.  Morris,  with  Ins 
usual  candour,  informed  the  general  that  he  had  not  any  means 
whatever  of  furnishing  the  amount  in  money,  but  would  be  com- 
pelled to  rely  solely  on  his  credit ;  and  that  the  commander-in-chief 
could  decide  whether  he  considered  it  prudent  to  depend  upon  that 
credit,  the  efficacy  of  which  it  would  be  necessary  for  him  to  risk. 
Washington  instantly  observed,  "  The  measure  is  inevitable  ;  and, 
therefore,  resolved  on  ;  and  I  must  pursue  it  at  all  hazards."  The 
expedition  against  Cornwallis  having  thus  been  determined  on,  Mr. 
Morris  and  Mr.  Peters  set  out  for  Philadelphia,  under  an  escort, 
through  the  shortest  and  most  dangerous  route.  They  were  strictly 
enjoined  by  General  Washington  to  keep  the  whole  affair  a  profound 
secret;  and  so  faithfully  was  this  injunction  observed,  that  the  first 
intelligence  received  by  congress  of  the  movement  of  the  army,  was 
derived  from  the  march  of  the  troops  through  Philadelphia,  on  the 
third  of  September. 

The  necessary  supplies  of  every  thing  required  for  this  important 
and  decisive  enterprise  were  chiefly  furnished  by  means  of  Mr.  Mor- 
ris' credit,  to  an  immense  amount,  and  Mr.  Peters  superintended 
their  provision  and  preparation.  From  seventy  to  eighty  battering 
cannon,  and  one  hundred  pieces  of  field  artillery,  were  completely 
fitted  and  furnished,  with  attirail  and  ammunition,  although,  on  the 
return  of  the  committee  to  Philadelphia,  there  was  not  a  field-car- 
riage put  together,  and  but  a  small  quantity  of  fixed  ammunition  in 
the  magazines  :  the  train  was  progressively  sent  on  in  three  or  four 
weeks,  to  the  great  honour  of  the  officers  and  men  employed  in  that 
meritorious  service.  All  this,  together  with  the  expense  of  provision 
for,  and  pay  of  the  troops,  was  accomplished  on  the  personal  credit  of 
Robert  Morris,  who  issued  his  notes  to  the  amount  of  one  million 
four  hundred  thousand  dollars,  which  were  finally  all  paid. 
Assistance  was  afforded  by  Virginia  and  other  states,  from  the  merit 
of  which  we  mean  not  to  detract ;  but,  as  there  was  no  money  in 
the  chest  of  the  war  office,  and  the  treasury  of  the  United  States 
was  empty,  the  expedition  never  could  have  been  operative  and 
brought  to  a  successful  issue,  had  not,  most  fortunately,  Mr.  Morris' 
credit,  superior  exertions,  and  management,  supplied  the  indispen- 
sable sinews  of  war, — the  funds  necessary  to  give  effect  to  exertion. 
These  facts  are  ascertained  from  Mr.  Peters  himself,  within  whose 
personal  observation,  or  knowledge,  they  occurred. 

In  addition  to  the  immense  exertions  of  the  financier  to  effect 
this  movement,  General  Washington  obtained  a  loan  of  specie  from 


ROBERT    MORRIS.  359 

the  Count  De  Rochambeau.  Mr.  Morris  managed  this  important 
negotiation,  and  made  the  proposition  to  the  French  minister, 
Luzern,  who  refused  his  assent  in  the  most  positive  manner.  But 
his  persuasive  talents,  joined  to  the  evident  fact  that  the  army  would, 
without  funds,  be  unable  to  move,  and  the  opportune  news  of  the 
arrival  of  De  Grasse  in  the  Chesapeake,  finally  prevailed. 

The  situation  in  which  Mr.  Morris  found  himself  placed  at  this 
period,  would  have  appalled  a  less  resolute  and  comprehensive  mind. 
It  was  not  official  duty  which  prompted  his  determination  to  sup- 
port, at  every  hazard,  the  views  of  General  Washington,  because, 
with  an  empty  treasury,  and  a  vast  load  of  debt,  nothing  could  be 
reasonably  demanded  from  him  in  that  character.  He  acted  as  a 
patriot  who  had  devoted  himself  to  his  country,  and  resolved,  as  a 
private  individual,  to  effect  an  object  upon  which  the  liberties  of 
that  country  depended,  and  which  baffled  the  resources  of  United 
America.  In  the  prosecution  of  this  gigantic  labour,  he  surmounted 
every  obstacle  which  impeded  his  progress  with  a  celerity  and  per- 
severance, as  astonishing  as  they  were  successful.  But  his  struggles 
were  violent,  and,  at  seasons,  almost  hopeless.  "  A  very  heavy  de- 
mand," he  says  to  General  Schuyler,  "was  made  upon  me  for  the 
rapid  movement:  this  demand  was  as  urgent  as  it  was  great,  and 
I  was  unable  alike  to  resist  or  to  answer  it.  By  the  greatest  exer- 
tions, I  have  at  length  been  able  to  comply  with  the  general's  views, 
but  that  compliance  has  exposed  me,  almost  penniless,  to  answer 
engagements  which  cannot  be  violated."  "  I  must  struggle  through 
these  difficulties,"  he  remarks,  in  a  letter  to  Washington;  "  but  the 
doing  so  requires  that  attention  and  time  which  ought  to  be  bestowed 
on  greater  objects.  Even  the  supplies  of  cattle  for  the  main  army, 
when  purchased,  were  arrested  on  the  road  from  want  of  funds  to 
procure  pasturage!  The  droves  being  placed  in  this  situation  in 
New  Jersey,  Mr.  Morris  thus  addressed  the  governor  of  the  state, 
relative  to  the  means  of  moving  them :  "  I  know  but  two  modes  in 
which  the  object  can  be  accomplished.  The  one  is  by  the  payment 
of  money  to  the  commissary  for  the  purpose:  but  this,  I  fear,  will 
not  be  in  your  power;  I  therefore  only  mention  it  as  preferable  to 
all  others,  if  practicable.  The  other  mode  is,  by  granting  warrants 
to  impress  pasturage."  On  the  twentieth  of  September,  1781,  he 
makes  the  ensuing  observations  to  the  president  of  Pennsylvania, 
which  serve  to  convey  some  idea  of  the  invaluable  services,  and  dis- 
interested sacrifices  of  Robert  Morris:  "The  late  movements  of 
the  army  have  so  entirely  drained  me  of  money,  that  I  have  been 


360  ROBERT    MORRIS. 

obliged  to  pledge  my  personal  credit  very  deeply,  in  a  variety  of 
instances,  besides  borrowing  money  from  my  friends,  and  advancing, 
to  promote  the  public  service,  every  shilling  of  my  own."  In  a  com- 
munication to  the  minister  of  France,  soliciting  further  aid  from  his 
government,  the  financier  justly  remarks,  that  "the  important  ope- 
rations now  carrying  on  by  his  excellency  General  Washington, 
depend  so  materially  on  the  performance  of  my  engagements,  that 
the  most  fatal  consequences  may  ensue  from  any  breach  of  them." 
It  may,  indeed,  truly  be  said,  that  the  success  of  the  American  arms 
depended  wholly  on  Robert  Morris,  not  as  an  officer  of  the  Ameri- 
can states,  but  as  a  private  American  citizen. 

From  the  results  which  attended  the  official  labours  of  Mr.  Mor- 
ris, it  is  fully  established,  that  the  objects  of  internal  administration, 
though  less  brilliant  and  glorious,  are  the  first  source,  and  the  firm- 
est foundation,  of  warlike  exploits.  Having  brought,  by  means  of 
the  Bank  of  North  America,  the  capitals  and  credit  of  the  stock- 
holders to  the  support  of  public  credit,  the  financier  resolved  to  pro- 
duce the  same  effect  in  his  own  name,  and  with  his  private  credit. 
He  accordingly  threw  into  circulation,  no  small  sum  of  obligations 
signed  by  himself,  and  payable  at  different  terms,  out  of  foreign 
subsidies,  or  even  out  of  the  revenues  of  the  United  States ;  and 
these  notes  circulated  as  cash  amongst  the  merchants  and  shopkeep- 
ers. Although,  however,  in  the  course  of  time,  these  obligations 
had  amounted  to  upwards  of  five  hundred  and  eighty-one  thousand 
dollars,  they  never  depreciated,  except  a  little  towards  the  end  of 
the  war;  so  great  was  the  confidence  of  the  public  in  the  good  faith 
and  punctuality  of  the  financier.  Thus,  at  the  very  epoch  in  which 
the  credit  of  the  government  was  almost  entirely  annihilated,  and 
its  bills  nearly  without  value,  that  of  a  single  individual  was  stable 
and  universal. 

To  augment  the  difficulties  experienced  by  the  financier,  the  seve- 
ral states  had  persuaded  themselves  into  the  belief  that  their  exer- 
tions were  unequal,  and  each  maintained  the  superiority  of  its  own 
efforts.  Each  one  claimed  the  merit  of  having  done  more  than 
others,  and  each  continued  desirous  of  relaxing  to  an  equality  with 
the  supposed  deficiencies  of  its  neighbours.  Hence  it  followed,  that 
they  daily  became  more  and  more  negligent,  and  a  dangerous 
supineness  pervaded  the  whole  continent.  Recommendations  which, 
in  the  year  1775,  would  have  roused  all  America  to  action,  were 
suffered,  in  1781,  to  lie  neglected.  Such  was  the  inevitable  conse- 
quence of  this  opinion-:  the  settlement  of  former  accounts  being 


ROBERT    MORRIS.  361 

considered  as  a  thing  forgotten,  men  naturally  reasoned  from  them 
to  those  which  were  then  present, — concluded  that  they  would  also 
drop  into  forgetfulncss,  and  considered  every  thing  not  furnished 
as  so  much  saved.  The  legislatures  would  not  call  forth  the  re- 
sources of  their  respective  constituents;  the  public  operations  lan- 
guished ;  the  necessity  of  purchasing  on  credit  enhanced  the  expense ; 
the  want  of  that  credit  compelled  the  use  of  force;  the  use  of  that 
force  created  offence;  and  the  country  was  daily  plunged  more 
deeply  in  debt,  and  its  revenue  was  more  deeply  anticipated. 

The  low  state  of  public  credit,  from  the  want  of  solid  funds  to 
support  it,  had  induced  the  United  States  in  congress,  to  call  for  an 
impost  of  five  per  cent,  on  all  goods  imported,  and  on  all  prizes 
and  prize  goods,  to  be  granted  for  the  payment  of  the  principal  and 
interest  of  the  debts  contracted,  or  which  might  be  contracted  during 
the  war.  Some  of  the  states  complied  with  this  demand.  The  two 
most  southern  states  were  in  such  disorder,  that  a  compliance  from 
them  could  not  be  reasonably  expected,  nor  was  it  relied  on ;  but 
Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  New  York,  Delaware,  Maryland,  and 
North  Carolina,  delayed  passing  the  necessary  laws.  On  the  seventh 
of  July,  1781,  an  energetic  appeal  from  the  financier  procured  the 
compliance  of  the  states  of  New  York,  Delaware,  and  North  Caro- 
lina, and  the  accession  of  the  others  was  confidently  anticipated : 
this  was  of  the  last  importance,  as  the  impost  could  not  be  carried 
into  effect  without  the  concurrence  of  every  state  in  the  Union. 
Thus,  instead  of  realizing  funds  from  this  source,  the  financier  was 
compelled  patiently  to  await  the  event.  In  the  month  of  July,  1781, 
notwithstanding  the  pressing  instances  of  Mr.  Morris,  very  little  hard 
money  had  been  obtained  from  the  states  on  the  past  requisitions 
of  congress,  and  not  more  than  one  hundred  thousand  dollars  during 
his  whole  administration.  Some  considerable  specific  supplies  had, 
indeed,  been  drawn  forth,  and  a  large  amount  of  paper  money  re- 
mained in  his  hands:  from  the  former,  the  army  had  been  princi- 
pally maintained;  but  the  paper  money  was  of  no  possible  use, 
although,  from  motives  of  policy,  it  was  necessary  to  receive  it  in 
payment  of  taxes.  The  confidence  of  the  people  was  so  entirely 
lost,  that  no  bills  of  credit  whatever  could  at  that  moment  have 
been  made  use  of  as  money.  "If  I  could  buy  any  thing  with  it," 
Mr.  Morris  remarks,  "  I  would  not,  until  the  last  necessity ;  but  it 
will  buy  nothing,  so  that  it  must  be  burnt  as  soon  as  it  honestly 
can."  In  communicating  this  lamentable  state  of  public  affairs  to 
Dr.  Franklin,  Mr.  Morris  makes  the  following  observations:   "  The 


362  ROBERT    MORRIS. 

picture  I  have  already  given  of  this  country  will  not  be  pleasing  to 
you.  Truth  bids  me  add,  that  it  will  admit  of  a  higher  colouring. 
But  what  else  could  be  expected  from  us?  A  revolution — a  war. 
The  dissolution  of  government — the  creating  of  it  anew.  Cruelty, 
rapine,  and  devastation  in  the  midst  of  our  very  bowels.  These, 
sir,  are  circumstances  by  no  means  favourable  to  finance.  The 
wonder  then  is,  that  we  have  done  so  much,  that  we  have  borne  so 
much,  and  the  candid  will  add,  that  we  have  dared  so  much." 

In  the  beginning  of  the  year  1782,  Mr.  Morris  appears  to  have 
felt  more  severely  than  at  any  other  period,  the  weight  of  the  bur- 
den which  rested  upon  him,  and  beneath  which  he,  for  a  moment, 
tottered.  The  states  of  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  and  Mary- 
land, had  not  yet  passed  laws  for  the  impost  of  five  per  cent. ;  and 
Virginia  had  lately  suspended  the  operation  of  the  act  which  they 
had  enacted  in  relation  to  it.  The  public  debt  being  unfunded  and 
unprovided  for,  the  interest  could  not  be  paid,  and  those  who  con- 
fided in  the  government  in  the  hour  of  distress,  were  defrauded. 
To  expect  that,  under  such  circumstances,  others  would  confide  in 
that  government  would  have  been  folly ;  and  to  expect  that  foreign- 
ers would  trust  a  government  which  had  no  credit  with  its  own 
citizens,  would  have  been  madness.  The  whole  weight,  therefore, 
of  the  war,  was  necessarily  borne  in  the  present  moment;  and  even 
the  sjightest  anticipations  of  revenue  were  made  on  the  personal 
credit  of  the  financier.  "I  have  laboured,"  Mr.  Morris  eloquently 
remarked,  "  to  establish  a  credit  for  my  country,  that  when  the 
period  should  arrive,  (and  I  hoped  it  was  not  far  distant,)  in  which 
I  would  lay  down  the  burden  now  pressing  upon  me,  my  successor 
in  office  should  have  no  other  difficulties  to  struggle  with,  than  those 
which  necessarily  attend  an  extensive  and  complicated  administra- 
tion. It  is,  therefore,  with  no  common  degree  of  anxiety  and  dis- 
tress, that  I  see  my  wishes  frustrated.  I  feel  as  an  American  for 
my  country;  as  a  public  servant,  for  the  interest  and  honour  of  those 
whom  I  serve ;  and  as  a  man,  that  I  cannot  enjoy  the  ease  and 
tranquillity  I  have  sought  for,  through  a  life  of  continual  care  and 
unremitted  labour.  It  is  my  duty  to  mention  to  you  (congress)  the 
fact,  and  to  apprise  you  that,  in  such  circumstances,  our  operations 
will  continue  to  be  the  desultory  efforts  of  individual  power,  rather 
than  the  combined  exertion  of  political  strength  and  firmness." 

At  this  juncture,  too,  the  repeated  assurances  received  almost 
daily  from  the  French  government,  of  its  steady  determination  to 
grant  no  further  pecuniary  aids,  left  no  room  to  doubt  the  firmness 


ROBERT    MORRIS.  363 

of  its  determination.     This  was,  indeed,  a  severe  disappointment 

to  Mr.  Morris,  who  had  formed  not  only  hopes,  but  even  expecta- 
tions from  that  quarter.  He  believed  that,  when  the  brilliant  suc- 
cesses of  the  last  campaign  should  be  known,  and  when  it  should 
also  be  known  how  much  the  United  States  were  able  to  perform, 
and  how  necessary  an  aid  of  money  was  to  call  their  power  into 
action,  the  king  of  France  would  again  have  extended  that  relief 
which  would  be  most  beneficial  to  the  common  cause.  Hopes  of 
pecuniary  aid  from  any  other  quarter  were  utterly  delusive.  It  was 
in  vain  that  expensive  establishments  were  kept  up  to  solicit  succour 
from  Spain,  which  appeared  neither  able  nor  willing  to  afford  it; 
from  Holland,  which,  as  she  was  seeking  a  peace,  could  not  wish  to 
increase  the  causes  of  war;  or  from  Russia,  which  seemed  more  in- 
clined to  crush  than  to  support  our  cause.  "  Let  us  apply  to  bor- 
row," said  the  financier,  "  wherever  we  may,  our  mouths  will  always 
be  stopped  by  the  one  word — security.  The  states  will  not  give 
revenue  for  the  purpose,  and  the  United  States  have  nothing  to 
give  but  a  general  national  promise,  of  which  their  enemies  loudly 
charge  them  with  the  violation." 

Goaded  by  the  clamours  of  the  public  creditors,  and  uniformly 
disappointed  by  the  inattention  of  the  state  authorities  to  his  most 
pressing  entreaties,  Mr.  Morris  at  length  assumed  a  style  in  his 
communications,  at  once  monitory,  dignified,  and  solemn.  On  the 
first  of  September,  1781,  he  thus  endeavours  to  awaken  the  fears 
of  the  governor  of  Delaware  :  "  1  have  pressed  upon  you  as  urgently 
as  I  could,  the  necessity  of  a  compliance  with  the  requisitions :  the 
moment  is  now  arrived  when  that  compliance  must  be  insisted  on. 
If  the  legislature  have  neglected  to  pass  the  proper  laws,  or  if  there 
has  been  any  neglect  in  the  execution  of  those  they  have  passed, 
the  persons  who  are  in  fault  must  be  responsible  for  the  consequences 
to  their  suffering  fellow  citizens.  It  is  needless  to  say,  that  a  body 
of  soldiers  will  not  starve  in  the  midst  of  a  plentiful  country." 

Eleven  months  having  elapsed  after  the  recommendation  of  con- 
gress, imposing  the  impost  of  five  per  cent.,  and  the  states  of  Massa- 
chusetts, Rhode  Island  and  Delaware  not  having  complied  with  it, 
Mr.  Morris,  on  the  third  of  January,  1782,  addressed  a  circular 
letter  to  those  states,  couched  in  a  style  of  firm  and  dignified  re- 
proof, which  ought  to  have  proved  irresistible.  In  a  letter  to  the 
speaker  of  the  house  of  assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  dated  the  thir- 
teenth of  February,  1782,  he  gratefully  acknowledges  their  zeai  in 
the  glorious  cause,  and  their  full  and  ready  compliance  with  the 


364  ROBERT    MORRIS. 

requisitions  of  congress :  "  It  would  give  me  more  pleasure,"  lie 
feelingly  remarks,  "  that  I  can  express,  had  this  example  been  imi- 
tated by  all.  Had  this  been  the  case,  new  recommendations  would 
long  since  have  been  made  for  other  revenues,  sufficient  to  fund  all 
the  public  debts;  and  before  the  present  moment,  you,  sir,  might 
have  had  the  inexpressible  satisfaction  of  signing  those  laws  which 
would  have  dried  up  the  tears  of  many  fatherless  children,  and  re- 
moved from  a  thousand  worthy  bosoms,  the  heavy  load  of  affliction." 
To  the  state  of  Virginia  he  wrote:  "What,  in  the  name  of  heaven, 
can  be  expected  by  the  people  of  America,  but  absolute  ruin,  if  they 
are  so  inattentive  to  the  public  service?  Not  until  December  will 
Virginia  give  any  thing,  you  say,  towards  the  service  of  the  current 
year.  How,  then,  are  we  to  carry  on  those  operations  which  are 
necessary?  How  is  our  country  to  be  defended?  How  is  our  army 
to  be  supported?  Is  this  what  is  meant  by  the  solemn  declaration  to 
support  with  life  and  fortune  the  independence  of  the  United  States?" 
Such  were  the  immense  difficulties  which  embarrassed  the  opera 
tions  of  the  financier,  and  against  which  he  triumphantly  struggled. 
In  addition  to  the  unjustifiable  lukewarmness  and  torpor  of  the 
states,  the  little  money  which  he  could  command  was  required  in  a 
thousand  different  ways.  The  private  and  just  claims  of  individuals 
which  he  was  incessantly  called  upon  to  satisfy,  not  unfrequently 
drove  him  almost  to  the  verge  of  despair.  He  was  fully  sensible 
of  the  distresses  which  they  endured  from  being  in  advance  for  the 
public  service,  but  it  was  not  in  his  power  properly  to  defray  the 
necessary  expenses  of  the  war,  much  less  to  pay  off  past  debts.  "  As 
to  making  advances,"  he  said,  "  from  my  own  private  fortune,  I  have, 
before  my  acceptance  of  the  office  I  now  hold,  expended  much  more 
in  that  way  than  ought  to  have  fallen  to  any  private  citizen."  His 
reply  to  these  numerous  applications  was  generally  uniform  and 
conclusive:  he  lamented  the  necessity  of  refusal,  set  forth  the  plain 
fact  that  until  the  several  legislatures  levied  taxes  for  the  payment 
of  past  debts,  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  discharge  them;  and 
declared  that  the  only  thing  in  his  power  was,  to  place  the  debts  on 
interest,  the  punctual  payment  of  which  he  was  endeavouring  to 
secure:  hence,  he  said,  if  his  exertions  were  crowned  with  success, 
the  public  creditors  would  find  themselves  speedily  relieved,  as  the 
funded  debt  of  the  country  would  be  sought  after  by  monied  men, 
whenever  they  found  that  permanent  revenues  were  established  to 
secure  the  principal  and  interest.  But  arguments  of  this  nature 
were  little  calculated  to  satisfy  claimants,  the  justice  of  Whose  de- 


ROBERT   MORRIS.  305 

rnands  was  indisputable;  and  who,  by  reason  of  the  governmental 
defalcation,  were  involved  in  embarrassments  and  distress.  The 
payment  of  the  principal  of  their  claims  was  wholly  impossible;  and 
the  security  of  it,  together  with  the  payment  of  the  interest,  entirely 
depended  on  the  revenue  arising  from  the  impost  law,  which  could 
not  then  be  carried  into  effect,  from  the  non-compliance  of  Rhode 
Island  and  Georgia  to  the  relative  recommendations  of  congress. 
The  states  of  Massachusetts  and  Delaware  had  acceded  to  this 
measure,  and  Georgia  had  been  so  recently  delivered  from  invasion, 
that  the  neglect  there  could  only  be  imputed  to  the  distracted  state 
of  the  country.  The  obstinate  refusal  and  objections  of  Rhode 
Island,  however,  continued  in  full  force,  and  at  length  induced  con- 
gress to  adopt,  on  the  tenth  of  October,  1782,  a  resolution,  "that 
congress  call  upon  the  states  of  Rhode  Island  and  Georgia  for  an 
immediate  definitive  answer,  whether  they  will  comply  with  the  re- 
commendation of  congress  to  vest  them  with  power  to  levy  a  duty 
of  five  per  centum  on  all  goods  imported,  and  on  prizes  and  prize 
goods." 

Still  no  relief  came,  and  still  the  clamours  of  the  creditors  con- 
tinued to  be  directed  to  Mr.  Morris,  frequently  accompanied  with 
calumnies,  invective,  and  even  absolute  insults,  as  shameful  as  they 
were  unmerited.  From  these  combined  causes,  the  situation  of  his 
department,  in  the  summer  of  1782,  was  really  deplorable.  "I 
with  difficulty  am  enabled,"  he  remarks,  in  a  letter  to  General  Wash- 
ington, "  to  perform  my  engagements,  and  am  absolutely  precluded 
from  forming  new  ones.  I  have,  therefore,  been  under  the  very  dis- 
agreeable necessity  of  suffering  the  public  service  to  stand  still  in 
more  lines  than  one.  I  have  been  driven  to  the  greatest  shifts,  and 
am  at  this  moment  unable  to  provide  for  the  civil  list." 

At  length,  his  other  resources,  when  nearly  exhausted,  became  use- 
less by  the  total  stagnation  of  trade,  owing  to  the  expectations  of  peace. 
In  spite  of  all  his  efforts  he  became  in  arrears ;  "  but,"  he  remarks 
to  Washington,  on  the  ninth  of  September,  1782,  "I  am  determined 
to  continue  my  efforts  to  the  last  moment,  although  at  present  I 
really  know  not  which  way  to  turn  myself."  At  length,  weak  and 
tottering  as  he  was,  the  threatened  storm  burst  over  him;  but  his 
great  mind  repelled  its  fury,  and  triumphed  over  difficulties  which 
might  have  driven  the  firmest  to  despair.  At  the  close  of  Septem- 
ber, the  contractors  declared  explicitly,  that  they  could  no  longer  be 
responsible  for  supplying  the  troops,  on  the  terms  agreed  on  in  their 
contracts.  They  demanded  from  the  financier,  assurances  of  in- 
37  Z 


366  ROBERT    MORRIS. 

demnification  at  the  close  of  the  contract,  for  all  damages  sustained 
from  the  public  inability  to  perform  their  engagements;  and  con- 
cluded with  the  cautionary  declaration,  that  if  they  did  not  receive 
such  assurances  before  the  first  of  October,  they  would  surrender 
their  contracts.  Mr.  Morris,  properly  and  decisively,  refused  to 
comply  with  these  demands,  because,  from  the  moment  those  assu- 
rances were  made,  there  would  be  no  longer  any  restraint  on  the 
contractors.  Negligence  or  profusion  might  have  extended  the 
damages  to  any  amount,  and  his  promise  would  have  bound  the 
public  to  abide  by  the  pernicious  consequences.  The  financier, 
consequently,  from  his  comprehensive  and  wonderful  resources,  en- 
deavoured to  make  immediate  arrangements  to  meet  the  threatened 
danger ;  but  such  was  the  paucity  of  the  returns  from  the  states, 
that  he  was  compelled  to  advise  the  proper  authorities,  that  unless 
means  could  be  devised  to  feed  the  army  at  a  long  credit,  he  must, 
himself,  command  the  contractors  to  desist,  and  desire  the  comman- 
der-in-chief to  subsist  his  troops  by  military  collection.  "  I  know 
well,"  he  observed,  "that  the  service  must  suffer  ;  but  I  also  know 
that  an  early  suffering  is  better  than  a  late  ruin." 

On  the  first  of  October,  1782,  congress  again  required  the  several 
states  to  make  speedy  payment  of  their  respective  quotas  into  the 
public  treasury,  that  they  might  be  enabled  thereby  to  pay  the  officers 
and  soldiers  of  the  army.  In  urging  a  compliance  with  this  renewed 
requisition,  Mr.  Morris,  incited  by  the  sufferings  of  the  troops,  and 
indignant  at  the  embarrassing  and  laborious  situation  in  which  he 
was  himself  placed,  as  the  organ  of  the  government,  argued  with 
unusual  severity:  "  It  is  a  mighty  fashionable  thing,"  he  said,  "  to 
declaim  on  the  virtue  and  sufferings  of  the  army,  and  it  is  a  very 
common  thing  for  those  very  declaimers  to  evade,  by  one  artifice  or 
another,  the  payment  of  those  taxes  which  alone  can  remove  every 
source  of  complaint.  Now,  sir,  it  is  a  matter  of  perfect  indifference 
by  what  subterfuge  this  evasion  is  effected,  whether  by  voting  against 
taxes,  or,  what  is  more  usual,  agreeing  to  thein  in  the  first  instance, 
but  taking  care,  in  the  second,  to  provide  no  competent  means  to 
compel  a  collection  ;  which  cunning  device  leaves  the  army  at  last, 
as  a  kind  of  pensionary  upon  the  voluntary  contributions  of  good 
whigs,  and  suffers  those  of  a  different  complexion  to  skulk  and  screen 
themselves  entirely  from  the  weight  and  inconvenience."  Truly, 
indeed,  did  Mr.  Morris  observe,  "  my  credit  has  already  been  on 
the  brink  of  ruin  ;  if  that  goes,  all  is  gone."  To  illustrate  this 
fact,  it  is  only  necessary  to  state,  that  in  October,   1782,  he  was 


ROBERT    MORRIS.  367 

obliged  to  sell  a  portion  of  clothing,  arrived  for  the  use  of  the  army, 
for  the  purpose  of  paying  debts  for  needle-work,  done  by  people  in 
extreme  indigence,  amounting  to  twelve  thousand  dollars. 

The  embarrassments  in  the  department  of  finance  now  continued 
daily  to  increase.  Notwithstanding  his  peculiar  urbanity  and  mild- 
ness of  disposition,  it  was  not  in  human  nature  to  endure  unruffled, 
a  continued  series  of  impatient,  persecuting,  and  pressing  demands, 
not  unfrcqnently  mingled  with  petulance,  and  sometimes,  even  with 
personal  insult.  "  If,"  he  remarks  in  one  of  these  momentary  ex- 
citements, but  with  justice,  "the  public  creditors  and  their  fellow 
citizens,  instead  of  uttering  complaints  on  every  occasion,  would 
exert  themselves  in  paying  their  own,  and  influencing  their  neigh- 
hours  to  pay  their  taxes  for  the  continental  service,  I  should  soon 
hope  to  see  our  affairs  on  such  a  footing  as  to  silence  all  complaints; 
but  whilst  people  are  grasping  at  every  farthing  the  public  possess, 
and  no  measures  are  taken  to  replenish  the  fountain  from  whence 
payments  spring,  what  can  they  expect?" 

At  length,  worn  down  by  excessive  toil,  harassed  by  incessant 
claims  which  he  could  not  satisfy,  and  subjected  to  hopeless  mortifi- 
cations and  embarrassments  from  the  defalcation  of  revenue,  he 
resolved  to  abandon  a  situation  in  which  he  could  be  no  longer  use- 
ful, before  his  own  honour  and  credit  became  entangled  in  the  laby- 
rinth, into  which  state  prejudices  laboured  to  plunge  the  nation,  and 
from  which  he  had,  till  that  period,  successfully  preserved  it.  On 
the  twenty-fourth  of  January,  1783,  he  advised  the  president  of 
congress,  that  as  nothing  but  the  public  danger  could  have  induced 
him  to  accept  the  office,  so  he  had  determined  to  hold  it  until  the 
danger  was  past,  or  else  meet  his  ruin  in  the  common  wreck;  that 
under  greater  difficulties  than  were  apprehended  by  the  most  timid, 
and  with  less  support  than  was  expected  by  the  least  sanguine,  the 
generous  confidence  of  the  public  had  accomplished  more  than  he 
had  presumed  to  hope;  that  his  attention  to  the  public  debts  arose 
from  the  conviction  that  funding  them  on  solid  revenues,  was  the 
last  essential  work  of  our  glorious  revolution,  the  accomplishment 
of  which  was  among  the  objects  nearest  his  heart,  and  to  effect 
which,  he  would  continue  to  sacrifice  time,  property,  and  domestic 
comfort  ;  that  many  late  circumstances  had  so  far  lessened  the  ap- 
prehensions from  the  common  enemy,  that  his  original  motives  had 
almost  ceased  to  operate ;  but  that  other  circumstances  had  post- 
poned the  establishment  of  public  credit  in  such  a  manner,  that  he 
feared  it  would   never  be  made;  and  that  to  increase  the  national 


368  ROBERT    MORRIS. 

debts  while  the  prospect  of  paying  them  was  diminishing,  did  not 
consist  with  his  ideas  of  integrity.  Hence,  he  announced  his  inten- 
tion to  quit  a  station  which  had  become  utterly  insupportable.  But, 
lest  the  public  measures  might  be  deranged  by  any  precipitation,  he 
consented  to  serve  until  the  end  of  May ;  with  the  understanding 
that,  if  effectual  measures  were  not  taken  by  that  time  to  make  per- 
manent provision  for  the  public  debts  of  every  kind,  congress  would 
be  pleased  to  appoint  some  other  person  to  be  the  superintendent 
of  finance.  "I  should  be  unworthy,"  he  said,  "of  the  confidence 
reposed  in  me  by  my  fellow  citizens,  if  I  did  not  explicitly  declare, 
that  I  will  never  be  the  minister  of  injustice."* 

The  letter  to  congress  conveying  this  determination  produced 
considerable  agitation,  as  in  case  of  Mr.  Morris'  resignation,  no 
other  individual  could  be  found  so  capable  of  conducting  the  affairs 
of  the  department,  whether  it  regarded  his  political  sagacity,  his 
financial  knowledge,  or  private  resources.  An  injunction  of  secrecy 
was  immediately  passed;  but  Mr.  Morris,  after  two  months'  delay, 
addressed  a  letter  to  the  house,  stating  that  a  number  of  those  who 
had  contracted  engagements  with  him,  placed  a  personal  reliance 
on  him  for  the  fulfilment  of  them  ;  that  as  the  time  was  fast  ap- 
proaching when  he  must  quit  the  office,  it  was  proper  for  him  to 
make  the  necessary  preparations,  and  give  this  due  and  seasonable 
information,  to  those  who  had  confided  in  him.  He  therefore  prayed 
that  the  injunction  of  secrecy  might  be  removed.  On  the  twenty- 
sixth  of  February,  this  petition  was  granted,  and  a  committee  ap- 
pointed to  which  his  letters  were  referred.  On  the  fifth  of  March, 
this  committee  was  superseded  by  another,  consisting  of  five  mem- 
bers, appointed  to  devise  the  proper  measures  to  be  taken,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  letters  from  the  superintendent  of  finance. 

Nothing  would  have  induced  Mr.  Morris  to  take  this  step,  but  a 
painful  conviction   that  the  situation  of  those  to  whom  the   public 

*  This  communication  produced  a  strong  sensation  in  congress :  Mr.  Lee  anil 
Mr.  Bland  said  that  a  man  who  had  published  to  the  world  such  a  picture  of  our 
character,  and  the  finances,  was  unfit  to  have  charge  of  them.  Colonel  Hamilton  (who 
was  afterwards  appointed  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  through  Mr.  Morris' influence) 
vindicated  his  conduct,  and  succeeded  in  getting  from  congress  a  vote  of  approval 
of  his  conduct.  General  Washington  wrote  to  Colonel  Hamilton,  "  Some  of  the  of- 
ficers are  beginning  to  entertain  suspicions  that  congress  are  going  to  sell  them  as 
mere  puppets  to  establish  continental  funds,  and  that  rather-  than  not  succeed  in 
this  measure,  they  will  sacrifice  the  army  and  all  its  interests :  the  financier  is  sus- 
pected of  being  at  the  bottom  of  this  scheme/'  Colonel  Hamilton  in  reply,  vindi. 
cated  Mr.  Morris'  conduct,  and  said,  "  The  old  leaven  of  Lee  and  Deane  is  at  this 
time  working  against  Mr.  Morris." 


ROBERT    MORRIS.  369 

were  indebted  was  desperate.  In  a  letter  to  General  Washington, 
dated  the  twenty-seventh  of  February,  he  says  that  he  sincerely 
believed  that  a  great  majority  of  the  members  of  congress  wish  to 
do  justice,  but  would  not  adopt  the  necessary  measures,  because 
they  were  afraid  of  offending  their  states.  He  strongly  sympathized 
with  the  army  and  the  situation  of  its  commander.  "I  did  flatter 
myself,"  he  observed,  "  that  I  should  have  been  able  to  present 
them  that  justice  to  which  they  are  entitled,  and  in  the  mean  time, 
I  laboured  to  make  their  situation  as  tolerable  as  circumstances 
would  permit.  My  thanks  are  due  to  all  our  officers,  for  I  know 
that  unwearied  pains  have  been  taken  to  give  them  disagreeable 
impressions;  and  I  am,  therefore,  doubly  indebted  for  the  just  sen- 
timents which,  amid  so  many  misrepresentations,  they  have  con- 
stantly entertained.  I  hope  my  successor  will  be  more  fortunate 
than  I  have  been,  and  that  our  glorious  revolution  may  be  crowned 
with  those  acts  of  justice,  without  which  the  greatest  human  glory 
is  but  the  shadow  of  a  shade."  To  General  Greene  he  remarked, 
that  the  step  he  was  about  to  take  was  inconceivably  painful  to  him, 
but  that  there  was  no  alternative.  While  it  was  asserted  on  all 
hands  that  the  national  debts  ought  to  be  paid,  it  was  evident  that 
no  efficient  measures  would  be  adopted  for  that  purpose.  "I  felt," 
he  said,  "  the  consequences  of  my  resignation  on  public  credit ;  I 
felt  the  probable  derangement  of  our  affairs;  I  felt  the  difficulties 
my  successor  would  have  to  encounter ;  but  still  I  felt,  above  all 
things,  that  it  was  a  duty  to  be  honest.  This  first  and  highest 
principle  has  been  obeyed.  I  do  not  hold  myself  answerable  for 
consequences.  These  are  to  be  attributed  to  the  opposers  of  just 
measures,  let  their  rank  and  station  be  what  it  may.  I  expect 
much  obloquy  for  my  conduct,  because  this  is  what  I  know  to  be 
the  reward  for  any  conduct  whatever,  which  is  right.  To  the  slander 
I  am  indifferent,  and  still  more  indifferent  about  the  attempts  to 
question  the  services  I  have  rendered." 

Among  the  accusations  publicly  preferred  against  Mr.  Morris, 
was  the  destruction  of  that  public  credit,  which,  unsupported  by  him, 
would  long  before  have  been  annihilated.  Men  totally  ignorant  of 
the  state  of  affairs  put  on  the  conduct,  which  severe  necessity  com- 
pelled him  to  pursue,  the  most  malicious  misconstructiens,  and 
affecting  an  intimate  knowledge  of  things,  charged  him  with  the  ruin 
of  public  credit,  and  interpreted  the  terms  of  his  resignation  into 
reflections  upon  congress.  On  the  very  day,  however,  on  which  he 
was  publicly  charged  with  these  offences,  despatches  arrived  from 


370  ROBERT    MORRIS. 

Europe  conveying  the  intelligence  that  the  credit  of  congress  was 
at  an  end. 

After  repeated  conferences  with  a  committee  of  congress,  Mr. 
Morris  was  induced  to  continue  in  office,  under  the  express  stipula- 
tion, that  his  duties  were  to  be  limited  to  the  particular  object  of 
fulfilling  his  existing  engagements,  and  those  which  the  necessity 
of  affairs  might  compel  him  to  form;  and  congress,  relieved  by 
this  determination,  resolved,  on  the  second  of  May,  1783,  that  he 
should  receive  their  firm  support  towards  completing  his  engage- 
ments. 

The  spring  of  1784  found  the  finances  in  a  still  more  miserable 
condition.  A  large  sum  of  bills  drawn  for  account  of  the  United 
States,  on  the  credit  of  a  loan  in  Holland,  had  been  protested  for 
non-acceptance,  and  the  little  show  of  credit  that  had  been  supported 
abroad  was  now  totally  gone.  It  was  the  deepest  and  sincerest 
wish  of  Mr.  Morris,  to  have  been  the  instrument  towards  establish- 
ing the  affairs  of  America  upon  a  solid  basis,  and  almost  every 
eftbrt  within  the  scope  of  human  power  had  been  exerted,  to  effect 
that  object.  At  such  a  crisis,  he  foresaw  that  without  a  miracle  the 
country  would  be  plunged  into  a  state  of  inconceivable  confusion 
and  distress.  At  this  period,  unsupported  and  persecuted,  he 
formed  the  intention  of  peremptorily  resigning  his  station.  "I 
think  it  necessary,"  he  remarked  to  a  friend,  "  for  America  that  I 
should  quit  my  office,  even  admitting  the  justice  of  those  flattering 
expressions  contained  in  your  letter.  I  hope  that  persons  will  be 
found  as  honest  and  more  capable;  but  be  that  as  it  may,  the  people 
will,  I  hope,  more  easily  believe,  when  they  hear  truth  from  some 
other  quarter.  If  not,  they  will,  at  least,  feel  the  consequences 
which,  though  so  often  predicted,  have  not  been  provided  against." 
On  the  twenty-fifth  of  March,  he  remarked,  "  my  successors  will 
perhaps  be  believed  when  they  describe  our  situation,  and  at  least 
that  voice  of  party,  which  has  hitherto  opposed  the  public  service 
on  private  principles,  will  be  silenced."  On  the  sixth  of  May,  he 
requested  congress  to  make  eventual  arrangements  for  administer- 
ing the  finances,  and  to  appoint  a  committee  to  inspect  the  conduct 
of  the  department.  Congress  accordingly  appointed  a  board  con- 
sisting of  three  commissioners  to  superintend  the  treasury  of  the 
United  States,  after  a  well  merited  eulogium  on  the  very  great  ad- 
vantages derived  from  the  arrangement  and  management  of  their 
finances.  The  appointment  of  the  board  of  treasury  was,  in  itself 
a  flattering  token  of  his  powerful  abilities,  which  had  so  long  been 


ROBERT    MORRIS.  371 

able  to  support  and  conduct  a  department  which  no  single  man  now 
seemed  capable  of  performing. 

Sir.  Morris,  however,  still  continued  to  preside  over  the  treasury, 
and  make  the  final  arrangements  for  his  retirement.  As  the  period 
appointed  by  congress,  as  the  termination  of  his  official  labours, 
approached,  he  became  extremely  anxious  to  impress  on  the  public 
mind  the  undoubted  fulfilment  of  his  engagements,  and  the  unim- 
paired value  of  his  notes.  Accordingly,  on  the  eleventh  of  October, 
he  issued  a  public  notice,  declaring  that  he  had  taken  measures  to 
provide  for  the  payment  of  his  various  engagements  on  behalf  of 
the  United  States,  and  particularly  for  such  of  his  notes  as  were  in 
circulation,  and  that,  although  lie  should  not  be  in  office,  yet  those 
notes  would  all  be  paid  at  maturity.  For  such  payment  he  pledged 
himself  personally  to  the  holders,  and  therefore  requested,  that,  if 
any  attempts  should  be  made  to  obtain  them,  by  any  suggestion,  at 
less  than  the  specified  value,  such  attempts  might  be  defeated.  On 
the  first  day  of  November,  1784,  Mr.  Morris  finally  resigned  his 
official  duties,  and,  after  an  arduous  administration,  returned  to  the 
source  from  which  it  was  derived  the  commission  which  he  had  so 
honourably  and  perseveringly  borne.  In  rendering  an  account  of 
his  stewardship,  he  published  an  address  to  the  inhabitants  of  the 
United  States,  which,  together  with  the  comprehensive  details  of  his 
mode  of  managing  the  finances,  ought  to  be  incorporated  in  the 
course  of  the  historical  education  of  American  youth.  His  con- 
cluding words  were  written  in  the  true  spirit  of  political  foresight, 
and  were  only  rendered  nugatory  by  the  establishment  of  the  Federal 
Constitution.  "  The  inhabitant  of  a  little  hamlet  may  feel  pride  in 
the  sense  of  separate  independence.  But  if  there  be  not  one 
government,  which  can  draw  forth  and  direct  the  efforts,  the  com- 
bined efforts  of  United  America,  our  independence  is  but  a  name, 
our  freedom  a  shadow,  and  our  dignity  a  dream.  To  you,  fellow 
citizens,  these  sentiments  are  addressed  by  one  who  has  felt  their 
force.  In  descending  from  that  eminence  on  which  your  represen- 
tatives had  placed  him,  he  avoids  the  shafts  which  calumny  had 
aimed.  He  has  no  longer,  therefore,  any  personal  interest  in  those 
jealousies  and  distrusts  which  have  embarrassed  his  administration, 
and  may  prove  your  ruin.  He  no  longer  asks  confidence  in  him- 
self. But  it  is  his  duty  to  declare  his  sincere  opinion,  that  if  you 
will  not  repose  in  the  members  of  that  general  federal  government 
which  you  yourselves  have  chosen,  that  confidence  and  those  powers, 
which  are  necessary,  you  must,  and  you  will,  (in  no  very  distant 


372  ROBERT    MORRIS. 

period,)  become  the  dupes  of  European  politics.  What  may  be  the 
final  event,  time  only  can  discover;  but  the  probability  is,  that,  first 
divided,  then  governed,  our  children  may  lament,  in  chains,  the 
folly  of  their  fathers.  May  heaven  avert  these  evils,  and  endue  us 
with  wisdom  so  to  act,  as  may  best  promote  the  present  and  future 
peace,  prosperity,  and  happiness,  of  our  country."  On  the  retire- 
ment of  this  eminent  man  from  office,  it  was  affirmed  by  two  mem- 
bers of  the  Massachusetts  delegation,  "  that  it  cost  congress  at  the 
rate  of  eighteen  millions  per  annum,  hard  dollars,  to  carry  on  the 
war,  till  he  was  appointed  financier,  and  then  it  cost  them  but  about 
four  millions." 

In  addition  to  the  arduous  duties  already  imposed  on  Mr.  Morris 
congress  resolved,  on  the  seventh  of  September,  1781,  that  until  an 
agent  of  marine  should  be  appointed,  all  the  duties,  powers,  and 
authority,  assigned  to  that  office,  should  devolve  upon,  and  be  exe- 
cuted by  the  superintendent  of  finance.  This  additional  burthen 
was  extremely  disagreeable  to  Mr.  Morris:  "  I  could  have  wished," 
he  observed,  "that  this  task  had  fallen  to  the  lot  of  some  other  per- 
son. I  could  have  wished  to  bestow  on  this  subject  an  attention 
undissipated  by  other  cares.  But  it  is  now  some  time  since  I  have 
learned  to  sacrifice  to  the  public  service,  my  case,  my  wishes,  and 
my  inclinations."  No  agent,  however,  being  appointed,  he  contin- 
ued to  perform  the  duties  of  this  office,  and  regulate  the  affairs  of 
our  unfortunate  navy,  until  the  close  of  the  year  1784. 

No  individual,  no  public  body,  did  more  than  Mr.  Morris,  to  extri- 
cate the  country  from  pecuniary  embarrassments.  But  such  exer- 
tions are  not  blazoned  with  the  brilliant  exploits  of  conquerors  and 
heroes,  which  illuminate  the  annals  of  a  country.  It  has  been 
shown,  however,  that  the  operations  of  the  machinery  which  guided 
the  war  of  the  revolution,  would  often  have  stood  still,  had  not  Mor- 
ris been  principally  instrumental  in  furnishing  the  moving  power, 
after  all  preceding  means  had  perished.  It  has  been  well  written, 
that  such  important  services  rendered  to  this  country,  while  they 
entitle  Mr.  Morris  to  universal  admiration,  should,  at  the  same  time, 
have  secursJ  him  some  distinguished  testimony  of  public  gratitude. 
As  he  richly  merited,  so  ought  he  to  have  enjoyed,  in  old  age,  the 
uninterrupted  blessings  of  peace  and  happiness.  But  at  the  con- 
clusion of  the  war,  he  was  abandoned  by  those  propitious  fortunes 
which  seemed  attendant  on  all  his  prior  enterprises.  He  had  suc- 
cessfully husbanded  the  funds  of  the  public,  but  vast  and  ruinous 
speculation  totally  prostrated  his  own  pecuniary  concerns. 


ROBERT    MORRIS.  373 

The  assembly  of  Pennsylvania  having,  in  1785,  annulled  the  char- 
ter of  the  Bank  of  North  America,  which,  under  the  fostering  care 
of  Mr.  Morris,  had  so  largely  contributed  to  the  support  of  the  war, 
it  was  resolved  to  send  the  most  influential  delegates  from  the  city 
of  Philadelphia,  for  the  purpose,  if  practicable,  of  obtaining  its 
renewal,  and  thereby  relieve  a  great  proportion  of  the  stockholders, 
comprising  a  very  helpless  portion  of  our  citizens,  whose  comfort- 
able support  depended  on  the  continuance  of  the  institution.  For 
this  express  purpose,  Mr.  Morris,  ever  ready  to  devote  himself  to 
the  public  good,  consented,  in  1780,  to  become  a  candidate,  in  con- 
junction with  Mr.  Fitzsimmons  and  Mr.  Clymer.  The  real  cause 
of  the  measure  which  had  been  adopted  by  the  preceding  legisla- 
ture, was  ascribed  to  the  continuance  of  the  same  party  spirit  which 
had  been  so  violently  opposed  to  Mr.  Morris  and  his  friends,  during 
nis  financial  administration.  The  debates  on  the  occasion  excited 
great  interest  among  all  classes  of  society.  The  argumentative 
force  and  eloquence  of  Mr.  Morris  would  have  produced  conviction 
in  the  mind  of  any  man,  not  previously  determined,  if  possible,  to 
destroy  the  bank,  and  not  abandoned  to  the  government  of  party 
prejudice.  The  question  to  renew  the  charter  was  lost  by  a  majority 
of  thirteen;  but  the  exertions  of  the  friends  of  the  institution  were, 
in  the  succeeding  legislature,  crowned  with  success. 

In  the  following  year,  Mr.  Morris  was  elected  a  member  of  the 
memorable  convention  which  framed  the  Federal  Constitution; — a 
convention  constituting  a  body  of  political  learning  and  virtue,  from 
which  alone  could  have  emanated  the  never-dying  document,  that  is 
destined  to  preserve  and  perpetuate  the  prosperity  of  the  country.* 

On  the  first  of  October,  1788,  Mr.  Morris  received  a  renewed 
mark  of  the  high  confidence  which  he  continued  to  enjoy  among  his 
fellow  citizens:  he  was  appointed,  by  the  general  assembly,  to  re- 
present the  state  of  Pennsylvania  in  the  first  senate  of  the  United 
States,  that  assembled  at  New  York,  after  the  ratification  of  the 
federal  compact. 

Although  Mr.  Morris  received  no  other  than  a  common  English 
education,  he  possessed  superior  talents,  which  fostered  by  care,  and 
ripened  by  experience,  compensated  this  early  defect,  and  rendered 
their  possessor  as  conspicuous  in  the  common  intercourse  of  society, 

*  Mr.  Monis  seems  to  have  been  in  favour  of  a  much  stronger  form  of  govern- 
ment than  was  adopted.  He  moved  in  the  convention,  that  the  senators  should  be 
appointed  for  life,  and  was  in  favour  of  all  offices  being  more  permanent  than  they 
were  made  by  the  convention. 

38 


374  ROBERT    MORRIS. 

as  he  was  in  the  cabinet.  His  conversation  was  cheerful,  easy,  and 
interesting;  but  not  often  of  a  literary  cast,  owing  to  the  want  of 
a  classical  education.  He  was,  however,  by  no  means  deficient  in 
general  reading.  With  a  mind  at  once  acute  and  penetrating,  he 
was  extremely  well  versed  in  what  are  called  the  affairs  of  the  world, 
both  public  and  private.  His  political  knowledge  was  very  exten- 
sive, and  it  was  almost  all  gained  from  practical  sources,  and  social 
intercourse.  His  public  speaking  was  fluent,  correct,  and  impres- 
sive. He  was  not  a  frequent,  and  was,  therefore,  a  more  welcome 
speaker;  being  always  listened  to  with  profound  attention.  Mr.  Mor- 
ris wrote  with  ease  and  perspicuity,  both  in  business  and  friendly 
correspondence,  and  his  familiar  notes  and  letters  were  frequently 
pleasant  and  amusing. 

As  a  merchant,  his  enterprise  and  credit  were  equalled  only  by 
his  unimpeachable  integrity.  It  has  been  stated,  that  Mr.  Morris 
enriched  himself  greatly  by  the  war,  and  possessed  a  great  variety 
of  means  for  acquiring  wealth  ;  that  his  connections  with  Mr.  Holker, 
then  consul-general  of  France  at  Philadelphia,  and  the  exclusive 
permission  to  ship  cargoes  of  flour  and  other  produce  in  the  time  of 
general  embargoes,  were  to  him  the  sources  of  immense  profit;  and 
that  his  situation  gave  him  many  similar  opportunities,  of  which  his 
capital,  his  credit,  and  abilities,  always  enabled  him  to  take  advan- 
tage. "  What  purchases  of  tobacco,"  writes  M.  De  Chastellux, 
"what  profits  of  every  kind,  might  not  a  man  of  Mr.  Morris'  abili- 
ties make,  with  such  powerful  advantages?"  All  these  vile  insinua- 
tions are  totally  false.  Mr.  Morris  never  engaged  in  speculation 
during  his  continuance  in  office;  he  never  enjoyed  any  commercial 
monopoly  or  privileges  on  his  own  account,  although,  as  it  has  been 
already  shown,  he  incurred  the  odium  by  covering  the  operations  of 
congress;  and,  so  far  from  enriching  himself  by  the  advantages  of 
his  station,  it  was  in  that  station  where  the  seeds  of  his  pecuniary 
destruction  were  sown.  It  not  only  actually  impoverished  him  at 
the  moment,  but  the  vastness  of  his  money  transactions,  and  the 
almost  boundless  scope  of  his  financial  duties,  gave  to  his  mind  a 
correspondent  tone,  which,  no  doubt,  mainly  concurred  in  leading 
him  from  the  proper  pursuits  of  commerce  into  a  train  of  enor- 
mous, unmanageable,  and  ruinous  land  speculations. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  war,  he  was  among  the  first  who  en- 
gaged in  the  East  India  and  China  trade,  which  by  an  increase,  as 
astonishing  as  it  is  unexampled,  has  now  become  a  lucrative  branch 
of  revenue  and  commerce.     In  the  spring  of  1784,  he  despatched 


ROBERT    MORRIS.  375 

to  China,  the  ship  Empress,  Captain  Green,  from  New  York  to  Can- 
ton, being  the  first  American  vessel  that  ever  appeared  in  that  port. 
He  also  made  the  first  attempt  to  effect  what  is  called  an  "  out  of 
season"  passage  to  China:  by  going  round  the  south  cape  of  New 
Holland,  thus  avoiding  the  periodical  winds  prevalent  at  certain 
periods  in  the  China  sea. 

Although  active  in  the  acquisition  of  wealth  as  a  merchant,  no 
one  more  freely  parted  with  his  gain,  for  public  or  private  purposes 
of  a  meritorious  nature,  whether  to  support  the  credit  of  the  go- 
vernment, to  promote  objects  of  humanity,  or  local  improvement, 
the  welfare  of  meritorious  individuals  in  society,  or  a  faithful  com- 
mercial servant.  The  prime  of  his  life  was  engaged  in  discharging 
the  most  important  civil  trusts  to  his  country,  that  could  possibly 
fall  to  the  lot  of  man  ;  and  millions  passed  through  his  hands,  with- 
out the  smallest  tenable  insinuation  against  his  correctness,  amidst 
"defaulters  of  unaccounted  thousands." 

Notwithstanding  his  numerous  engagements,  as  a  public  and 
private  character,  Mr.  Morris  eminently  fulfilled  all  those  private 
duties  necessarily  imposed  upon  him  by  his  high  standing  in  society. 
His  house  was  the  seat  of  elegant  and  unostentatious  hospitality,  and 
open,  for  nearly  half  a  century,  to  all  the  strangers,  in  good  society, 
who  visited  Philadelphia,  either  on  commercial,  public,  or  private 
affairs  :  it  may  not  be  exaggeration  to  assert,  that  during  a  certain 
period,  it  principally  depended  on  him  to  do  the  honours  of  the  city. 
This  hospitality  was  conspicuous  and  cordial,  without  the  slightest 
tinge  of  ostentation.  His  entertainments,  when  in  prosperity,  were 
always  elegant  and  often  splendid,  and  his  capacity  to  preside  over, 
and  give  a  zest  to  the  pleasures  of  the  table,  was  remarkable.  He 
possessed  a  peculiar  facility  in  running  off  appropriate  volunteer 
sentiments,  at  convivial  meetings,  which  always  embraced  point 
and  applicability;  but  he  had  no  faculty  for  the  sudden  scintillations 
of  wit.  His  habits  were  temperate,  and  he  never  suffered  convivi- 
ality to  interfere  with  the  transaction  of  business.  He  is  said  to 
have  been  the  first  individual  who  introduced  the  luxuries  of  hot- 
houses and  ice-houses  into  the  United  States. 

He  was  remarkable  for  his  domestic  habits  ;  and  in  his  intercourse 
with  his  family  and  friends,  and  indeed  with  general  society,  no  one 
made  greater  exertions  to  do  kind  offices.  His  great  cheerfulness 
and  benevolence  attracted  the  esteem  of  a  numerous  circle  of  ac 
quaintance,  and  the  veneration  of  the  people.  Independent  in  his 
principles  and  conduct,  he  never  courted  the  countenance  of  living 


376  ROBERT    MORRIS. 

man.  Warmly  devoted  to  his  friends,  he  was  almost  idolized  by  them, 
but  especially  by  those  who  were  particularly  dear  to  him — Alexander 
Hamilton  and  Gouverneur  Morris.  Whenever  Washington  came 
to  Philadelphia,  his  first  visit  was  to  Robert  Morris,  now  surrounded 
by  the  chains  which  he  had  assisted  the  hero  to  burst  asunder. 

In  all  his  misfortunes,  he  did  not  utter  a  complaint,  notwithstand- 
ing the  ingratitude  of  his  contemporaries.  He  was,  however,  com- 
pelled to  refrain  from  walking  the  streets,  being  continually  followed 
by  a  grateful  crowd,  consisting  of  the  middle  and  lower  classes  of 
the  people. 

His  unfortunate  scheme  of  land  speculations,  which  embittered  an 
old  age  that  ought  to  have  been  surrounded  with  all  the  ease  and 
happiness  that  earthly  gratitude  could  bestow,  was  a  frenzy  which 
totally  transformed  his  character.  The  mania  of  engrossing  lands, 
under  the  fanciful  idea  that  Europe  would  pour  out  its  numbers  and 
treasures  into  our  wilderness,  was  not  confined  to  him  ;  although  it 
proved  more  fatal  to  him  than  to  others.* 

Fatigued  with  the  political  cares,  which,  from  the  time  of  his 
election  to  congress  under  the  federal  constitution,  had  so  completely 
engrossed  his  mind,  he  was  now  anxious  to  retire  to  the  relaxation 
of  private  life.  His  refusal  to  accept  the  situation  of  secretary  of 
the  treasury,  offered  to  him  by  Washington,  proves  how  little  his 
patriotism  was  tinctured  with  ambition.  Being  requested  to  desig- 
nate a  gentleman  for  that  office,  he  named  Colonel  Hamilton.  Gen- 
eral Washington  expressed  considerable  surprise  at  this  selection, 
not  being  aware  of  the  relative  qualifications  of  Mr.  Hamilton;  but 
Mr.  Morris  declaring  his  own  personal  knowledge  of  his  entire  com- 
petency, he  was  appointed  to  that  important  post,  and  realized,  in 
the  fullest  and  most  distinguished  manner,  the  expectations  of  his 
friends. 

*  It  was  probably  a  passion,  common  to  merchants,  for  amassing  wealth,  and  a 
habit  of  engaging  in  extensive  speculations  acquired  by  wielding,  at  will,  the  reve- 
nues of  a  nation,  more  than  a  passion  for  engrossing  acres,  which  led  him  on  his 
mad  career  of  extravagance.  He  had,  some  time  previous  to  this,  through  the 
agency  of  General  Washington  purchased  from  the  Six  Nations  of  Indians,  a  do- 
main on  the  Genesee  River,  which  would  have  sufficed  for  twenty  German  princes, 
and  commenced  the  erection  of  a  palace  in  Philadelphia,  which  would  have  re- 
quired more  than  the  revenue  of  the  United  States  to  complete,  furnish,  and  oc- 
cupy;  and  would,  when  finished,  have  compared  with  the  palaces  of  the  Venitian 
merchant  princes,  as  a  supurb  mansion  to  a  log  cabin; — and  all  this  at  the  same 
time  that  he  was  selling  as  great  an  amount  of  his  notes,  as  could  in  any  way  be 
disposed  of  at  twenty  cents  in  the  dollar,  or  less  when  that  could  not  be  obtained. 
It  all  ended,  as  was  inevitable,  in  the  utter  ruin  of  more  than  his  fortune. 


ROBERT    MORRIS.  377 

Mr.  Morris  was  a  large  man,  and  very  simple  in  his  manners, 
which  were  gentlemanly,  though  not  highly  polished,  but  free  from 
the  least  tincture  of  vulgarity.  He  possessed  a  fine,  open,  and  be- 
nevolent countenance,  but  his  features  were  strong,  and  when  en- 
gaged in  deep  meditation,  they  appeared  austere,  but  not  morose. 
Under  misfortunes  of  the  greatest  magnitude,  and  in  times  of  the 
severest  trials,  he  never  suffered  the  slightest  tinge  of  melancholy 
to  overshadow  his  countenance  :  the  features  of  few  individuals, 
among  whom  was  General  Washington,  were  more  conspicuously 
brightened  when  lightened  up  by  pleasantry ;  but  misfortune  or  suc- 
cess had  little  agency  in  the  change. 

On  the  second  of  March,  1769,  he  was  married  to  Miss  Mary 
White,  sister  of  Bishop  White,  a  lady  of  exemplary  constancy  and 
virtue,  and  to  whom  he  was  most  affectionately  attached.  He  was, 
for  a  long  time,  deplorably  and  frequently  afflicted  with  a  constitu- 
tional asthma.  The  formation  of  his  chest  indicated  a  strong  ten- 
dency to  this  terrifying  malady.  Exercise  at  the  pump  was  the 
specific  which  he  resorted  to,  and  he  often  laboured  as  though  he 
were  assisting  to  save  a  sinking  vessel.  He,  however,  by  this  means, 
frequently  obtained  relief  from  violent  paroxysms  in  a  few  moments. 

At  length,  worn  down  by  public  labour,  and  private  misfortunes, 
he  rapidly  approached  the  mansion  appointed  for  all  living ;  the 
lamp  of  life  glimmered  in  its  socket ;  and  that  great  and  good  man 
sunk  into  the  tomb,  on  the  eighth  of  May,  1806,  in  the  seventy-third 
year  of  his  age. 

2A 


BENJAMIN   RUSH. 


Benjamin  Rush  was  born  in  the  township  of  Byberry,  about 
twelve  miles  to  the  north-east  of  Philadelphia,  on  the  twenty-fourth 
of  December,  1745.  Having  lost  his  father  at  six  years  of  age,  the 
care  of  his  education  and  that  of  a  younger  brother  devolved  solely 
upon  his  excellent  mother,  whose  vigilance  and  activity  appear  to 
have  amply  compensated  his  early  deprivation,  or  to  have  left  at 
least  no  reason  of  interest  to  deplore  it. 

The  first  care  of  the  widowed  mother  of  young  Rush  was  to  pro- 
cure him  the  means  of  a  liberal  education;  to  which  the  limited 
resources  of  their  farm  being  inadequate,  she  removed  to  the  city 
of  Philadelphia,  and  there  entering  into  some  commercial  business, 
was  enabled,  by  prudent  management  and  rigid  economy,  to  suc- 
ceed in  her  generous  undertaking.  Having  taught  him  herself  the 
elements  of  the  English  language,  she  sent  him  at  the  age  of  nine 
years  to  the  grammar  school  of  Nottingham,  in  Maryland,  at  that 
time  under  the  direction  of  her  sister's  husband,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Find- 
ley,  afterwards  president  of  the  college  of  Princeton  in  New  Jersey. 

Having  finished  his  preparatory  course  of  the  dead  languages, 
he  was  removed,  at  the  age  of  fourteen,  to  Princeton  College,  then 
under  the  direction  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Davies,  much  lauded  in  his  days 
for  great  piety  and  masterly  eloquence.  He  completed  his  colle- 
giate studies  in  this  seminary,  in  the  month  of  September,  1766, 
and  received  a  degree  of  Bachelor  of  Arts,  at  about  sixteen  years 
of  age. 

In  1766,  having  passed  through  the  elementary  grades  of  medicine 
with  such  opportunities  as  his  country  afforded  him,  and  aspiring  to 
still  greater  advantages,  he  went  to  Edinburgh,  at  that  time  the 
most  noted  medical  school  of  Europe,  where,  after  two  years'  atten- 
dance upon  the  public  lectures  and  hospitals,  he  obtained  the  degree 
of  Doctor  of  Medicine.  On  this  occasion  his  thesis,  de  codione  cibo- 
rum  in  ventriculo,  according  to  the  usage  of  the  place,  was  presented 
and  defended  in  the  Latin  language.  The  experiments  made  by 
378 


SHIPPEN     MANSION"    RES     OF    D?    B    RUShO 

attKstrme  of  his   deaxh. 
V  9&  SouKh-t"1  Street   Phjlada 


BENJAMIN    RUSH.  381 

hini,  in  proof  of  his  arguments,  were  extremely  bold  and  adven- 
turous. His  reasoning  itself  displayed  abilities,  rare  even  among 
the  pupils  of  that  celebrated  school.  The  style  was  correct  and 
elegant ;  Dr.  Ramsay,  who  was  among  the  best  classical  scholars 
of  our  country,  and  who  knew  Dr.  Rush  well,  says  of  this  thesis, 
that  it  was  "written  in  classical  Latin;"  and  adds,  "I  have  reason 
to  believe  without  the  help  of  a  grinder,  for  it  bears  the  character- 
istic marks  of  the  peculiar  style  of  its  author." 

During  his  residence  at  Edinburgh,  Dr.  Rush  was  commissioned 
to  negotiate  with  Dr.  Witherspoon  of  Paisley,  in  Scotland,  his  ac- 
ceptance of  the  presidency  of  Princeton  College :  he  had  declined 
tliis  office,  to  which  he  had  been  appointed  by  the  trustees,  and  it 
is  in  some  degree  to  the  address  of  Dr.  Rush,  that  the  accomplish- 
ment of  this  event  is  ascribed;  an  event  which  procured  him  an 
invaluable  friend  throughout  life,  conferred  honour  upon  the  semi- 
nary to  which  he  owed  his  instruction,  and  contributed  in  no  small 
degree  to  the  advancement  of  the  literature  and  science  of  our 
country. 

From  Edinburgh  Dr.  Rush  visited  London,  where  he  passed  the 
winter  of  1768,  in  attendance  upon  the  hospitals  and  medical  lec- 
tures of  that  metropolis.  The  succeeding  summer  he  spent  with 
great  advantage  in  Paris,  and  returned  in  the  autumn  of  17G9  to 
his  native  country. 

Thus  qualified,  he  fixed  his  residence  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia, 
and  entered  upon  the  career  of  his  profession;  in  which  he  had  to 
encounter,  at  the  outset,  a  competition  with  physicians  of  a  long 
established  reputation.  By  the  affability  of  his  manners,  he  was 
soon  considered  in  Philadelphia  as  the  ornament  and  delight  of  all 
the  companies  he  frequented,  and  was  regarded  with  extreme  par- 
tiality and  admiration;  all  which  contributed  greatly  to  his  profes- 
sional reputation  and  success.  But  that  which  is  said  more  espe- 
cially to  have  influenced  the  public  opinion  in  his  favour,  was  the 
affectionate  and  disinterested  zeal,  which,  on  all  occasions,  he  mani- 
fested for  the  welfare  of  his  patients;  cheering  their  spirits  with 
sprightly  conversation;  or  soothing  their  apprehensions;  and  visit- 
ing, with  indiscriminate  attention,  the  palace  of  opulence  and  the 
hut  of  poverty.  But  notwithstanding  this  gentleness  of  manner, 
Dr.  Rush  was  not  the  less  distinguished  for  boldness  and  intrepidity 
of  experiment.  "His  mildness  to  his  patients,"  says  one  of  his 
biographers,  "was  in  no  case  extended  to  the  diseases  he  had  to 
combat.     To  these  he  was  stern,  inexorable,  and  deadly." 


3S2  BENJAMIN    RUSH. 

The  prosperous  course  of  Dr.  Rush's  practice  was  not  interrupted 
by  any  memorable  event,  nor  diversified  by  any  adventure  very 
worthy  of  relation,  until  the  breaking  out  of  the  yellow  fever  in 
Philadelphia  in  1793,  which  exhibits  the  most  busy  scene  of  his 
professional  life,  and  one  in  which  he  acquired  his  most  conspicuous 
reputation.  This  disease  had  appeared  in  Philadelphia  in  1762, 
and  now  returned  after  a  lapse  of  thirty-one  years,  with  unexampled 
malignity.  War  and  famine  have  seldom  presented  a  scene  of 
more  complicated  horror.  The  city  presented  every  where  the 
image  of  desolation.  For  nearly  two  months,  scarcely  an  individual 
was  seen  upon  the  streets,  unless  engaged  in  some  melancholy 
office;  seeking  aid  for  the  sick,  or  conducting  the  dead  to  their 
place  of  interment;  and  no  other  sound  but  that  of  the  hearse,  or 
the  vehicle  of  the  ph}rsician,  interrupted  the  frightful  solitude.  In 
a  populous  city,  where  men  are  accustomed  to  witness  the  bustle 
of  multitudes  and  the  activities  of  business,  the  absence  of  such 
objects  necessarily  fills  the  mind  with  the  most  painful  or  melan- 
choly sensations. 

The  magnanimous  conduct  of  Dr.  Rush  in  this  emergency,  his 
devotion  to  his  profession,  and  total  disregard  of  personal  safety, 
have  entitled  him  to  the  unceasing  gratitude  and  admiration  of  his 
countrymen.  To  use  the  words  of  the  celebrated  Zimmerman, 
"  sa  conduife  a  merite  que  non  seulement  la  ville  de  Philadclphie, 
mais  que  l'humanite  entiere  lui  eleve  une  statue." 

During  the  fiercest  rage  of  the  disease,  nearly  all  the  physicians 
disappeared  from  the  city;  either  having  sought  safety  by  flight  into 
the  country,  or  having  perished  in  the  indiscriminate  mortality.  At 
one  time,  when  not  less  than  six  thousand  persons  were  prostrate 
in  the  disease,  three  practitioners  only  remained  to  supply  their 
necessities.  The  labours  of  Rush,  in  this  emergency,  were  without 
remission,  and  he  certainly  accomplished  difficulties,  and  sustained 
fatigues,  to  which  the  powers  of  life,  under  ordinary  excitement,  or 
with  ordinary  courage,  had  proved  wholly  inadequate.  From  the 
eighth  to  the  fifteenth  of  September,  he  visited  and  prescribed  for 
about  one  hundred  and  twenty  patients  per  day.  For  several  weeks 
his  house,  at  all  hours  of  the  day  and  night,  was  filled,  and  some- 
times surrounded,  by  multitudes  imploring  his  assistance.  To  these 
he  prescribed  during  the  intervals  of  his  visits,  using  the  help  of 
three  of  his  pupils,  who  resided  for  this  purpose  in  his  family;  em- 
ploying them  either  in  putting  up  medicine,  in  bleeding,  or  in  visit- 
ing the  sick.     But  although  he  devoted  even  the  hurried  periods  of 


BENJAMIN    RUSH.  3S3 

his  meals  to  such  offices,  he  was  unahlc  to  supply  the  numerous 
applications  that  were  made  to  him,  and  great  numbers  were  obliged 
every  day  to  retire,  without  the  benefit  of  his  advice  or  prescriptions  ; 
in  which  unhappy  predicament  he  was  obliged  often  to  turn  a  deaf 
ear  to  the  most,  pathetic  entreaties,  urged  with  all  the  zeal  of  friend- 
ship, of  conjugal,  filial,  or  parental  affection;  and  even  when  riding 
through  the  streets,  to  drive  with  such  speed  as  might  secure  him 
from  interruption,  or  place  him  beyond  the  cries  of  his  wretched 
petitioners.  If,  indeed,  Dr.  Rush  had  not  been  influenced  at  this 
season  by  motives  more  exalted  than  those  that  are  mercenary,  it 
would  not  be  easy  to  say  what  sums  he  might  not  have  amassed. 
Numerous  were  the  instances  in  which  profuse  offers  were  made  to 
him,  and  their  acceptance  almost  implored,  for  his  professional 
assistance.  A  wealthy  citizen  tendered  him  a  deed  for  one  of  the 
best  houses  in  Market  street,  if  he  would  attend  his  son  who  was 
lying  ill.  A  captain  of  a  vessel  once  took  from  his  pocket  twenty 
pounds,  offering  them  to  him  if  he  would  pay  his  wife  a  single  visit. 
A  patient  whom  he  had  cured,  directed,  in  his  first  feelings  of  gra- 
titude, his  desk  to  be  opened,  in  which  large  sums  were  heaped, 
requesting  that  he  would  take  a  part,  or,  if  he  chose,  the  whole,  as 
his  compensation.  These  are  but  a  few  of  many  similar  instances. 
It  need  scarcely  be  added,  from  the  well-known  character  of  Dr. 
Rush,  that,  in  every  such  instance,  when  it  was  in  his  power  to  attend 
the  patient,  he  would  only  receive  his  regular  professional  charge. 

By  unremitted  labours  for  the  relief  of  others,  his  own  health 
was  at  one  time  overpowered,  and  his  life  for  a  while  despaired  of; 
he  was,  however,  by  the  timely  application  of  remedies,  restored; 
and,  with  his  usual  assiduity,  he  returned  to  his  practice.  On  this 
occasion  he  was  urged  by  his  friends  to  leave  the  city,  and  no  longer 
place  his  safety  in  such  imminent  hazard.  To  their  solicitations 
and  urgent  importunities,  he  replied,  "that  he  would  not  abandon 
the  post  which  Providence  had  assigned  him;  that  he  thought  it  his 
duty  to  sacrifice  not  only  his  pleasures  and  repose,  but  his  life, 
should  it  he  necessary,  for  the  safety  of  his  patients." 

The  methods  he  employed,  though  attended  by  the  most  manifest 
evidence  of  their  utility,  were  much  disapproved  and  questioned  by 
many  of  his  contemporaries.  Besides  prescribing  larger  doses  than 
usual  of  calomel,  he  recommended  and  followed  bleeding  in  a  great 
variety  of  cases,  in  which  this  remedy,  by  other  physicians,  was  not 
accredited;  and  although  the  quantity  of  blood  taken  was  not  with- 
out precedent,  and  was  obviously  required,  from  the  excessively 
39  2  a  2 


384  BENJAMIN    RUSH. 

liig-h  inflammatory  fever  which  attended  the  first  attack  ot'  the  dis- 
ease, it  exceeded,  in  various  instances,  the  received  opinions  relating 
to  it,  and  thus  encouraged  prejudices  against  him,  and  gave  easy 
circulation  to  the  slanders  of  his  enemies.  Most  of  the  physicians, 
and  at  length  nearly  the  whole  community,  were  enlisted  in  the 
quarrel.  The  public  journals  were  converted  into  vehicles  of  abuse, 
and  pamphlets  were  written  against  him,  in  a  style  remarkable  for 
malice  and  scurrility.  In  these  writings,  he  was  even  stigmatized 
as  a  murderer;  and  at  one  time  was  threatened  with  prosecution 
and  expulsion  from  the  city.  Such  a  temporary  sacrifice  of  repu- 
tation has  been  the  lot  of  many  eminent  medical  reformers;  Dr. 
Rush  himself  remarks  that  Dr.  Harvey  lost  all  his  business,  after 
he  published  his  account  of  the  circulation  of  the  blood,  and  Dr. 
Sydenham  was  thrown  into  the  back-ground  of  his  profession,  after 
he  introduced  depleting  medicines  and  cool  air  in  the  cure  of  in- 
flammatory fevers.  This  ingratitude  of  the  public  to  medical  men 
is  also  feelingly  noticed  by  him  in  one  of  his  admirable  introductory 
lectures,  in  reference  to  the  circumstance  of  a  motion  at  a  public 
meeting  in  Philadelphia,  in  December  1793,  to  thank  the  physicians 
of  the  city  for  their  services,  in  common  with  the  board  of  health, 
during  the  fever  of  that  year,  not  having  been  seconded,  although 
their  patients  were  chiefly  poor  people,  and  although  eight  out  of 
thirty-five  physicians  who  remained  in  the  city,  died,  and  of  the 
survivors  but  three  escaped  the  fever. 

The  enemies  of  Rush  succeeded  for  some  years  in  injuring  his 
professional  reputation,  and  in  circumscribing  his  extensive  practice. 
But  it  is  the  advantage  of  true  merit  to  suffer  but  temporary  ob- 
scuration. The  traces  of  their  enmity  are  now  invisible,  whilst  the 
honour  of  his  profession  and  glory  of  his  country  are  associated 
with  the  name  of  Rush.  The  experience  of  the  present  day  has 
sufficiently  proved,  that  his  deviation  from  established  rules  was  not 
founded  upon  any  levity  of  determination,  or  presumptuous  confi- 
dence in  his  abilities;  for  even  those  who  were  loudest  in  their 
censure  of  his  practice  have,  at  last,  united  in  the  general  strain 
of  approbation. 

As  a  teacher  of  medicine,  Dr.  Rush  has  acquired  not  less  dis- 
tinction than  as  a  practitioner.  The  various  duties  that  he  fulfilled 
in  this  capacity  excited  his  mind  to  research,  while  they  diffused  his 
name  and  principles  extensively  throughout  the  country.  His  pri- 
vate pupils  were  very  numerous,  from  the  commencement  of  his 
practice.     In  the  nine  last  years  they  amounted  to  fifty.     His  pupils 


BENJAMIN    RUSH.  385 

in  class,  during  the  first  seasons  of  his  public  lectures,  varied  from 
sixteen  to  thirty.  From  1789,  they  increased  rapidly,  and  in  1812, 
amounted  to  four  hundred  and  thirty.  It  is  estimated  that  during 
his  life,  he  had  given  instruction  to  more  than  two  thousand  pupils, 
who  propagated  his  principles  and  practice  of  medicine  throughout 
the  whole  of  the  United  States,  and  in  sonic  instances  to  South 
America,  the  West  Indies  and  Europe.  His  degrees  of  appoint- 
ment, as  appears  from  the  journals  of  the  university,  were  as  follows : 

In  1769,  he  was  chosen  professor  of  chemistry  in  the  college  of 
Philadelphia. 

In  1789,  he  succeeded,  in  the  same  institution,  to  the  chair  of  the 
theory  and  practice  of  medicine,  vacated  by  the  death  of  Dr.  John 
Morgan. 

In  1791,  the  college  having  been  elevated  to  the  University  of 
Pennsylvania,  he  was  elected,  in  this  latter  establishment,  professor 
of  the  institutes  of  medicine  and  of  clinical  practice. 

In  1796,  he  received  the  additional  professorship,  on  the  resigna- 
tion of  Dr.  Kuhn,  of  the  practice  of  physic,  which  he  held  with  the 
two  preceding  appointments,  though  they  required  much  laborious 
application,  until  the  close  of  his  life.  Besides  these  various  duties, 
he  was  for  many  years  one  of  the  physicians  of  the  Pennsylvania 
hospital,  and  contributed  very  essentially  to  the  interest  of  that  in- 
stitution, by  the  various  improvements  which  he  suggested  in  the 
management  of  its  economy. 

The  style  and  manner  in  which  he  conveyed  his  public  lectures 
have  been  greatly  admired  ;  and  those  who  have  had  the  best  op- 
portunities to  judge,  do  not  hesitate  to  rank  him  as  one  of  the  most 
popular  lecturers  of  his  age. 

To  his  fame  as  a  practitioner  and  teacher  of  medicine,  Dr.  Rush 
has  added  the  no  less  glorious  distinction  of  a  good  writer.  His 
printed  works  are  comprised  in  seven  volumes,  and,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  one  containing  miscellaneous  essays  on  philosophy,  morals, 
and  literature,  are  wholly  employed  upon  subjects  of  medicine. 
Upon  these  volumes  we  do  not  feel  our  competence  to  speculate  : 
they  are  said,  by  those  who  are  conversant  in  the  kind  of  learning 
of  which  they  treat,  to  be  of  incalculable  value  for  general  informa- 
tion, and  especially  for  the  particular  knowledge  which  they  convey 
of  our  climate  and  its  peculiar  diseases,  which  is  not  to  be  found  in 
books  imported  from  foreign  countries.  His  style  of  writing  is  al- 
ways attractive,  and  bears  every  where  the  impression  of  his  genius. 
"  It  is  matter  of  wonder,"  says  Dr.  Ramsey,  "how a  physician  who 


386  BENJAMIN    RUSH. 

had  so  many  patients  to  attend,  a  professor  who  had  so  many  pupils 
to  instruct,  could  find  leisure  to  write  so  much,  and  at  the  same 
time  so  well."  As  a  writer  his  biographers  mention  this  peculiarity, 
that  in  composing  he  never  sought  retirement  or  silence,  but  wrote, 
on  the  contrary,  with  greater  spirit  amidst  the  company  of  his  friends, 
and  the  clamorous  merriment  of  his  children. 

The  political  character  of  Dr.  Rush,  was,  in  the  estimation  of  his 
contemporaries,  highly  respectable.  He  was  united  in  sentiments 
and  affections  with  nearly  all  the  distinguished  patriots  of  the  revo- 
lution. He  mixed  in  the  most  important  councils  of  the  nation,  and 
his  talents  as  a  writer  were  also  faithfully  employed  in  the  acquisition 
of  our  liberty.  He  not  only  wrote  himself,  but  inspired  other  men 
of  talents,  who  enjoyed  more  leisure  than  himself,  with  the  same 
spirit.  He  was  amongst  the  first  acquaintances  of  Thomas  Paine 
in  the  United  States;  he  instigated,  planned,  and  assisted  the  first 
compositions  of  that  well-known  writer,  which  contributed  so  pow- 
erfully to  rouse  the  opposition  to  England,  and  to  support  the  spirit 
of  the  nation  in  times  of  great  despondency  and  misfortune.  In 
conjunction  with  John  Adams,  he  persuaded  Paine  to  undertake  to 
write  in  defence  of  the  American  cause,  and  suggested  the  title  which 
his  first  paper  bore,  viz.  Common  Sense.  He  was  chosen  in  July, 
1776,  a  representative  to  the  general  congress,  and  subscribed  his 
name  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  which  had  been  ratified 
some  time  previous  to  his  appointment.  Independence  was  the  fa- 
vourite theme  upon  which,  during  the  whole  war,  he  dedicated  all 
his  faculties,  and  from  the  extent  of  his  influence,  we  cannot  esti- 
mate at  a  low  rate  his  instrumentality  in  the  accomplishment  of  that 
glorious  and  splendid  enterprise. 

In  1777,  he  was  appointed,  for  the  middle  department,  physician 
general  of  the  military  hospitals,  and  in  1787,  a  member  of  the  con- 
vention of  Pennsylvania  for  the  adoption  of  the  federal  constitution, 
a  measure  which  he  warmly  advocated,  as  the  only  means  to  cement 
the  union,  to  give  stability  and  energy  to  the  government,  and  to 
secure  respectability  abroad,  and  prosperity  at  home.  With  the 
view  of  aiding  this  most  important  cause,  his  labours  were  incessant. 

To  the  government  of  his  own  state  he  was  not  less  attentive. 
He  had  always  been  opposed  to  the  constitution  formed  in  the  year 
1776,  on  the  principle  of  a  single  legislative  body  ;~and  had  written 
much  against  it,  and  in  favour  of  a  new  one.  After  the  convention 
which  formed  the  federal  constitution  had  adjourned,  and  published 
their  plan,  he  again  exerted  himself  on  the  subject,  and  had  frequent 


BENJAMIN    RUSH.  387 

meetings  at  his  house  with  members  of  tlse  legislature,  to  fix  the 
outlines  of  a  new  form  of  state  government. 

After  the  establishment  of  the  federal  government,  he  withdrew 
himself  altogether  from  public  life,  and  devoted  the  residue  of  his 
time  to  his  social  duties  and  the  exercise  of  his  profession.  The 
'  only  office  he  accepted,  as  a  reward  for  his  many  services,  and  which 
he  held  for  fourteen  years,  was  that  of  treasurer  of  the  United  States 
mint;  a  charge  which  added  something  to  his  revenues,  without  in 
terfcring  in  any  way  with  his  professional  occupations. 

As  a  private  citizen,  he  encouraged  many  useful  institutions,  and 
held  many  places  of  honour  and  confidence.  He  was  president  of 
the  society  for  the  abolition  of  slavery,  a  feature  in  our  institutions 
which  he  had  regretted  deeply  from  his  earliest  years,  and  to  which 
he  remained  inflexibly  opposed,  until  the  day  of  his  death;  he  had 
indeed  published  an  essay  relative  to  it,  in  a  volume  as  early  as 
1774.  He  was  president  for  some  time  of  the  Philadelphia  Medical 
Society  ;  he  was  also  vice  president  and  one  of  the  founders  of  the 
Philadelphia  Bible  Society,  the  constitution  of  which  he  draughted  ; 
he  was  one  of  the  vice  presidents  of  the  American  Philosophical  So- 
ciety, and  was  a  member  of  many  other  literary  institutions  both  in 
this  country  and  Europe. 

He  took  a  warm  interest  in  the  establishment  of  the  Philadelphia 
Dispensary,  in  1786,  and  served  for  many  years  as  one  of  the  phy- 
sicians of  that  institution,  the  good  example  of  which  was  speedily 
imitated  in  Boston,  New  York,  Baltimore,  Charleston,  and  other 
cities.  He  was  a  principal  agent  in  founding  Dickenson  College  at 
Carlisle,  and  was  chiefly  instrumental  in  bringing  from  Scotland 
Dr.  Nesbit,  who  for  several  years  presided  over  that  institution.  In 
order  to  give  a  general  diffusion  of  knowledge  throughout  the  country, 
he  advocated  also  the  establishment  of  free  schools.  On  this  sub- 
ject he  wrote  several  very  sensible  and  eloquent  essays,  pointing 
out,  at  the  same  time,  the  objects  which  ought  to  enter  into  a  system 
of  general  instruction  adapted  to  the  situation  of  our  country,  and 
our  republican  government.  He  felt  a  very  deep  concern  in  the  dimu- 
nition  of  capital  punishments,  and  as  early  as  the  year  1774,  had 
called  the  attention  of  the  public  to  the  subject. 

His  inquiry  into  the  effect  of  ardent  spirits  upon  the  body  and 
mind,  is  written  with  great  fervency  and  exuberance  of  genius,  and 
is  supposed  to  have  contributed  not  a  little  to  diminish  the  vice  of 
drunkenness,  one  which,  by  ruining  health,  poisons  existence,  and 
which  has  sometimes  brought  the  most  hopeful  virtues  and  noblest 


388  BENJAMIN    RUSH. 

faculties  to  ridicule  and  dishonour.  His  essay  on  this  subject  he 
published,  that  it  might  be  universally  read,  in  the  form  of  a  pamphlet, 
and  distributed  it  gratuitously  among  the  people,  through  the  medium 
of  the  clergy  and  religious  assemblies.  Except  Dr.  Franklin's  "Way 
to  Wealth,"  probably  no  small  publication  ever  had  a  more  exten- 
sive circulation,  or  did  more  good.  He  also  wrote  at  the  same  time 
against  tobacco,  and  has  exhibited  a  frightful  catalogue  of  the  evils 
arising  from  the  intemperate  use  of  that  stimulus.  His  essay  "  On 
the  Influence  of  physical  Causes  on  the  moral  Faculty,"  has  been 
universally  admired  as  one  of  the  most  profound  productions  of 
modern  times.  He  afterwards  made  the  "influence  of  physical 
causes  in  promoting  an  increase  of  the  strength  and  activity  of  the 
intellectual  faculties  of  man,"  the  subject  of  an  introductory  lecture 
to  his  medical  course  in  the  year  1799. 

The  last  work  of  Dr.  Rush  was  "  Medical  Inquiries,  and  Obser- 
vations upon  the  Diseases  of  the  Mind,"  which  he  published  the 
year  before  his  death.  He  often  said,  that  he  bestowed  more  labour 
on  this  work,  than  on  any  he  had  ever  composed.  He  has  embodied 
in  it  the  result  of  all  his  observations  and  reflections  on  the  consti- 
tution and  diseases  of  the  mental  faculties,  made  during  a  long 
course  of  practice,  particularly  in  the  Pennsylvania  Hospital;  and 
of  his  study  of  various  authors  who  had  treated  on  that  interesting 
subject.  It  has  been  pronounced  by  very  respectable  authority, 
"at  once  a  metaphysical  treatise  on  human  understanding;  a  phy- 
siological theory  of  organic  and  thinking  life  ;  a  code  of  pure  morals 
and  religion ;  a  book  of  the  best  maxims  to  promote  wisdom  and 
happiness;  in  fine,  a  collection  of  classical,  polite,  poetical,  and 
sound  literature." 

In  all  the  periods  of  life,  he  was  remarkable  for  his  attention  to 
religious  duties,  and  his  reverence  for  the  Holy  Scriptures.  He 
urges,  in  all  his  writings,  the  excellency  of  the  Christian  faith,  and 
its  happy  influence  upon  the  social  habits  of  the  country.  To  his 
students  he  especially  recommends  it  as  one  of  the  concomitant 
excellencies  and  subsidiary  accomplishments  of  the  profession.  He 
received  during  his  life,  besides  the  general  esteem  of  his  country- 
men, several  peculiar  marks  of  public  favour.  In  the  year  1793, 
the  Board  of  Health  of  Philadelphia  presented  him  with  a  large 
piece  of  plate,  with  an  appropriate  inscription,  for  his  gratuitous 
service  to  the  poor,  during  the  epidemic  fever  of  that  year.  In  the 
year  1805,  he  received  from  the  king  of  Prussia,  a  coronation 
medal,  for  his  replies  to  queries  on  the  yellow  fever.     In  1807,  the 


BENJAMIN    RUSH.  389 

queen  of  Etruria  also  presented  him  with  a  gold  medal,  for  a  paper 
on  the  same  subject,  written  at  her  request;  and  in  1811,  he  re- 
ceived a  diamond  ring-  from  the  emperor  of  Russia,  in  testimony  of 
the  respect  in  which  that  potentate  held  his  medical  character. 

The  useful  life  of  Dr.  Rush,  whilst  yet  capable  of  much  good  to 
mankind,  was  terminated  on  the  nineteenth  of  April,  1813,  in  the 
sixty-eighth  year  of  his  age.  He  had  yet  experienced  no  diminu- 
tion of  mental  faculties,  and  but  few  physical  infirmities.  He  died 
of  an  epidemic,  which  prevailed  at  that  time  in  Philadelphia,  termed 
typhus  or  spotted  fever,  after  a  few  days'  sickness. 

In  exterior,  Dr.  Rush  was  favoured  by  nature  with  many  advan- 
tages. He  was  above  the  middle  size,  of  a  slender  but  well  pro- 
portioned figure,  and  his  general  deportment  commanded  respect 
and  deference.  Those  who  knew  him  well,  and  have  described  him 
with  minute  accuracy,  tell  us  that  the  diameter  of  his  head  from 
back  to  front  was  uncommonly  large,  that  he  had  a  prominent  fore- 
head, aquiline  nose,  highly  animated  blue  eyes,  with  a  chin  and 
mouth  expressive  and  comely ;  his  look  was  fixed,  his  aspect  thought- 
ful, and  the  general  traits  of  his  physiognomy  bespoke  strength  and 
activity  of  intellect. 

Throughout  life  he  was  distinguished  by  the  affability  and  polite 
manners  of  a  gentleman;  and  for  his  excellence  in  such  accom- 
plishments, his  friends  have  bestowed  upon  him  no  ordinary  praises. 
To  please,  in  order  to  instruct,  was  his  favourite  maxim ;  and  even 
in  old  age,  he  retained  all  the  gaiety  and  attic  spirit  of  conversa- 
tion, which  eminently  distinguished  his  early  years. 

As  a  scholar,  he  was  well  versed  in  ancient  and  modern  learning, 
and  was  fond  of  poetry  and  eloquence,  with  which  he  relieved  the 
severity  of  his  professional  studies,  and  furnished  fluency  and  orna- 
ment to  his  style  of  conversation  and  writing.  For  his  reputation, 
both  literary  and  professional,  he  was  little  indebted  to  any  adventi- 
tious benefits  of  fortune.  He  was  endowed  with  good  faculties,  a 
penetrating  mind,  a  ready  apprehension,  exuberant  imagination, 
and  extraordinary  memory,  and  these  qualities  he  improved  by  a 
long  course  of  unwearied  study  and  observation. 

As  a  physician  he  has  left  upon  the  age  in  which  he  lived,  the 
impress  of  his  character  and  genius.  In  the  minds  of  his  own  coun- 
trymen he  holds  an  undisputed  eminence;  and  amongst  foreign 
nations  his  fame  is  universally  acknowledged.  One  trait  of  his  cha- 
racter should  not  be  forgotten ;  he  was  eminently  charitable  to  the 
poor,  both  in  direct  donations  and  in  giving  them  his  professional 


390  BENJAMIN    RUSH. 

services  gratuitously.  There  were  also  two  classes  of  persons  whom 
he  made  it  a  point  never  to  charge,  unless  they  were  in  easy  circum- 
stances— clergymen  and  officers  of  the  revolutionary  army.  It  may 
serve  as  an  useful  example,  especially  to  the  young,  to  know,  that, 
although  he  was  uniformly  charitable,  and  towards  his  patients  ever 
forbearing  in  his  charges,  where  their  circumstances  made  it  neces- 
sary, yet  such  was  his  success  in  life,  the  result  of  his  great  indus- 
try and  high  character,  that  besides  bringing  up  a  large  family  in 
abundance,  and  living  with  liberal  hospitality,  he  left  behind  him 
property  of  value  to  his  family,  accumulated  solely  by  his  profes- 
sional earnings,  never  having  embarked  in  any  pecuniary  specula- 
tions. With  him  money  became  the  effect,  though  it  never  seemed 
to  have  been  the  motive  of  his  exertions.  It  may  indeed  be  doubted 
whether  any  medical  man  ever  rendered  more  gratuitous  services. 
He  constantly  enjoined  an  attention  to  the  sufferings  of  the  indigent 
upon  his  private  pupils,  and  to  his  public  class  ;  quoting  the  remarks 
of  Dr.  Boerhave,  that  "  he  esteemed  the  poor  his  best  patients,  for 
God  was  their  paymaster."  Payment  for  medical  services  was  the 
last  object  of  consideration  with  him;  when  called  to  assist  a  per- 
son on  his  death-bed,  one  of  the  injunctions  to  his  son,  was  "to  be 
kind  to  the  poor;"  and  on  the  day  of  his  funeral,  the  streets  were 
lined  with  thousands,  who  shed  tears  of  heart-felt  sorrow  for  the 
loss  of  their  kind  and  humane  benefactor. 


THE   HOUSE   II*  WHICH    BENJ.  FRANKLIN  WAS  BORN 

t/iili  Street  Souse, Boston 


BURIAL     PLACE    OF     B  E  NJ.  FRANK  LI  N 

SU.Cor,  of  S«>4  Arh  St'ThAila.. 


BENJAMIN   FRANKLIN. 


Benjamin  Franklin,  a  native  of  Boston,  was  born  on  the  seven- 
teenth of  January,  170C.  His  father,  who  was  of  the  persuasion 
of  the  Puritans,  emigrated  in  1G82  to  the  colony  of  Massachusetts ; 
he  had  recourse  for  a  livelihood  to  the  business  of  chandler  and 
soap-boiler,  which,  during  the  remainder  of  his  life,  he  pursued  with 
little  success,  and  lived  in  an  innocent  and  unambitious  poverty. 
Of  his  mother,  whom  he  mentions  with  affection,  he  has  left  no 
very  important  intelligence:  her  name  was  Folger;  she  was  a  native 
of  Boston,  and  was  descended  from  one  of  the  principal  settlers  of 
New  England. 

From  the  facility  he  discovered  in  learning  the  rudiments  of  his 
native  language,  his  parents  believed  him  endowed  with  more  than 
ordinary  genius,  and  resolved  to  raise  him  to  the  profession  of  a 
clergyman.  He  was,  therefore,  placed  in  a  grammar  school  to 
receive  the  requisite  instructions.  He  engaged  himself  with  so 
much  ardour  in  this  pious  enterprise,  and  pursued  his  studies  with 
so  much  diligence,  that  before  he  had  reached  the  eighth  year  of 
his  age,  he  had  attained  a  great  reputation  in  his  class,  for  industry 
and  capacity. 

But  these  academical  honours,  and  hopes  of  ecclesiastical  distinc- 
tion, were  of  short  duration ;  for  towards  the  end  of  the  first  year, 
his  parents  discovered  that  the  expense  of  collegiate  instruction 
would  far  exceed  their  slender  revenues,  and  he  was  transferred  to 
a  school  where,  at  a  charge  more  moderate,  he  might  acquire  the 
common  principles  of  an  English  education.  From  the  latter  situa- 
tion, at  the  expiration  of  twelve  months,  he  was  taken  home  to 
prosecute  the  business  of  his  father. 

He  was  now  employed,  during  two  years,  in  tending  the  shop, 
cutting  wicks  for  candles,  filling  moulds,  and  running  errands;  nor 
was  this  period  of  his  life,  according  to  his  own  estimation,  wholly 
unprofitable.  By  the  rigid  discipline  of  economy  and  industry,  and 
by  the  privations  and  disappointments  to  which  he  was  subject  from 
40  2B  393 


394  BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN 

his  indigent  condition,  lie  learned  to  accommodate  his  mind  to  the 
vicissitudes  of  fortune;  he  acquired,  also,  what  he  justly  valued  as 
no  trivial  benefit  throughout  life,  an  indifference  for  the  quality  of 
his  nourishment,  with  the  power  of  regulating  its  quantity,  as  well 
as  that  of  sleep,  by  the  necessities  of  nature.  By  these  early  habits 
of  temperance,  he  likewise  seasoned  the  native  vigour  of  his  con- 
stitution, which  enabled  him,  even  to  an  extreme  old  age,  to  pre- 
serve the  vivacity  of  his  health  and  spirits. 

Nor  was  the  generosity  of  his  nature  concealed  amidst  the 
drudgery  of  this  servile  employment.  All  the  books  placed  within 
his  grasp,  which  in  a  new  colony  were  of  difficult  access,  he  devoured 
with  insatiate  rapture:  travels,  voyages,  historical  compilations; 
even  the  odd  volumes,  which  accident  offered  him,  he  read  with 
frequent  repetition;  nor  did  the  folios  of  controversial  divinity, 
which  the  bigotry  of  his  father  had  preserved,  though  unintelligible 
to  his  unripened  understanding,  escape  his  undistinguishing  voracity. 

In  this  indiscriminate  reading  he  discovered,  however,  a  few 
works,  which  he  perused  with  a  favourite  attention,  and  which,  he 
imagines,  had  no  inconsiderable  influence  upon  the  habits  and  dis- 
positions of  his  life.  Those  he  has  mentioned,  are  an  "  Essay  upon 
Projects,"  by  Defoe;  an  "Essay  on  doing  Good,"  by  Mather;  and 
the  "Lives  of  Plutarch."  For  the  latter  of  these  in  particular  he 
entertained  the  highest  admiration:  and  the  frequent  perusal  of  this 
polite  and  elegant  author,  presented  to  his  view  so  opportunely,  at 
an  age  when  the  impressions  are  yet  lively  and  permanent,  had,  no 
doubt,  in  a  mind  so  formed  for  moral  reflection  and  virtuous  excite- 
ment, a  very  salutary  tendency;  and  we  may  reasonably  ascribe  to 
this  partiality  many  of  the  eminent  virtues  which  distinguished  his 
character ;  especially  those  high  sentiments  of  honour,  and  undaunted 
love  of  liberty,  which  an  acquaintance  with  the  writers  of  antiquity 
seldom  fails  to  produce  in  generous  dispositions. 

But  these  studies  were  not  of  a  nature  to  reconcile  him  to  the 
humility  of  his  condition,  for  which  his  original  education  had 
already  inspired  him  with  no  very  favourable  sentiments.  The  father 
also,  entertaining  a  high  sense  of  literary  merit,  by  applauding  the 
industry  and  exciting  the  emulation  of  his  son,  had  contributed  not 
a  little  to  animate  his  ambition.  He  became,  therefore,  every  day, 
more  and  more  querulous  and  discontented;  and  his  aversions  being 
confirmed  by  the  increase  of  his  age  and  intelligence,  he  resolved, 
at  length,  to  disenthral  himself  from  the  fetters  of  so  rude  and  in- 
glorious an  occupation.     He  conceived  at  first  an  ardent  inclination 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  395 

for  a  sea-faring  life.  This  scheme  he  was,  however,  upon  applica- 
tion, though  urged  with  frequent  importunities,  ohligcd  to  relinquish, 
as  his  father,  who  had  already  lost  a  son  upon  the  sea,  violently 
opposed  it.  But  to  console  him  for  the  prohibition,  he  was  permit- 
ted to  make  choice  of  some  business  more  congenial,  than  that  now 
allotted  him,  to  his  genius  and  inclinations.  For  this  purpose  he 
was  conducted  through  the  town  of  Boston,  by  his  father,  to  inspect 
the  various  trades;  and  after  much  search  and  deliberation,  he 
commenced  the  business  of  a  culler.  At  this  he  remained  the  stipu- 
lated time  of  probation,  but  the  sum  required  as  the  fee  of  appren- 
ticeship being  thought  exorbitant,  he  was  constrained  to  abandon  it; 
and  no  other  occasion  intervening,  of  placing  him  advantageously, 
he  was  finally  bound  to  his  own  brother,  as  the  printer  of  a  news- 
paper. To  this  business  he  entertained  no  particular  dislike;  but 
to  the  obligation  of  an  identure,  which  appears  to  have  been  exacted 
by  the  father's  advice,  to  restrain  his  roving  inclinations,  he  sub- 
mitted with  a  very  unwilling  acquiescence.  The  choice  was,  how- 
ever, fortunate,  and  proved,  in  the  issue,  extremely  beneficial  in 
promoting  his  interest  and  reputation. 

Having  now  entered  upon  a  more  respectable  employment,  or 
one  more  suited  to  his  natural  inclinations,  he  pursued  it  with  the 
most  laborious  industry;  and  soon  reached,  in  the  art  of  printing, 
an  ingenuity,  not  usually  at  that  time  attained  in  America.  The 
ordinary  intervals  of  labour,  and  days  of  recreation,  he  employed, 
not  after  the  example  of  most  of  his  age,  in  idleness  or  dissipation, 
but  in  the  increase  of  his  mechanical  knowledge  and  mental  accom- 
plishments. Even  the  devotions  of  the  Sabbath,  notwithstanding 
the  pious  vigilance  of  his  parents,  were  frequently  neglected;  his 
meals  postponed,  and  sometimes  forgotten;  and  very  often  whole 
nights  consumed  in  the  pursuit  of  some  favourite  study. 

He  read,  about  this  time,  a  work  in  recommendation  of  vegetable 
diet,  and  resolved  to  abstain  altogether  from  the  use  of  meat;  a 
practice  which  he  observed,  for  several  years,  with  various  advan- 
tages; for  besides  promoting  his  health  and  clearness  of  under- 
standing, as  he  remarks,  it  enabled  him,  of  the  sum  usually  expended 
in  his  boarding,  to  reserve  about  one  third  for  the  purchase  of  books; 
and  finally,  by  the  unceremonious  simplicity  of  his  repasts,  which 
consisted  but  of  a  few  biscuits,  and  a  glass  of  water,  with  the  occa- 
sional addition  of  some  raisins,  he  made  no  inconsiderable  acquisi- 
tion of  time,  for  the  perusal  of  the  books  which  his  meritorious 
economy  had  procured  him. 


S36  BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

Amongst  the  authors,  which  accident  opportunely  offered  to  his 
notice,  was  an  odd  volume  of  the  Spectator.  The  charms  of  this 
writer  took  possession  of  his  affections,  for  some  time  to  the  exclu- 
sion of  every  other  study.  He  attempted  to  imitate  his  style;  and 
the  scries  of  compositions,  of  which  he  has  given  an  account  in  his 
Memoirs,  that  he  used  for  this  imitation,  is  entitled  to  no  ordinary 
praise;  for  under  the  most  judicious  superintendence,  few  indeed 
have  employed  a  process  more  rational,  or  one  which  has  heen  ap- 
proved hy  a  more  ample  and  evident  success:  and  that  he  had  the 
skill,  at  an  age,  when  others  arc  scarcely  acquainted  with  the  lowest 
elements  of  literature,  to  estimate  such  writers  as  Addison,  affords 
no  doubtful  proof  of  his  excellent  taste  and  judgment,  and  of  the 
elevated  sentiments  he  had  received  from  nature. 

Having  "  failed  altogether  in  Arithmetic,  whilst  at  school,"  and 
now  ashamed  of  his  deficiency  in  a  science  so  necessary  and  so 
universal,  he  procured  a  book,  and  by  his  unaided  exertions  soon 
attained  a  sufficient  knowledge  of  it;  adding,  at  the  same  time, 
some  acquaintance  with  English  grammar,  geometry,  and  naviga- 
tion. He  studied,  likewise,  Locke  on  the  Understanding,  the  Logic 
of  the  Port  Royal,  and  the  Memorabilia  of  Xenophon.  From  the 
perusal  of  the  latter  author,  he  contracted  a  fondness  for  the  cha- 
racter of  Socrates;  and  his  manner  of  reasoning  and  moralizing  he 
afterwards  followed  with  extreme  predilection :  nor  since  the  age 
of  the  Athenian  philosopher,  has  there  existed,  perhaps,  in  the 
knowledge  of  mankind,  an  individual  so  fitted,  by  a  conformity  of 
sentiments  and  intellects,  for  this  laudable  and  splendid  imitation. 

To  the  reading  of  Xenophon  ho  ascribes  the  correction  of  many 
evil  habits  and  propensities.  He  was  addicted  to  sophistical  argu- 
ment, disputation  and  contradiction:  indulging,  according  to  his 
own  acknowledgment,  in  a  disposition  to  raillery,  often  without 
prudence  or  generosity;  and  in  his  early  youth,  yet  ignorant  of  the 
laws  of  propriety,  unconscious  of  the  impotence  of  human  reason, 
was  presumptuous  and  pertinacious  in  his  opinions.  It  is  to  the 
contrary  practice,  which  he  assumed,  after  the  precepts  and  example 
of  Socrates,  of  urging  his  sentiments  with  moderation,  and  of  enlist- 
ing, by  his  own  modesty,  the  vanity  of  other  men  in  his  favour,  that 
he  ascribes  the  powerful  influence  he  always  maintained  in  the 
community,  and  the  success  of  the  numerous  enterprises  in  which 
he  engaged  for  the  honour  and  ornament  of  his  country. 

It  was  during  his  apprenticeship  that  he  attempted  his  first 
literary  compositions;  of  which  we  may  give  some  account.     Of  his 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  397 

intel  ectiuil  progress  the  details  cannot  be  unwelcome,  and  are  per- 
haps not  less  fertile  of  instruction  than  the  more  turbulent  incidents 
of  his  political  life. 

Though  born  with  a  genius  more  favourable  to  science  than  to 
polite  letters  he  was  first  ambitious  of  the  reputation  of  a  poet,  and 
having  produced  many  verses  in  secret,  he  at  length  exhibited  a 
specimen  of  his  performance,  with  much  diffidence  and  hesitation, 
to  his  friends,  which  was  received  with  great  approbation ;  and 
encouraged  by  this  first  success  he  published  soon  after,  in  a  more 
laborious  composition,  two  ballads,  which  on  account  of  some  occa- 
sional interest  of  the  subject,  were  likewise  applauded,  and  read 
through  the  town  of  Boston  with  avidity;  but  his  father,  who  ap 
pears  to  have  possessed  no  contemptible  judgment  in  these  matters, 
seeing  that  the  progress  of  his  son's  more  useful  occupations  might 
be  retarded,  or  his  genius  perverted  by  this  inclination  for  rhyming, 
by  criticising  ironically  his  verses,  and  reminding  him  of  the  pro- 
verbial beggary  of  poets,  discouraged  him  from  this  species  of  com- 
position. He  persuaded  him,  however,  as  a  means  of  procuring 
fortune  and  reputation,  to  endeavour  to  attain  excellence  in  prose, 
and  to  this  object  the  young  Franklin  now  directed  his  ambition. 

The  newspaper  conducted  by  his  brother,  being  the  only  vehicle 
of  the  kind  in  New  England,  and  the  second  which  had  been  estab- 
lished in  America,  engrossed,  with  much  interest,  the  attention  of 
the  public.  The  most  accomplished  scholars  of  the  town  contributed 
to  its  importance  by  their  communications;  and  many  critics,  as- 
sembling daily  at  the  printing-office,  discussed  the  merits  of  the 
original  productions  which  appeared  in  it.  Franklin,  who  had 
already  caught  the  rage  of  publication,  being  impatient  to  discover 
the  public  opinion  of  his  abilities,  disguised  ingeniously  his  hand- 
writing, and  sent  anonymously  a  paper,  which  he  had  composed 
with  great  care,  to  the  inspection  of  these  critics;  and  having  set 
up  the  type  himself,  awaited,  with  timorous  anxiety,  the  decision  of 
its  merits.  On  the  next  day,  his  composition  being  produced,  was 
read,  commented,  and  applauded;  and  he  enjoyed  the  "exquisite 
pleasure,"  as  he  terms  it,  of  listening  to  his  own  praises ;  which 
were  bestowed  at  least  without  flattery,  and  though  fraught,  per- 
haps, with  no  extraordinary  taste  or  intelligence,  contributed  to 
encourage  his  youthful  hopes,  and  animate  his  future  exertions. 

He  continued  his  clandestine  correspondence  in  a  succession  of 
pieces,  which  met  a  still  more  favourable  reception,  and  amongst 
the  readers  of  the  journal  excited  a  lively  desire  of  discovering  the 
2  n  2 


/ 


398  BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

author.  Nor  did  the  vanity  of  Franklin  long  suffer  them  to  labour 
under  the  burthen  of  curiosity. 

But  this  literary  success  was  soon  followed  by  consequences 
which  marred  his  agreeable  prospects,  and  changed  in  some  degree 
the  destinies  of  his  life.  His  writings  in  the  newspaper  soon  pro- 
cured him  the  notice  of  the  most  distinguished  persons  of  the  towu, 
who  regarded  him  as  a  youth  of  uncommon  abilities.  He  began, 
therefore,  we  may  reasonably  imagine,  to  entertain  sentiments 
above  the  common  drudgery  of  his  business,  and  perhaps  obeyed 
his  brother  with  a  less  willing  submission.  The  brother,  on  the 
other  hand,  who  was  not  remarkable  for  any  superiority  of  intellect, 
or  generosity  of  mind,  observed  this  growing  credit  of  his  apprentice 
with  jealousy;  and  considering  his  praises  as  a  tacit  reproach  of 
his  own  inferiority,  was  much  more  inclined  to  depreciate  than 
magnify  his  merit.  From  these  principles  of  discord,  many  quarrels 
and  contentions  arose  between  them,  which  were  heightened  gra- 
dually by  petty  provocations  to  a  degree  of  inextinguishable  ran- 
cour, and  though  sometimes  composed  by  the  father,  to  whose 
arbitration  they  mutually  appealed,  burst  out  again  with  increased 
animosity,  till  at  length  the  brother,  under  sanction  of  his  age  and 
privilege  of  master,  resorted  to  blows  in  support  of  his  authority. 

This  brother,  on  account  of  some  libellous  publication  inserted 
in  his  paper,  of  which  the  author's  name  was  refused,  was  about 
this  time  imprisoned,  and  restricted  by  an  award  of  the  court  from 
any  further  exercise  of  his  editorial  functions.  To  evade  the  latter 
part  of  the  sentence,  the  young  Franklin,  by  a  fictitious  agreement, 
became  nominal  proprietor  and  editor  ;  and  in  this  capacity,  during 
the  incarceration  of  his  brother,  defended  him  with  great  spirit  and 
generosity,  publishing  several  strictures,  remarkable  for  wit  and 
satire,  against  the  members  of  the  government.  For  this  gratuitous 
defence,  however,  in  which  he  had  incurred  the  displeasure  of  the 
administration,  the  brother  appears  to  have  entertained  no  very 
profound  gratitude,  for  after  his  enlargement  he  not  only  retained 
his  ill-natured  passions,  but  renewed  his  system  of  flagellation  with 
increased  severity. 

This  usage  Franklin  continued  to  bear,  for  some  time,  with  silent 
indignation  ;  but  perceiving  no  reasonable  termination  of  it,  resolved, 
by  the  only  expedient  which  remained  for  the  purpose,  to  acsert  his 
independence  ; — to  escape  from  the  reach  of  injuries  which  his  situ- 
ation did  not  permit  him  to  resent. 

On  intimation  of  this  design,  his  brother's  influence  and  malignity 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  39!) 

precluded,  in  his  native  place,  all  hopes  of  employment ;  and  it  became 
necessary  that  lie  should  seek  elsewhere  the  means  of  subsistence. 
He  had,  besides,  in  the  levity  of  youthful  conversation,  excited 
t».nongst  the  pious  inhabitants  of  Boston,  some  apprehensions  con- 
cerning the  purity  of  his  religious  principles  ;  and  his  politics  like- 
wise had  brought  him  into  disreputation  with  several  of  the  distin- 
guished members  of  government ;  and  having,  in  this  emergency 
found  a  vessel  in  the  harbour,  bound  to  New  York,  he  engaged  a 
passage  and  embarked  abruptly  for  that  city. 

This  evasion  and  breach  of  obligation,  although  his  indenture 
had  been  previously  cancelled  for  the  benefit  of  his  brother,  Frank- 
lin has  comprehended,  with  more  generosity  than  justice,  amongst 
the  errors  of  his  life.  To  the  severe  and  arbitrary  spirit  of  this 
brother,  he  ascribes,  however,  the  first  impressions  of  that  hatred 
of  tyranny,  which  influenced  all  the  actions  and  opinions  of  his 
future  life. 

Having  endeavoured,  for  some  time  in  vain,  to  procure  occupation 
in  New  York,  he  proceeded  onwards  with  a  feint  hope  of  better  for- 
tune, to  Philadelphia.  After  much  intermediate  fatigue  from  travel- 
ling on  foot,  or  the  rowing  of  a  boat;  and  having,  more  than  once, 
had  occasion  to  repent  of  his  fugitive  expedition,  he  arrived  in  that 
city.  He  now  perceived  himself,  at  the  age  of  seventeen  years, 
thrown  upon  the  mercy  of  the  world  ;  at  the  distance  of  four  hun- 
dred miles  from  his  native  home,  without  a  friend  or  counsellor  ; 
with  scarce  a  hope  of  employment ;  and  of  the  slender  provision  of 
money  which  he  had  carried  with  him,  but  a  single  dollar  remaining 
in  his  pocket. 

His  appearance  at  Philadelphia,  on  this  occasion,  if  we  compare 
it  with  many  succeeding  incidents  of  his  life,  was  not  a  little  ro- 
mantic. He  is  represented  as  making  his  entrance  into  Market 
street  with  a  roll  of  bread  under  each  arm  ;  with  his  pockets  enor- 
mously distended  by  shirts  and  stockings,  which  he  had  crammed  into 
them  on  leaving  the  boat,  and  thus  accoutred,  walking,  in  the  so- 
lemnity of  a  Sunday  morning,  through  the  principal  streets  of  the 
city.  An  appearance  so  singular  drew  upon  him,  even  in  those 
days  of  rustic  simplicity,  the  observation  of  the  inhabitants;  among 
others,  of  his  future  wife,  in  whose  eyes  he  made,  it  seems,  "a  very 
awkward  and  ridiculous  figure."  Having  eaten  a  portion  of  his  bread 
and  bestowed  the  remainder  on  a  fellow  passenger,  he  sought  a 
draught  of  water  from  the  Delaware  ;  and  being  afterwards  borne, 
by  the  passing  crowd,  to  a  meeting  of  Quakers,  sat  down  amongst 


400  BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

them  and  slept  until  the  end  of  the  service,  when  he  was  admonished 
by  one  of  the  congregation  to  retire. 

But  two  printing  houses  were,  at  that  time,  established  in  Phila- 
delphia, in  one  of  which  he  happily  obtained  employment  as  com- 
positor ;  and  instigated  by  the  necessities  of  his  condition,  by  the 
ardour  which  enterprising  youth  feels  in  the  first  enjoyment  of  liberty, 
and  sensible  that  he  had  now  to  commence  life  with  no  other  pre- 
tensions than  such  as  he  derived  from  personal  merit,  he  exerted  in 
his  business  the  most  studious  and  indefatigable  industry.  In  his 
private  affairs,  he  observed  a  scrupulous  and  parsimonious  economy  ; 
was  seen,  during  the  usual  hours  of  recreation,  at  the  occupations 
of  his  trade,  and  all  his  actions  maintaining  a  strict  punctuality  and 
regularity  of  conduct,  he  soon  drew  upon  him  the  observation  of  th< 
public,  and  filled  the  town  with  his  praises.  By  such  arts  he  pro- 
cured money  against  emergency,  and  friends  whose  patronage  con- 
tributed to  his  future  reputation  and  fortune. 

But  a  short  period  since  his  arrival  in  Philadelphia  had  elapsed, 
when  he  was  surprised  by  a  visit  from  the  governor  of  the  province, 
Sir  William  Keith,  whom,  by  his  solicitation,  he  accompanied  to  a 
neighbouring  hotel ;  shared  his  wine  and  conversation,  and  received 
a  general  invitation  to  his  house,  which  he  afterwards  frequented, 
with  many  tokens  of  kindness  and  hospitality.  For  this  distinguished 
attention,  he  was  indebted,  especially,  to  the  perusal  of  a  letter  he 
had  written  to  a  friend  at  New  Castle,  from  which  the  governor, 
learning  the  history  of  his  recent  adventures,  had  conceived  a  fa- 
vourable opinion  of  his  spirit  and  abilities. 

As  a  farther  mark  of  his  attachment,  he  proposed  that  Franklin 
should  commence  business  on  his  own  account,  offering  in  aid  of  the 
project  his  own  influence,  the  interest  of  his  friends,  and  the  printing 
of  the  government;  and  urged  him  to  return  to  Boston,  with  his 
recommendation,  to  solicit  the  concurrence  of  his  father.  Franklin, 
armed  with  this  powerful  intercession,  not  doubting  of  success,  was 
easily  prevailed  on  to  fall  in  with  the  scheme ;  he  therefore  com- 
menced his  journey,  and  after  an  absence  of  seven  months,  re-ap- 
peared in  his  native  town.  By  his  relations,  with  the  exception  of 
the  brother  only,  who  retained  a  consciousness  of  his  injurious  treat- 
ment towards  him,  he  was  received  with  an  affectionate  welcome. 
Of  his  brother  also  he  conciliated  the  favour,  on  a  subsequent  visit ; 
and  in  retribution  for  the  blows  he  had  received,  took  in  charge  one 
of  his  sons,  whom  he  instructed  in  his  trade  and  established  in  busi- 
ness.   In  the  principal  object  of  his  present  visit,  however,  he  proved 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  401 

unsuccessful ;  for  his  father  advised  him,  by  reason  of  his  age  and 
inexperience,  to  lay  aside  all  further  thoughts  of  his  enterprise,  and 
to  the  same  effect  wrote  to  his  patron  the  governor.  He  returned, 
therefore,  and  resuming  his  station  with  his  former  master,  pursued 
his  trade  with  the  same  assiduous  attention.  The  notice  he  re- 
ceived from  the  great  stimulated  his  industry,  and  added  to  the  pre- 
possessions which  the  public  already  entertained  in  his  favour. 

But  the  zeal  of  the  governor,  it  appears,  was  not  cooled  by  in- 
terruption. He  invited  Franklin  still  more  frequently  to  his  house, 
where  he  treated  him  always  with  the  same  politeness  and  affability, 
and  resolved  at  last  to  acquire  for  himself  the  exclusive  honour  of 
giving  success  to  their  projected  enterprise.  He  encouraged  him 
to  proceed  by  a  vessel  of  government,  then  ready  to  sail,  for  London, 
that  he  might  make  interest  with  booksellers,  and,  under  his  pa- 
tronage, procure  such  materials  as  were  requisite  for  his  establish- 
ment; a  proposition  which  Franklin  readily  accepted  ;  and  full  of 
gratitude  to  his  generous  benefactor,  embarked  on  his  voyage  ;  nor 
was  it  until  his  arrival  in  a  foreign  country,  three  thousand  miles 
from  his  native  home,  that  he  perceived,  with  astonishment,  no  pro- 
vision, not  even  that  which  the  immediate  exigencies  of  his  condition 
required,  had  heen  made  for  him  ;  that  in  London  his  patron  was 
without  credit,  and  that  he  was  much  less  aided  than  dishonoured 
by  his  credentials.  He  was  now  involved  in  the  most  distressful 
perplexities ;  seduced  from  a  prosperous  business ;  all  his  other 
schemes  interrupted,  and  was  turned  loose  a  stranger  amidst  the 
competition  of  a  vast  city  to  struggle  for  the  means  of  subsistence. 

Franklin  was  much  embarrassed  concerning  the  measures  which, 
in  this  difficult  emergency,  he  ought  to  pursue  ;  but  had  too  much 
force  of  character,  had  been  too  much  accustomed  to  vicissitudes, 
and  was  too  fertile  in  expedients,  to  sink  into  a  pusillanimous  de- 
jection. Upon  the  whole,  this  disappointment,  as  it  furnished  him 
the  opportunity  of  increasing  his  acquaintance  with  the  world ;  of 
improving  the  essential  knowledge  of  his  profession;  and  of  resum- 
ing, on  his  return  to  America,  his  career  with  greater  confidence 
and  prospects  of  success,  is  to  be  regarded  only  as  a  temporary 
calamity. 

He  obtained  employment  in  one  of  the  most  considerable  print- 
ing houses  in  London,  and  by  his  industry  soon  secured  the  esteem 
and  favour  of  his  patrons.  By  his  temperate  habits  and  rigid  eco- 
nomy he  procured,  not  only  a  decent  subsistence  for  himself,  but 
I  he  means  also  of  relieving  the  necessities  of  his  friends. 
41 


402  BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

During  his  short  residence  in  London,  Franklin  pursued  his  pri- 
vate studies  with  so  much  diligence,  and  discovered  so  generous  an 
ambition  for  literary  improvement,  as  caused  him  to  be  regarded 
by  the  ingenuous  part  of  his  acquaintance  with  great  partiality.  He 
obtained,  by  subscription,  access  to  an  extensive  library,  and  was 
prompted  by  some  occasional  interests  of  the  subject,  or  by  an  im- 
pertinent inclination  for  scribbling,  to  compose  a  small  pamphlet 
upon  Deistical  Metaphysics.  This  served,  at  that  time,  to  diffuse 
his  name  amongst  the  multitude,  and  procured  him  a  favourable  in- 
troduction to  several  persons  of  distinguished  infidelity ;  amongst 
others,  to  Mandcville,  who  hailed  him  as  a  youth  of  very  promising 
abilities.  , 

This  youthful  levity  on  the  subject  of  religion,  when  he  had 
accpiired  a  riper  age  and  more  ample  intelligence,  he  emphatically 
condemned ;  but  the  extreme  aversion  which,  in  common  with  all 
men  of  honest  feelings,  he  entertained  for  that  senseless  dogmatism 
and  mischievous  intolerance  which  prevailed  amongst  the  sects  of 
his  time,  in  America  as  well  as  in  Europe,  led  him  sometimes  to 
express  sentiments  on  religious  subjects,  that  were  not  always  ap- 
proved. Honest  men  he  believed,  without  any  regard  to  religious 
denominations,  were  equally  entitled  to  esteem ;  and  he  even  pro- 
cured at  Philadelphia,  the  establishment  of  a  church,  in  which 
all  sects  might  worship  according  to  the  dictates  of  their  own 
conscience. 

Having  resided  for  a  year  and  a  half  in  the  British  capital,  and 
growing  tired  of  the  uniformity  of  his  life,  he  concerted  a  scheme, 
with  an  enterprising  companion,  of  travelling  through  the  continent 
of  Europe.  Another  project,  also,  he  had  in  view,  of  establishing 
a  school  of  natation ;  some  feats  of  activity  having  spread  an  admi- 
ration for  his  skill  in  that  art  amongst  the  nobility ;  but  by  the  acci- 
dental intervention  of  a  mercantile  acquaintance,  who  was  at  this 
time  preparing  merchandise  to  be  transported  to  Pennsylvania, 
these  designs  were  interrupted.  By  a  promise  of  contributing  to 
his  future  elevation  in  business,  he  was  solicited  by  this  friend  to 
accompany  him  as  a  clerk;  an  offer,  which  his  natural  preposses- 
sions in  favour  of  his  native  country  did  not  permit  him  to  refuse; 
and  on  the  twenty-second  of  July,  1726,  they  set  sail  for  America. 

During  the  leisure  of  this  voyage,  he  employed  himself  in  mark- 
ing down  its  incidents  in  a  journal,  and  having  now  reached  the 
twenty-first  year  of  his  age,  and  thinking  it  unbecoming  the  charac- 
ter of  man,  to  whom  heaven  has  imparted  intelligence  and  reason, 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  403 

to  fluctuate  without  a  design  through  life,  he  resolved  to  form  some 
plan  for  his  future  conduct,  by  which  he  might  promote  his  fortune, 
and  procure  respect  and  reputation  in  society.  This  plan  is  pre- 
faced by  the  following  reflections:  "  Those  who  write  of  the  art  of 
poetry,  leach  us,  that  if  we  would  write  what  would  be  worth  the 
reading,  we  ought  always,  before  we  begin,  to  form  a  regular  design 
of  our  piece;  otherwise  we  shall  be  in  danger  of  incongruity.  I 
am  apt  to  think  it  is  the  same  as  to  life.  I  have  never  fixed  a  regu- 
lar design  in  life;  by  which  means  it  has  been  a  confused  variety  of 
different  scenes.  I  am  now  entering  upon  a  new  one:  let  me,  there- 
fore, make  some  resolutions,  and  form  some  scheme  of  action,  that, 
henceforth,  I  ma)'  live  in  all  respects  like  a  rational  creature." 

To  these  remarks  he  annexed  a  series  of  rules  and  moral  prin- 
ciples, which,  at  the  same  time  they  show  his  noble  ardour  for  vir- 
tue, may  afford  to  others,  animated  with  the  same  spirit,  no  unpro- 
fitable example.     They  are  partly  as  follow: 

"  I  resolve  to  be  extremely  frugal  for  some  time,  until  I  pay  what 
I  owe. 

"  To  speak  the  truth  in  every  instance,  and  give  no  one  cxpecta 
tions  that  are  not  likely  to  be  answered,  but  aim  at  sincerity  in  every 
word  and  action — the  most  amiable  excellence  in  a  rational  being. 

"  To  apply  myself  industriously  in  whatever  business  I  take  in 
hand,  and  not  divert  my  mind  by  any  foolish  project  of  growing 
suddenly  rich;  for  industry  and  patience  are  the  surest  means  of 
plenty. 

"  I  resolve  to  speak  ill  of  no  man  whatever,  not  even  in  a  matter 
of  truth;  but  rather  by  some  means  excuse  the  faults  I  hear  charged 
upon  others,  and,  upon  proper  occasions,  speak  all  the  good  I  know 
of  every  body,  &c." 

To  these  resolutions,  although  they  were  formed  in  the  ardour  of 
a  youthful  imagination,  he  adhered,  with  a  scrupulous  fidelity;  and 
the  foundation,  we  must  admit,  was  not  unworthy  of  the  superstruc- 
ture he  afterwards  reared  upon  it. 

He  arrived  in  Philadelphia  on  the  eleventh  of  October,  and  em- 
barked upon  his  new-adopted  profession.  By  his  application  to 
business,  he  soon  gained  the  esteem  and  favour  of  his  employer,  was 
about  to  be  appointed  supercargo  to  the  West  Indies,  and  already 
entertained  magnificent  hopes  of  prosperous  fortune.  We  cannot 
doubt,  with  the  qualities  of  industry,  economy,  and  enterprise  which 
marked  his  character,  that,  by  pursuing  this  business,  he  had  tran- 
scended the  usual  honours  of  the  counting-house;  but  the  sudden 


404  BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

decease  of  his  patron  interrupted  all  his  dreams  of  affluence  and 
felicity;  he  was  once  more  thrown  out  of  employment,  and  sunk 
again  into  the  obscurity  of  a  journeyman  printer. 

He  entered  the  service  of  his  former  master,  a  man  of  noted 
insolence  and  ignorance;  from  whom,  at  the  expiration  of  a  few 
months,  he  was  impelled  by  rude  treatment  to  a  separation;  an 
event  which  exposed  him,  for  a  while,  to  new  vexations  and  difficul- 
ties, but  served  to  hasten  the  accomplishment  of  a  more  important 
scheme  which  had  principally  occupied  his  mind, — the  establishing 
of  business  on  his  own  account.  By  the  incessant  fluctuation  of  his 
life,  this  project  appeared  indeed  to  be  attended  with  little  proba- 
bility of  success;  but  the  knowledge  he  had  acquired  of  his  profes- 
sion happily  supplied  his  pecuniary  deficiency,  and  procured  him  a 
partner,  more  fortunate  and  less  skilful,  who  furnishing  the  means 
requisite  to  the  enterprise,  he  was  enabled,  at  last,  to  bring  this 
great  object  of  his  wishes  to  a  happy  issue. 

The  prospect  now  opened  to  his  view  furnished  a  more  powerful 
incentive  to  his  ambition ;  and  having  to  encounter,  in  the  com- 
mencement of  his  business,  a  competition  with  others  long  since 
established,  it  is  in  this  emergency  of  his  life,  that  he  employed  the 
most  indefatigable  and  laborious  activity.  From  the  earliest  to  the 
latest  hours,  he  was  seen  busied  in  the  objects  of  his  trade;  in  the 
composition  of  types,  preparing  of  stationery,  and  often  transport- 
ing it  in  a  wheelbarrow  through  the  streets  of  the  city;  abstaining 
not  only  from  the  common  recreations  of  his  age,  but  even  from  his 
favourite  passion  of  reading,  except  in  the  secrecy  of  the  night,  lest 
he  should  incur  the  imputation  of  indolence  or  dissipation.  This 
studious  gravity  of  deportment,  carried  so  far  beyond  what  is  usual 
to  his  age,  and  so  congenial  to  the  demure  and  stately  habits  which 
prevailed,  at  that  time,  in  the  society  in  which  he  lived,  added  to 
the  punctuality  and  fidelity  with  which  he  fulfilled  his  engagements, 
soon  procured  him  a  very  extensive  and  honourable  acquaintance. 
These  enabled  him  to  give  extension  to  his  business;  and  at  last 
to  get  rid  of  a  worthless  partner,  who  embarrassed  his  plans  and 
operations. 

In  the  preceding  portion  of  his  life,  he  had  subsisted  wholly  at  the 
mercy  of  fortune;  exposed  to  a  perpetual  vicissitude  of  inspiring 
hopes  and  vexatious  disappointments.  From  this. period,  the  ob- 
structions which  had  hitherto  limited  his  genius,  and  prejudiced  his 
interests,  were  in  a  great  measure  removed ;  and  in  his  subsequent 
career,  though  circumvented  by  many  difficulties,  and  engaged  per- 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  405 

petually  in  the  most  complicated  or  dangerous  enterprises,  he  eon- 
ducted  them  all  with  uniform  success  and  felicity,  and  advanced  with 
a  firm  and  undeviating  step  in  the  progress  of  fortune  and  prefer- 
ment. In  reviewing  this  period  of  his  history,  he  has  remarked  with 
a  generous  pride,  that  he  had  passed  through  the  storms  of  youth, 
notwithstanding  his  exposure  to  evil  company,  with  an  unsullied  re- 
putation, and  under  the  pressure  of  the  most  imminent  necessities; 
that  he  had  used  no  cringing  submissions;  or  resorted  to  no  mean- 
ness of  expedient  for  a  subsistence. 

In  1730  he  married  a  lady  whose  maiden  name  was  Read;  whom 
he  had  courted  before  his  departure  for  England,  had  forgotten 
during  his  absence,  and  now  espoused  in  her  widowhood.  She  had 
suffered  many  injuries  from  the  volatile  affections  of  a  former  hus- 
band; with  the  present  one  she  lived  in  full  enjoyment  of  connubial 
harmony,  and  by  her  virtues,  as  well  as  by  her  misfortunes,  appears 
to  have  merited  so  auspicious  a  connexion. 

Soon  after  his  return  to  America  he  instituted,  in  connexion  with 
several  young  men  of  respectable  character  and  abilities,  a  club,  of 
which  he  has  spoken  with  great  affection  in  his  Memoirs,  denomi- 
nated "  The  Junto,"  in  which  were  discussed  scientific,  moral,  and 
political  subjects;  an  association  which  endured  with  undiminished 
reputation  for  thirty  years,  and  was  at  last  succeeded  by  the  present 
Philosophical  Society.  It  had  a  very  salutary  influence  in  promoting 
economy,  virtue,  and  public  institutions;  and  not  only  in  creating  a 
literary  emulation  among  its  members,  but  in  diffusing  a  curiosity  for 
letters  in  the  community.  Of  the  beneficent  nature  of  the  club,  a 
conjecture  may  be  drawn  from  the  questions  which  preceded  their 
debates;  some  of  which  are  as  follow: 

"Have  you  met  with  anything,  in  the  author  you  last  read, 
remarkable,  or  suitable  to  be  communicated  to  the  Junto?  particu- 
larly in  history,  morality,  poetry,  physic,  travels,  mechanic  arts,  or 
other  parts  of  knowledge. 

"  Do  you  know  any  fellow  citizen,  who  has  lately  done  a  worthy 
action,  deserving  praise  and  imitation?  or  who  has  lately  committed 
an  error,  proper  for  us  to  be  warned  against  and  avoid? 

"  What  unhappy  effects  of  intemperance  have  you  lately  ob- 
served or  heard  of?  of  imprudence?  of  passion?  or  of  any  other 
vice  or  folly  ? 

"What  happy  effects  of  temperance?  of  prudence?  of  modera- 
tion? or  of  any  other  virtue? 

"  Do  you  think  of  any  thing  at  present,  in  which  the  Junto  may 
2  C 


406  BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

be  serviceable  to  mankind?  to  their  country,  to  their  friends,  or  to 
themselves? 

"  Hath  any  deserving  stranger  arrived  in  town  since  last  meeting-, 
that  you  heard  of?  and  what  have  you  heard  or  observed  of  his 
character  or  merits?  and  whether  think  you,  it  lies  in  the  power  of 
the  Junto  to  oblige  him,  or  encourage  him  as  he  deserves? 

"  Do  you  know  of  any  deserving  young  beginner  lately  set  up, 
whom  it  lies  in  the  power  of  the  Junto  any  way  to  encourage? 

"  Have  you  lately  observed  any  encroachment  on  the  just  liberties 
of  the  people? 

"Hath  any  body  attacked  your  reputation  lately?  and  what  can 
the  Junto  do  towards  securing  it? 

"  Is  there  any  man  whose  friendship  you  want,  and  which  the 
Junto,  or  any  of  them,  can  procure  for  you? 

"  Have  you  lately  heard  any  member's  character  attacked,  and 
how  have  you  defended  it?" 

As  a  qualification  of  admission,  it  was  required  also,  that  each 
member  should  answer  to  the  following  questions : 

"Do  you  sincerely  declare  that  you  love  mankind  in  general;  of 
what  profession  or  religion  soever? 

"  Do  you  think  any  person  ought  to  be  harmed  in  his  body, 
name,  or  goods,  for  mere  speculative  opinions,  or  his  external  way 
of  worship? 

"  Do  you  love  truth  for  truth's  sake,  and  will  you  endeavour 
impartially  to  find  and  receive  it  yourself  and  communicate  it  to 
others?" 

The  exigencies  in  which  Franklin  had  passed  his  early  youth, 
and  the  expedients  he  was  forced  to  employ,  that  he  might  improve 
his  fortune,  drew  him  from  all  barren  speculations  towards  those 
only,  which  might  tend  to  ameliorate  the  condition  and  happiness 
of  his  species.  All  his  leading  enterprises  appear  to  have  been 
undertaken  with  a  view  to  the  public  good;  and  even  to  those 
which  might  seem  indifferent,  he  gave  the  same  tendency.  From 
incidents  however  minute,  he  extracted  some  salutary  moral  which 
had  escaped  vulgar  observation.  To  practise  virtue  and  propagate 
it  amongst  mankind,  he  considered  as  the  common  business  of  his 
life,  nor  did  he  suffer  any  effort  which  might  contribute  to  that  pur- 
pose to  remain  unemployed.  Like  Lycurgus,  he  wished  that  the 
praise  of  virtue  and  contempt  of  vice  should  be  interwoven  with  all 
the  actions  and  discourses  of  men,  and  that  such  images  as  tended 
to  elevate  the  fancy  and  enlighten  the  understanding,  should  be  per- 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  J07 

petually  exhibited  to  their  observation.  Even  upon  the  current 
coin  of  the  country,  as  it  was  exposed  to  the  frequent  inspection  of 
the  multitude,  he  advised  that  instead  of  the  image  of  a  king  or  an 
emperor,  some  pious  or  prudential  maxim  should  be  engraven, 
which  might  leave  a  salutary  impression  upon  the  mind. 

In  173"2,  he  commenced,  and  continued  for  twenty-five  years,  the 
publication  of  "Poor  Richard's  Almanac;"  a  work  of  modest  pre- 
tension and  of  humble  title,  which  his  fertile  genius  rendered,  in 
addition  to  its  utility  as  a  calendar,  subservient  to  the  most  essential 
interests  of  the  community;  especially  by  the  diffusion  of  instruction 
amongst  that  class  of  the  people,  who  by  their  poverty  or  laborious 
occupations,  are  usually  deprived  of  this  advantage.  The  last,  of 
1757,  in  which  he  collected  the  principal  matter  of  the  preceding 
numbers,  was  republished  in  various  forms  in  Great  Britain,  and 
thence  translated  into  foreign  languages,  was  dispersed  and  read 
with  great  avidity  throughout  the  whole  continent  of  Europe. 

To  his  printing  establishment,  he  attached,  about  this  time,  a 
newspaper;  which,  besides  the  discussion  of  politics,  he  replenished 
with  productions  of  poetry,  history,  eloquence,  and  such  other  sub- 
jects of  polite  literature,  as  he  supposed  would  improve  the  taste 
and  morals  of  his  country.  This  paper,  it  is  said,  he  kept  unpol- 
luted by  scurrillity,  malignant  personalities,  or  indecent  arrogance, 
and  sustained  it  in  reputation,  in  those  days,  without  departing  from 
the  sober  rules  of  propriety. 

Believing  that  those  who  attempt  a  reformation  of  the  world, 
should  themselves  be  irreproachable,  he  very  reasonably  accom- 
panied his  splendid  theory  of  popular  reform,  by  a  rigid  scrutiny  of 
his  private  conduct.  For  this  purpose  he  had  recourse  to  an  expe- 
dient with  which  he  was  for  some  time  greatly  enamoured;  by  the 
means  of  which,  it  appears,  he  even  entertained  the  hope  of  arriving 
at  "  moral  perfection."  Having  written  upon  a  tabular  catalogue, 
all  those  virtues  which  he  thought  essential  to  the  perfection  of  the 
human  character,  he  made  upon  this  scale,  every  evening,  a  diligent 
examination  of  his  conduct  during  each  day;  a  practice  which  he 
pursued  with  his  usual  inflexibility  of  resolution,  until  such  habits 
were  confirmed  as  rendered  this  circumspection  unnecessary;  and 
although  he  fell  short  of  his  ultimate  ambition,  he  ascribes  to  "this 
little  artifice"  much  of  the  happiness  of  his  life. 

In  the  mean  time  he  remitted  nothing  of  his  usual  diligence  in 
literary  application.  A  few  hours  of  each  day  were  set  apart  for 
study,  during  which  he  qualified  himself  for  discussing  the  political 


408  BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

interests  of  his  country.  He  acquired  also  a  competent  knowledge 
of  the  Italian. and  Spanish  languages,  and  of  the  Latin,  the  rudi- 
ments of  which  he  had  been  taught  in  his  early  youth.  He  studied, 
likewise,  the  French,  and  attained  a  greater  proficiency  in  that  lan- 
guage than  is  usually  acquired  by  a  foreigner;  for  he  composed 
witn  accuracy,  and  conversed  with  almost  the  fluency  of  a  native. 
Amongst  his  confederates  of  the  "Junto,"  he  obtained  a  small  col- 
lection of  books,  for  the  purpose  of  reference  in  their  debates,  to 
which  many  volumes  being  occasionally  superadded,  he  procured, 
at  length,  the  establishment  of  the  Philadelphia  Library.  This  was 
the  first  institution  of  the  kind  in  America;  but  from  its  manifest 
convenience  and  utility,  the  example  was  soon  followed  through  the 
other  towns  of  the  provinces,  and  had  a  sensible  influence,  it  is  said, 
upon  the  manners  of  the  inhabitants. 

He  published,  in  1729,  a  pamphlet  very  highly  approved,  "  con- 
cerning the  Nature  and  Necessity  of  Paper  Currency ;"  and  cm- 
ployed  otherwise  his  credit  in  promoting  the  use  of  that  money ;  by 
which  he  acquired  great  favour  with  the  public.  He  published 
about  the  same  time,  various  essays  in  his  newspaper  upon  popular 
topics,  which  being  written  in  his  usual  fascinating  manner,  and  the 
emulation  of  parties  bringing  them  into  notice,  contributed  also  to 
the  extension  of  his  reputation.  He  was  appointed  by  the  govern- 
ment of  Pennsylvania,  official  printer;  his  subscriptions  increased, 
and  he  began  to  entertain  every  day  more  flattering  views  of  futurity. 

In  1736,  he  was  chosen  clerk  of  the  general  assembly,  and  in  the 
following  year,  postmaster  of  Philadelphia ;  and  being  no  longer 
overwhelmed  by  the  blasting  influence  of  domestic  necessities,  his 
genius  began  from  this  time  to  emerge,  and  to  be  employed  in 
schemes  of  public  utility.  His  first  enterprise  of  municipal  im- 
provement, was  to  organize  fire  companies,  to  reform  the  watch  of 
the  city,  and  procure  the  paving  and  lighting  of  the  streets  ;  all  of 
which,  by  his  perseverance,  he  brought  to  a  successful  termination. 
He  concerted  and  carried  into  complete  success,  in  1736,  the  esta- 
blishment of  the  "  American  Philosophical  Society,"  and  of  a  college 
for  the  regular  education  of  youth,  none  existing  at  that  time  in  the 
colony,  which,  by  successive  amplification  and  improvement,  pro- 
duced the  present  University  of  Pennsylvania.  He  procured,  also, 
a  grant  from  the  legislature,  for  the  establishment  and  endowment 
of  the  Pennsylvania  Hospital ;  and  so  much,  indeed,  did  he  contri- 
bute to  the  ornament,  benefit  and  glory  of  this  city,  that  he  may 
justly  be  considered  as  its  second  founder  :  of  a  city,  which,  by  the 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  409 

influence  of  a  few  superior  minds,  has  become  the  pride  of  this 
continent;  and  in  the  multitude  of  its  benevolent  institutions,  in  the 
arts  of  luxury  and  a  numerous  population  at  least,  if  not  in  love 
of  science,  (HBratitu.de  to  its  benefactors,  may,  at  a  period  not  very 
remote,  emulate  the  most  illustrious  cities  of  the  world. 

It  must  not  be  forgotten  that  Franklin  promoted,  also,  the  honour 
and  interests  of  the  whole  province  of  Pennsylvania,  at  this  time,  by 
providing  for  it  a  system  of  military  discipline;  an  object  which,  by 
the  impolitic  religious  scruples  of  the  legislature,  had  been  totally 
neglected;  although  it  had  been  imperiously  requisite  for  protecting 
the  frontier  from  the  atrocious  massacres  to  which  it  was  exposed 
from  the  invasions  of  the  savages.  To  accomplish  this  enterprise,  he 
first  published  a  pamphlet,  by  which  he  disposed  the  public  mind  to 
favourable  impressions  ;  he  then  drew  up  articles  of  a  military  as- 
sociation, and  procured  their  adoption  in  a  convocation  of  the  people  ; 
by  the  influence  of  which  ten  thousand  men  were  soon  assembled 
for  the  defence  of  their  country;  and  under  his  auspices  were  trained 
to  the  use  and  exercise  of  arms.  A  commission  was  offered  him,  of 
high  rank  in  the  Philadelphia  regiment,  which  he  refused  in  favour  of 
a  person  whom  he  supposed  more  competent  to  the  discharge  of  its 
duties.  Batteries  were,  at  the  same  time,  erected  under  his  inspec- 
tion, at  the  entrance  of  the  town,  from  the  proceeds  of  a  lottery 
which  had  been  procured  for  that  purpose,  by  his  instigation  and 
management;  and  to  so  great  a  height  of  reputation  had  he  now 
grown,  for  experience  and  capacity,  that  no  scheme  of  public  good 
was  deemed  rational,  unless  he  had  approved  it;  and  no  important 
enterprise  will  be  found,  which,  during  those  days,  was  not  conducted 
by  his  counsel  and  direction. 

In  1741,  he  commenced  the  publication  of  a  "General  Magazine 
and  Historical  Chronicle  for  the  British  Plantations,"  which  he  con- 
ducted in  addition  to  his  Gazette.  This  work,  to  render  it  accept- 
able to  the  dogmatic  spirit  of  his  readers,  is  much  interlarded  and 
disfigured  by  controversial  divinity;  there  is,  however,  much  useful 
matter,  moral,  historical,  and  scientific,  which  does  honour  to  the 
capacity  and  industry  of  the  author.  Nor  were  these  labours  unre- 
warded, for  he  received  from  all  sides  the  most  flattering  and  spon- 
taneous testimonies  of  esteem,  and  from  every  branch  of  the 
administration  the  highest  deference  was  paid  to  his  opinions  and 
authority. 

The  common  and  useful  arts  of  life,  whatever  might  be  the  nature 
of  his  leading  occupations,  never  failed  to  occupy  some  portion  of 
42  2  c  2 


410  BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

his  time  and  attention.  He  composed,  and  in  1742  published  a 
treatise  upon  the  improvement  of  chimneys  ;  and  contrived  at  the 
same  time  a  stove,  of  very  ingenious  construction,  which  he  made 
a  present  to  the  public,  and  which  has  not  been  supplanted  by  any 
subsequent  invention. 

The  great  diligence  which  he  observed  in  the  duties  already  as- 
signed him  in  the  government,  and  the  eminent  abilities  he  had 
discovered  in  conceiving  and  conducting  enterprises  useful  to  the 
state,  advanced  very  rapidly  his  claims  to  preferment.  By  the  go- 
vernor, he  was  commissioned  justice  of  the  peace  ;  soon  afterwards 
alderman  ;  and  by  the  corporation  was  appointed  one  of  the  common 
council  of  the  city.  He  was  elected,  in  1744,  a  member  of  the  pro- 
vincial legislature,  and  so  unlimited  a  popularity  did  he  obtain  in 
that  assembly,  notwithstanding  his  deficient  eloquence  as  a  public 
speaker,  that  his  election  was  repeated  for  ten  years  without  the 
solicitation  of  a  vote.  He  possessed,  in  an  eminent  degree,  the 
talent  of  gaining  men's  affections  ;  and  if  we  consider  how  essential 
are  the  arts  of  insinuation  to  the  accomplishment  of  all  honest  and 
useful  enterprises,  it  must  be  allowed  that  to  practise  them  skilfully 
is  not  the  last  degree  of  praise. 

It  is  at  this  period  that  we  are  to  notice  the  rise  and  progress 
of  his  philosophical  reputation.  In  1747,  he  had  accidentally  wit- 
nessed at  Boston,  a  few  experiments  exhibited  by  some  itinerant 
Scotchman  upon  electricity,  which,  though  imperfectly  performed, 
awakened  his  curiosity  to  that  subject.  Upon  his  return  to  Phila- 
delphia, he  repeated  the  same  experiments  with  complete  success, 
and  adding  others,  of  which  he  had  received  some  account  from 
England,  the  science,  at  length,  wholly  occupied  his  ambition.  Thus 
by  a  trivial  accident  were  elicited  discoveries,  which  soon  afterwards 
diffused  his  fame  through  the  world,  and  drew  upon  his  native  coun- 
try the  regard  and  attention  of  all  Europe. 

Having  acquired  a  dexterity  in  performing  those  experiments, 
which  had  recently  employed  the  philosophers  of  the  old  world,  he 
first  accounted  for  various  phenomena  that  were  yet  unexplained, 
and  soon  afterwards  added  some  new  and  important  discoveries  of 
his  own ;  such  as  of  the  power  of  points,  in  eliciting  and  throwing 
oft*  the  accumulated  fluid  ;  and  of  the  negative  and  positive  state  of 
electricity.  About  the  year  1745,  he  discovered  various  properties 
of  the  Leyden  Vial  ;  as  the  means  of  accumulating,  retaining,  and 
discharging  any  quantity  of  the  electric  matter  with  safety;  an  ac- 
count of  which  he  transmitted  to  London  to  his  friend  Mr.  Collinson, 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  411 

in  1747.  He  was  the  first  who  fired  gunpowder,  gave  magnetism  to 
needles  of  steel,  melted  metals  and  killed  animals  of  considerable 
size,  by  means  of  electricity. 

From  his  various  observations  upon  this  fluid,  he  was  at  length 
induced  to  imagine  its  identity  with  lightning.  He  attempted,  there- 
fore, to  explain,  upon  this  principle,  the  theory  of  thunder-gusts,  and 
of  the  Aurora  Borealis  ;  and  in  1749  conceived  the  design,  the  most 
sublime  perhaps  that  has  entered  into  the  imagination  of  man,  of 
drawing  from  the  heavens  its  lightning,  and  conducting  its  terrific 
energy,  harmless  into  the  bowels  of  the  earth. 

The  following  is  the  account  of  this  experiment,  by  Dr.  Priestley, 
whose  eminence  in  physical  knowledge,  and  intimacy  with  Frank- 
lin, enabled  him  to  give  its  particulars  with  minuteness  and  pre- 
cision. 

"  Franklin,  after  having  published  his  method  of  verifying  his 
hypothesis  concerning  the  sameness  of  electricity  with  the  matter 
of  lightning,  was  waiting  for  the  erection  of  a  spire  in  Philadelphia 
to  carry  his  views  into  execution,  not  imagining  that  a  pointed 
rod  of  a  moderate  height,  could  answer  the  purpose  ;  when  it  oc- 
curred to  him,  that  by  means  of  a  common  kite,  he  could  have  a 
readier  and  better  access  to  the  regions  of  thunder  than  by  any  spire 
whatever.  Preparing,  therefore,  a  large  silk  handkerchief,  and  two 
cross  sticks,  of  a  proper  length,  on  which  to  extend  it,  he  took  the 
opportunity  of  the  first  approaching  thunder-storm  to  take  a  walk 
into  the  field,  in  which  there  was  a  shed  convenient  for  his  purpose. 
But  dreading  the  ridicule  which  too  commonly  attends  unsuccessful 
attempts  in  science,  he  communicated  his  intended  experiment  to 
nobody  but  his  son,  who  assisted  him  in  raising  the  kite. 

"  The  kite  being  raised,  a  considerable  time  elapsed  before  there 
was  any  appearance  of  its  being  electrified.  One  very  promising 
cloud  had  passed  over  without  any  effect;  when,  at  length,  just  as 
he  was  beginning  to  despair  of  his  contrivance,  he  observed  some 
loose  threads  of  the  hempen  string  to  stand  erect,  and  to  avoid  one 
another,  just  as  if  they  had  been  suspended  on  a  common  conduc- 
tor. Struck  with  this  favourable  appearance,  he  immediately  pre- 
sented his  knuckle  to  the  key, — and  let  the  reader  judge  of  the 
exquisite  pleasure  he  must  have  felt  at  that  moment, — the  discovery 
was  complete.  He  perceived  a  very  evident  electric  spark.  Others 
succeeded  even  before  the  string  was  wet,  so  as  to  put  the  matter 
past  all  dispute  ;  and  when  the  rain  had  wet  the  string,  lie  collected 
elec/ric  fire  very  copiously.     This  happened  in  June,  1752,  a  month 


412  BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

after  the  electricians  in  France  had  verified  the  same  theory,  but 
before  lie  had  heard  of  any  thing  they  had  done." 

A  relation  of  these  experiments  was  communicated  by  Franklin 
himself,  in  letters  to  a  friend  in  London.  "  Nothing,"  says  Priest- 
ley, "was  ever  written  on  the  subject  of  electricity  more  justly  ad- 
mired, in  all  parts  of  Europe,  than  these  letters.  Electricians  every 
where  employed  themselves  in  repeating  his  experiments,  or  exhi- 
biting them  for  money.  All  the  world,  in  a  manner,  even  kings 
themselves,  flocked  to  see  them,  and  all  retired  full  of  admiration 
for  the  inventor  of  them."  In  New  England,  by  Yale  College  and 
that  of  Cambridge,  a  degree  of  Master  of  Arts  was  conferred  upon 
him,  in  honour  of  his  discoveries.  By  the  Royal  Society  of  London 
they  were  at  first  treated  with  a  heedless  or  malignant  inattention. 
On  the  continent,  they  were  made  public  by  the  celebrated  Buftbn. 
The  experiments  were  repeated  before  Louis  XV.  by  M.  De  Loz, 
and  were  verified  by  many  other  philosophers;  in  Turin,  by  Father 
Beccaria ;  in  Russia,  by  professor  Richmann,  who,  in  the  experi- 
ment of  the  kite,  perished  by  a  stroke  of  lightning. 

The  reputation  of  Franklin  had  now  become  too  notorious,  not 
to  excite,  among  the  learned,  some  feelings  of  jealousy.  In  France, 
he  met  a  transient  but  violent  opposition  from  the  Abbe  Nollet;  and 
the  professors  of  England  especially,  attempted  to  detract  from  his 
praises;  using  many  fruitless  endeavours  to  invalidate  the  truth  of 
his  experiments,  and  finally  to  rob  him  of  the  honours  of  originality. 
But  Franklin,  in  his  scientific  as  well  as  his  political  career,  though 
armed  with  all  that  good  sense,  that  keen  and  sarcastic  wit  which 
would  have  insured  him  credit  in  a  critical  altercation,  opposed  his 
adversaries  only  by  silence,  and  left  to  the  peaceful  but  sure  opera- 
tion of  time,  the  task  of  vindicating  his  merit.  This  he  has  him- 
self given  as  a  rule  of  prudence,  as  well  as  of  magnanimity,  and  his 
own  example  has  justified  the  wisdom  of  his  policy;  for  the  world 
is  now  filled  with  his  fame,  and  his  praises  have  ceased  to  excite 
envy  or  opposition. 

It  cannot  be  expected  that  we  should  here  enumerate  all  the 
experiments  that  he  made,  or  the  treatises  he  has  composed  on  the 
various  branches  of  science ;  for  there  is  scarcely  any  one  that 
has  not  occupied  some  portion  of  his  attention.  He  made  several 
curious  experiments  upon  the  effects  of  oil  in  stilling  the  waters 
of  the  ocean;  to  ascertain  whether  boats  are  not  drawn  with  more 
difficulty  in  small  canals,  than  in  great  bodies  of  water;  to  improve 
the  art  of  swimming;  and  to  prove  that  thirst  may  be  allayed  by 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  413 

bathing  in  sea  water.  He  made  observations,  also,  in  his  voyages 
to  Europe,  on  the  gradual  progress  of  the  north-east  storms,  along 
tne  American  coast,  contrary  to  the  direction  of  the  winds;  and 
likewise,  for  the  benefit  of  navigation,  made  experiments  on  the 
course,  velocity,  and  temperature  of  the  Gulf  Stream.  He  made, 
also,  curious  observations  upon  the  air;  upon  the  relative  powers 
of  metals  in  the  conducting  of  heat;  and  upon  the  different  degrees 
acquired  by  congenial  bodies  of  various  colours,  from  the  rays  of 
the  sun.  He  composed  likewise  an  ingenious  treatise  upon  the  for- 
mation of  the  earth,  and  the  existence  of  a  universal  fluid.  Music, 
also,  he  cultivated  with  success,  and  wrote  many  letters  on  that 
science  with  great  ingenuity.  He  revived  and  improved  the  Har- 
monica, and  performed  with  taste  upon  that  instrument.  But  we 
must  now  return  to  the  narrative  of  his  political  transactions. 

It  was  the  peculiar  advantage  of  Franklin,  from  his  early  youth, 
to  have  mingled  business  with  study  and  speculation.  Such  was 
more  frequently  the  education  of  the  ancients.  Some  of  their  most 
famous  poets  were  generals  and  admirals.  Xcnophon,  Thnycidides, 
and  even  Socrates,  fought  the  battles  of  their  respective  countries, 
and  enjoyed  the  highest  trust  in  the  administration  of  their  govern- 
ments. In  modern  manners  the  scholar,  from  a  deficiency  of  prac- 
tical experience  or  a  love  of  solitude,  is  mostly  unequal  to  the  hum- 
blest employments,  and  often  sinks  under  his  load  of  erudition  to 
obscurity,  whilst  more  superficial  qualities  rise  to  the  first  honours 
of  the  state. 

In  1758,  he  was  sent  by  the  provincial  assembly  to  conclude  a 
treaty  with  the  Indians  at  Carlisle;  and  in  the  following  year  was 
appointed  on  a  more  important  mission  to  Albany,  where  the  British 
government  had  assembled  a  congress  of  commissioners  to  confer 
upon  a  plan  of  defence  for  the  colonies,  against  the  threatened  hos- 
tilities of  the  French,  and  the  incursions  of  the  savages.  While  on 
his  journey  to  this  place,  he  devised  and  reduced  to  writing,  a  pro- 
ject for  the  coalition  of  the  colonies,  as  far  as  might  be  requisite  to 
their  defence,  under  a  single  administration.  A  president  for  this 
general  government,  according  to  his  plan,  was  to  be  appointed  by  the 
crown  ;  a  grand  council  by  the  provincial  assemblies;  and  amongst 
the  constitutional  duties  of  the  assembly,  that  of  laying  taxes  was 
especially  assigned  to  the  representatives  of  the  people. 

Bat  this  measure,  notwithstanding  the  unanimous  concurrence 
of  the  congress,  was,  by  the  provincial  legislatures,  almost  unani- 
mously rejected,  as  affording  to  the  royal  officers  an  authority  too 


414  BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

ample  and  dangerous ;  and  the  British  ministers,  on  the  other  nand, 
had  too  much  discernment  not  to  discover  that  the  tendency  of  such 
a  union  was  unfavourable  to  their  designs  of  government;  which, 
at  the  same  time  that  it  afforded  to  the  colonies  vigour  and  protec- 
tion from  their  enemy,  furnished  them,  by  placing  them  in  a  mili- 
tary posture,  the  means  of  resisting  the  sovereignty  of  the  mother 
country.  It  was  therefore  rejected  with  equal  promptitude  on  their 
part,  as  "  savouring  too  much  of  democracy."  It  was  then  resolved, 
after  deliberation,  as  an  expedient  more  safe  and  prudent,  that  the 
measures  of  defence  should  be  committed  to  the  governors  and 
their  councils,  who  were  generally  under  the  implicit  control  of  the 
British  government;  and  that  the  sums  expended  in  that  object 
should  be  reimbursed  by  act  of  parliament  laying  a  tax  upon  the 
colonies.  To  this  scheme,  especially  the  latter  part  of  it,  Franklin 
exerted  the  most  strenuous  opposition,  during  which  he  discovered, 
as  subsequent  events  have  testified,  the  most  intimate  acquaintance 
with  the  interests  and  passions  of  his  countrymen.  In  his  corres- 
pondence with  the  governor  of  Massachusetts,  on  this  subject,  not 
only  did  he  employ  all  the  leading  arguments  that  were  urged  with 
greater  diffusion  during  the  revolution,  but  predicted,  with  the  most 
unerring  precision,  all  the  fatal  consequences  that  would  result  to 
the  British  government  from  such  impolitic  pretensions. 

About  this  time  he  was  appointed,  upon  the  decease  of  the  deputy 
postmaster-general  of  America,  to  supply  his  place  in  that  office; 
an  office  hitherto  unproductive,  but  which,  by  various  improvements, 
and  by  prudence  and  dexterity  of  management,  he  rendered  a  very 
fruitful  source  of  revenue  to  the  crown.  In  this  station  he  afforded 
to  General  Braddock  the  most  substantial  aid  in  carrying  on  his 
operations  against  Fort  Du  Quesne :  not  only  by  personal  services, 
which  were  left  without  any  other  reward  than  the  thanks  and  ap- 
probation of  the  general,  but  by  contributions  of  money,  which,  by 
the  issue  of  that  wild  and  fatal  expedition,  and  the  negligence  of 
the  British  government,  were  never  repaid. 

By  the  defeat  of  Braddock,  the  whole  province  was  exposed  to 
the  inroads  of  the  barbarians  and  French,  who  extended  even  to 
the  interior  of  the  country  their  devastations  and  ravages.  Profit- 
ing by  the  occasion,  Franklin  introduced  into  the  assembly  a  bill  for 
the  establishing  and  training  a  voluntary  militia;  an  objeet,  which, 
as  he  pursued  it  with  eagerness,  and  as  the  fears  of  the  majority 
prevailed  over  their  religious  scruples,  he  was  enabled,  after  many 
exertions,   successfully  to   accomplish.     He   afterwards   raised,   at 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  415 

the  solicitation  of  the  governor,  a  small  body  of  troops,  which  he 
marched  to  the  protection  of  the  frontier;  performing  a  campaign 
which  required,  indeed,  much  labour  and  diligence,  but  which  fur- 
nished little  opportunity  for  the  acquisition  of  glory,  or  the  display 
of  military  abilities.  Having  erected  the  necessary  fortifications, 
he  was  recalled  to  a  scene  of  life  more  congenial  to  his  habits  and 
inclinations.  In  military  affairs  he  usually  pleaded  incapacity;  and 
having  been  altogether  bred  up  to  civil  pursuits,  it  is  probable  that 
the  technical  operations  of  war  had  engaged  no  considerable  share 
of  his  attention.  He  possessed,  however,  beyond  doubt,  many  of 
the  great  talents  of  a  soldier;  courage,  stratagem,  patience,  and 
activity ;  and  had  his  inclinations  led  him  to  the  profession  of  arms, 
he  had  not  served  his  country,  in  that  capacity,  without  glory. 

By  the  contentions  which  for  a  long  period  had  existed  between 
the  people  of  Pennsylvania  and  the  proprietary  government,  and 
which  the  present  exigencies  of  the  state  had  increased  to  an  un- 
usual height  of  animosity,  Franklin  was  called  to  a  more  important 
theatre  for  the  exertion  of  his  abilities ;  and  now,  for  the  first  time, 
engaged  in  those  political  competitions  and  factions  which  engrossed, 
almost  without  intermission,  the  residue  of  his  life. 

Of  the  American  colonies,  some,  from  their  origin,  had  enjoyed 
the  privilege  of  choosing  their  own  executive  and  judicial  officers; 
and  by  this  benignity  of  fortune  advanced,  without  discord  or  ob- 
struction, in  the  career  of  their  prosperity;  amongst  the  rest,  the 
executive  authority  was  either  vested  in  the  crown,  which  gave  birth 
to  many  furious  contentions,  that  often  impeded  the  most  salutary 
measures  of  the  administration;  or  finally,  was  delegated,  by  char- 
ter, to  individuals,  who  under  the  denomination  of  proprietors,  ex- 
erted this  power  by  themselves  or  deputies,  and  transmitted  it  to 
their  posterity;  which  latter  system  of  policy  proved  least  compati- 
ble with  the  happiness  of  the  people.  Thus  the  Carolinas  languished 
for  half  a  century  under  the  counsels  of  the  proprietors,  and  flourished 
only  when  relieved  from  the  influence  of  their  inauspicious  and  aris- 
tocratical  domination. 

Under  the  auspices  of  its  illustrious  founder,  this  system  of  govern- 
ment, in  Pennsylvania,  was  not  unprosperous;  but  became  too  pon- 
derous and  unwieldy  for  the  less  potent  arm  of  his  successors  to  sus- 
tain it.  The  venerable  illusions  which  had  supported  the  institu- 
tions of  Penn  were,  in  the  age  of  Franklin,  no  longer  effectual; 
men  were  now  to  be  governed  by  mere  human  authority,  and  to  be 
deceived  by  less  holy  and  innocent  expedients.     The  great  dispute 


416  BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

now  in  agitation,  was  occasioned  by  an  attempt  of  the  proprietors 
to  exonerate  their  private  estates  from  taxation,  and  their  refusing 
to  give  their  sanction,  even  in  times  of  extreme  necessity,  to  the 
appropriations  for  the  defence  of  the  province,  unless  this  immunity 
were  confirmed.  Franklin  arrayed  himself,  with  eagerness,  against 
the  pretensions  of  the  executive;  and  from  his  abilities  as  a  writer, 
and  extensive  popularity,  soon  became  their  most  formidable  anta- 
gonist. The  proprietary  faction,  sensible  of  the  weight  of  his  in- 
fluence, set  themselves  with  emulation  to  conciliate  his  favour.  All 
that  could  manifest  their  extreme  affection  for  him;  expressions  of 
civility,  protestations  of  regard,  offers  of  preferment,  with  all  the 
persuasions  of  gentle  language,  they  employed  to  propitiate  his 
good  will  or  deprecate  his  hostility.  But  Franklin,  who  of  all  men 
living,  was  least  subject  to  that  softness  of  human  nature,  which 
renders  honest  men  the  dupes  or  instruments  of  knavery,  pursued, 
without  deviation,  his  honourable  purpose. 

At  length  the  pertinacity  with  which  the  proprietors  urged  their 
pretensions,  drove  the  assembly  to  refer  their  cause  to  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  mother  country,  and  Franklin  was  appointed  to  proceed 
thither  as  advocate  of  the  province.  He  undertook  this  office  with- 
out reluctance,  embarked  upon  his  voyage  in  June,  and  arrived  in 
London  in  July,  1757. 

The  task  of  Franklin  was,  on  this  occasion,  not  only  to  enlighten 
the  ignorant  and  animate  the  indifferent,  but  to  dissipate  prejudices, 
and  to  repress  the  calumnies  of  those  who  desired  to  encroach  upon 
the  interests  of  his  clients.  In  the  execution  of  this  task,  the  con- 
sideration which  he  already  enjoyed  as  a  man  of  letters  and  science, 
by  procuring  him  the  acquaintance  of  many  powerful  individuals  of 
the  government,  afforded  him  very  important  facilities.  He  also 
made  use,  in  his  turn,  of  the  public  journals,  in  which  he  combated 
with  great  ability,  the  efforts  of  his  opponents;  representing  their 
administration  not  only  as  destructive  to  the  colonial  interests,  but 
reproachful  to  the  character  of  the  British  nation.  Finding  it, 
however,  necessary  to  descend  to  an  explication  more  minute  and 
definite  on  this  subject,  he  published,  in  1759,  the  "  Historical  Re- 
view of  Pennsylvania,"  in  which  he  traced  the  whole  policy  of  the 
proprietary  government,  through  its  progressive  stages,  up  to  his 
own  time.  This  work,  which  was  published  anonymously,  as  a 
composition  is  considered  to  be  inferior  to  the  generality  of  his 
writings;  but  notwithstanding  the  uninteresting  nature  of  the  sub- 
ject, and  the  haste  in  which  it  was  composed,  there  appeared  suffi- 


BENJAMIN    FRANK  LTN.  417 

cient  of  the  good  sense  of  Franklin,  and  of  the  sprightliness  of  Iiis 
genius,  to  draw  upon  it  the  attention  of  the  public;  and  it  is  sup- 
posed to  have  contributed  very  essentially  to  the  success  of  the  ne- 
gotiation. The  proprietary  party  at  least,  whatever  may  have  been 
the  cause,  gradually  abated  their  pretensions,  and  assented  to  such 
terms  of  accommodation  as  satisfied  the  wishes  of  the  province. 

The  turbulence  and  disorders  arising  from  these  frequent  con- 
tentions of  the  colonies  with  their  governors,  were  in  a  great  degree 
counterbalanced  by  many  beneficial  consequences.  They  created, 
amongst  the  people,  a  propensity  to  political  discussions,  taught 
them  to  reason  upon  the  principles  of  government,  upon  their  con- 
stitutional privileges  and  relations  with  the  mother  country,  and 
nourished  that  spirit  of  liberty,  which  bore  them  with  so  much  felicity 
through  the  perils  of  their  glorious  and  important  revolution. 

The  excellent  capacity  for  business  which  Franklin  discovered  in 
this  negotiation  greatly  increased  his  popularity  amongst  his  country- 
men; and  he  was  now  intrusted  with  the  additional  agencies  of 
Massachusetts,  Georgia,  and  Maryland ;  it  spread  also  his  reputa- 
tion more  extensively  through  England,  and  consequently  enlarged 
the  circle  of  his  usefulness  in  that  country.  He  formed  connexions 
with  a  great  number  of  persons  of  eminent  rank  and  influence; 
and  profiting  by  their  intimacy,  and  by  the  observations  his  situation 
enabled  him  to  make  upon  mankind;  upon  the  policy  of  states  and 
arts  of  life;  qualified  himself  to  perform,  with  distinction  and  suc- 
cess, the  many  enterprises  in  which  he  afterwards  engaged  for  the 
interest  and  glory  of  his  country. 

He  travelled;  at  this  time,  into  Scotland,  and  there,  as  in  England, 
cultivated  several  useful  acquaintances.  He  contracted  a  friendship 
with  Lord  Kaimes,  which,  notwithstanding  the  intervening  storms 
and  turbulence  of  the  revolution,  subsisted  with  intimate  familiarity 
until  the  termination  of  their  lives;  and  his  letters  to  that  distin- 
guished scholar  form  a  very  pleasing  and  instructive  portion  of  his 
published  correspondence.  He  was  now  elected,  with  special 
honours,  a  member  of  the  Royal  Society,  and  was  admitted  to  the 
highest  degrees  in  some  of  the  Scotch  and  English  universities. 

A  party,  at  this  period,  existed  in  England,  who  sought  to  draw 
oft"  the  attention  of  the  British  cabinet  from  the  war  of  Germany,  to 
the  conquest  of  the  French  possessions  in  America.  With  these, 
Franklin  united  his  endeavours;  and  possessing  a  minute  knowledge 
of  the  country;  a  species  of  knowledge,  too,  in  which  the  wisest 
statesmen  of  England  had  shown  a  shameful  deficiency ;  he  became 
43  5D 


418  BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

instrumental  in  projecting  and  carrying  into  effect  the  expedition 
against  Canada  under  General  Wolfe.  He  published,  likewise,  a 
pamphlet  to  favour  the  same  ohject,  which,  rendering  the  enterprise 
a  subject  of  more  general  attention,  had  no  inconsiderable  influence, 
we  may  reasonably  suppose,  in  the  final  acquisition  of  that  territory 
to  the  British  government. 

By  this  conquest  his  countrymen  were  not  only  relieved  from  the 
vicinity  of  a  dangerous  enemy,  which  for  half  a  century  had  occu- 
pied them  with  perpetual  wars  and  alarms;  and  procured  leisure  to 
attend  to  their  domestic  politics;  but  acquired,  during  the  warlike 
operations  of  this  contest,  a  respectable  share  of  military  discipline, 
and  a  consciousness  of  their  own  strength,  by  a  comparison  with 
the  British  troops  and  with  those  of  their  enemy;  and  if  we  admit 
also  that  a  spirit  of  revenge  for  the  loss  of  their  provinces,  prompted 
the  French  to  a  more  willing  alliance  with  the  Americans  during 
the  revolution,  we  must  regard  this  conquest  as  no  inconsiderable 
event  in  the  production  of  our  independence. 

In  the  summer  of  1762,  he  returned  to  America.  Upon  his 
arrival,  the  assembly  of  Pennsylvania  voted  him  their  thanks  for 
his  meritorious  services,  which,  as  a  more  solid  testimonial  of  their 
approbation,  they  accompanied  with  a  compensation  of  five  thousand 
pounds;  and  as  his  election  had  been  continued  during  his  absence, 
he  resumed,  without  interruption,  his  seat  in  the  house. 

In  1763,  he  travelled  into  the  northern  colonies  to  inspect  and 
regulate  the  post  offices ;  performing  a  tour  of  about  1600  miles. 
At  his  return  he  was  named  commissioner  to  raise  troops  for  the 
defence  of  the  frontier,  at  that  time  infested  by  the  incursions  of  the 
savages.  Some  insurrections,  also,  which  broke  out  in  the  interior 
of  Pennsylvania,  in  which  about  twenty  of  the  peaceful  Indians  were 
murdered  by  the  inhabitants,  and  other  acts  of  violence  threatened, 
afforded  him  much  laborious  and  ungrateful  employment.  He  wrote, 
on  this  occasion,  a  pamphlet,  which  rendering  the  proceedings  of  the 
rioters  unpopular  and  odious,  served  not  a  little  to  strengthen  the 
arm  of  the  administration,  and  restore  peace  to  an  impotent  and 
disorderly  government. 

In  the  mean  time  the  proprietary  faction,  repenting  of  the  facility 
with  which  they  had  relinquished  their  former  pretensions,  began 
to  resume  them  with  increased  importunity;  and  the  assembly 
entertaining,  at  last,  no  hope  that  they  would  abandon  privileges, 
upon  which  they  had  set  so  high  a  value,  determined  to  petition  the 
king  for  the  entire  abolition  of  their  authority.     Franklin,  by  whose 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  419 

counsels  this  measure  was  principally  recommended,  encountered  a 
violent  opposition,  and  by  the  intrigues  and  activity  of  his  adver- 
saries, was  at  length  excluded,  by  a  small  majority,  from  the 
assembly,  where  he  had  held  a  predominant  influence  during  fifteen 
years.  The  power  of  his  friends  was  nevertheless  prevalent  in  the 
house,  and  he  was  appointed,  to  the  great  regret  of  his  enemies,  to 
resume  his  agency  at  the  court  of  England. 

After  having  encountered  many  obstructions  on  the  part  of  the 
governor  and  his  adherents,  he  set  sail  from  America  in  November, 
1764,  and  in  the  following  month  arrived,  for  the  third  time,  in 
England;  where  the  many  friends,  whom  his  former  visits  to  that 
country  had  procured  him,  greeted  his  return  with  an  affectionate 
welcome.  After  a  year's  residence  in  London,  profiting  by  a  sus- 
pension in  his  political  business,  he  made  an  excursion  into  Holland 
and  Germany,  and  in  the  year  following  to  Paris  :  in  which  countries, 
even  during  this  rapid  perambulation,  he  formed  many  useful  and 
illustrious  acquaintances.  In  the  latter  place,  especially,  where  a 
knowledge  of  his  reputation  was  already  extensively  circulated,  he 
was  received  with  marks  of  unusual  distinction. 

The  famous  project  which  the  British  ministers  had  formed  of 
taxing  their  colonies,  had  been  communicated  by  their  agents  to 
the  provincial  assembly  in  1764,  some  time  before  the  departure  of 
Franklin  from  America;  against  this  measure  he  was  amongst  the 
first  and  most  ardent  in  proclaiming  his  opposition;  and  being  at 
this  time  high  in  reputation,  his  influence,  we  may  reasonably  sup- 
pose, was  not  ineffectual  in  diffusing  the  same  sentiments  amongst 
his  countrymen.  On  his  arrival  in  England,  he  presented  a  petition 
against  the  projects  of  the  ministry,  of  which  he  had  himself  been  the 
principal  instigator,  from  the  Pennsylvania  assembly;  and  whatever 
additional  opportunities  his  situation  afforded  him,  he  employed 
with  the  utmost  zeal  and  industry,  to  obstruct  the  further  progress 
of  this  law,  from  which  he  anticipated  so  many  unhappy  and  fatal 
consequences. 

And  when  the  malignant  influence  of  the  ministry  had  carried 
their  stamp  act  into  effect,  his  exertions  were  not  intermitted  ;  but 
uniting  with  the  minority,  he  interposed  his  utmost  endeavours 
against  it  ;  first  to  obviate  evil  consequences,  and  finally  to  procure 
the  abrogation  of  that  noxious  statute ;  and  though  his  efforts  were 
insufficient  to  arrest  the  headlong  torrent  by  which  he  was  opposed, 
they  were  at  least  not  ineffectual  in  diminishing  its  destructive  force 
and  rapidity. 


420  BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

During  the  violent  altercations  which  arose  upon  the  merits  of 
this  suhject  in  parliament,  it  was  proposed  by  the  party  in  opposi- 
tion, in  order  to  obtain  more  ample  and  authentic  information  con- 
cerning the  interests  and  feelings  of  the  Americans,  that  Franklin 
should  be  interrogated  publicly  before  the  house  of  commons.  Ac- 
cordingly on  the  third  of  February,  1766,  he  was  summoned  to 
attend  the  house  for  that  purpose ;  an  order  which,  as  it  afforded 
him  a  splendid  opportunity  of  favouring  the  designs  of  the  opposi- 
tion and  the  interests  of  his  country,  he  promptly  and  cheerfully 
obeyed;  and  to  this  expedient  the  advocates  of  the  repeal  were  not 
a  little  indebted  for  the  success  of  their  exertions.  Franklin,  inde- 
pendent of  the  weight  of  his  pre-established  reputation  upon  public 
opinion,  possessed,  in  a  very  eminent  degree,  all  those  natural  en- 
dowments and  acquired  abilities,  which,  in  such  a  conjuncture,  would 
render  his  co-operation  honourable  and  effectual ;  besides  a  dignity 
of  appearance,  a  prompt  and  sagacious  understanding,  and  a  mind 
equally  unmoved  by  the  illusions,  and  undismayed  by  the  insolence 
of  power,  he  had,  by  the  occupations  of  his  life,  acquired  concerning 
the  politics  both  of  America  and  England,  all  that  minute  and  ex- 
tensive knowledge,  which  was  especially  requisite  to  the  illustration 
of  the  subject  in  agitation. 

He  contrived,  in  concert  with  his  friends  in  the  house,  to  introduce 
upon  this  occasion,  nearly  all  the  important  topics  of  the  contro- 
versy;  which  he  treated  with  a  solidity  and  acuteness  of  reasoning, 
a  diffusion  of  knowledge  and  dignity  of  manner,  that  not  only  ex- 
torted the  commendations  of  his  enemies,  but  exceeded  even  what 
his  friends,  in  their  highest  admiration,  had  conceived  of  his  genius 
and  abilities. 

The  whole  of  this  examination,  being  published,  was  read  with 
the  greatest  avidity  both  in  America  and  England.  In  America  it 
produced  in  his  favour  the  liveliest  emotions  of  gratitude;  and  in 
both  countries  added  greatly  to  the  lustre  of  his  reputation. 

In  the  part,  however,  which  he  took  in  the  first  stages  of  this  con- 
tention, it  is  apparent  from  the  general  tenor  of  his  politics,  that  he 
entertained  no  further  design  than  that  of  vindicating  the  constitu- 
tional liberties  of  his  country;  and  that  no  ambition  of  her  indepen- 
dence had  at  this  time  entered  his  imagination.  He  endeavoured, 
therefore,  with  the  utmost  zeal  and  sincerity,  to  effect  an  accommo- 
dation, and  employed  during  his  examination,  and  in  all  his  writings 
and  conversations,  every  argument  which  he  supposed  would  tend 
to  accomplish  that  honourable  purpose. 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  4'21 

When  the  repeal  of  the  stamp  act  was  accomplished,  he  continued 
still  his  endeavours  to  extinguish  the  angry  passions  which  had  been 
kindled  by  the  operation  of  that  law,  and  to  obtain  from  the  parlia- 
ment a  still  further  abatement  of  their  injurious  and  offensive  regu- 
lations. Various  circumstances,  however,  concurred  in  rendering 
this,  as  well  as  all  succeeding  efforts  of  the  same  nature,  unsuc- 
cessful. « 

The  resolutions  of  the  town  of  Boston,  published  early  the  next 
year  against  the  importation  of  foreign  merchandise,  affecting  the 
interests  of  trade  in  England,  and  being  devised  in  opposition  to 
the  commercial  system  of  the  parliament,  excited  an  immoderate 
clamour,  and  revived  the  badly  extinguished  animosities,  in  both 
countries  ;  for  the  enemies  of  the  late  repeal  not  only  resumed, 
under  the  favour  of  this  and  other  circumstances,  their  authority  in 
the  nation,  but  soon  extended  their  pretensions  beyond  their  former 
bounds  ;  and  representing  the  Americans  as  ungovernable  and  re- 
bellious, growing  more  insolent  and  refractory  by  indulgences,  were 
now  resolved  to  exercise  no  further  measures  of  lenity  and  conde- 
scension towards  them. 

Although  the  encouragement  of  useful  manufactures  was  a  fa- 
vourite policy  of  Franklin,  with  regard  to  America,  having  a  tendency 
to  preserve  his  country  from  the  corrupting  effects  of  foreign  luxuries, 
and  to  lessen  her  dependence,  he  nevertheless  observed  the  resolu- 
tions of  the  Bostonians,  in  this  critical  juncture,  with  concern;  and 
at  the  same  time  that  he  approved  their  spirit,  he  considered  the 
measure  untimely,  and  tending  only  to  defeat  those  designs  which  a 
more  gradual  and  gentle  progress  might  have  brought  to  a  happy 
issue.  Endeavouring,  however,  to  draw  the  best  consequences  from 
a  policy  he  did  not  approve,  he  became,  in  England,  its  strenuous 
vindicator,  and  by  exhibiting  the  grievances  upon  which  it  was 
founded,  strove  to  counteract  the  hostility  which  his  adversaries  were 
labouring  to  excite  against  it. 

But  the  ministry,  from  the  general  strain  of  his  writings  and  con- 
versations upon  this  subject,  perceived  that  he  was  becoming,  as 
they  expressed  it,  "  rather  too  much  of  an  American  ;"  and  know- 
ing how  considerable  an  influence  he  must  necessarily  exercise  over 
the  politics  of  the  colonies,  they  had  recourse  to  flatteries  and  cor- 
ruption in  order  to  bias  his  inclinations,  and  to  enlist,  if  possible, 
his  services  in  favour  of  the  ministerial  party.  Several  individuals 
of  high  rank  in  the  government  began  to  oxpress  an  extreme  soli- 
citude for  his  welfare;  and  spoke  with  the  warmest  protestations  of 
2d  2 


422  BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

friendship,  of  the  offices  which  they  had  designed  to  confer  upon 
him  should  he  be  pleased  to  remain  in  England.  It  was  rumored 
that  he  was  to  be  made  secretary  of  state  for  the  colonies.  The 
Duke  of  Grafton  observed  "that  it  should  not  be  his  fault  if  Frank- 
lin was  not  provided  for:"  and  Lord  North,  too,  "hoped  that  he 
should  find  some  means  to  make  it  worth  his  while  to  stay."  A  few 
oblique  threats  were  at  the  same  time  added  by  others,  to  give  greater 
force  to  these  persuasive  insinuations ;  and  a  resolve  was  even  moved 
by  Lord  Sandwich,  to  deprive  him  of  the  office  he  then  held,  of  de- 
puty postmaster-general. 

These  arts  were  met  by  Franklin  with  the  language  and  conduct 
of  a  skilful  politician.  Whilst,  on  the  one  hand,  he  avoided  any 
expression  which  might  compromise  his  honour  and  reputation  with 
regard  to  his  native  country,  he  did  not,  on  the  other  hand,  discourage 
any  hopes  which  these  gentlemen  might  be  pleased  to  entertain  of 
his  facility  or  compliance  with  their  wishes. 

His  situation  was  one  which  required  much  political  address  ;  for, 
to  preserve  the  opportunity  of  serving  his  constituents  with  effect, 
by  maintaining  a  familiar  intercourse  with  the  members  of  govern- 
ment, while  in  England,  it  was  necessary  that  he  should  appear,  at 
least,  the  common  friend  of  both  countries;  a  policy  which  required 
a  more  gentle  strain  of  complaisance  and  moderation,  than  corres- 
ponded at  that  time  with  the  violent  passions  of  his  countrymen  ; 
and  which  exposed  him  sometimes  to  suspicions  of  coldness  or  in- 
fidelity to  their  interests.  He  continued,  however,  under  this  pacific 
character,  conscious  that  the  final  determination  of  the  public  would 
be  in  his  favour,  to  vindicate  the  liberty  and  honour  of  his  country. 

His  answers,  in  1769,  to  Mr.  Strahan,  to  a  series  of  questions 
which  were  proposed,  it  is  said,  by  the  instigation  of  the  ministry, 
are  among  the  circumstances  of  this  period  which  deserve  to  be 
mentioned  to  his  credit.  All  the  grievances  of  which  the  colonies 
complained,  with  the  regulations  which  they  deemed  essential  to  the 
security  of  their  liberties,  are  detailed  in  these  answers,  with  great 
pregnancy  of  reason  and  sentiment,  and  the  consequences  of  the 
ministerial  proceedings  foretold,  at  their  conclusion,  with  a  precision 
of  foresight  which  is  not  a  little  remarkable. 

Although,  to  serve  more  effectually  the  interests  of  his  country, 
he  still  kept  up  these  discussions,  and  maintained  some  appearance 
of  impartiality,  it  is  sufficiently  manifest,  from  the  condition  of  af- 
fairs at  this  period,  that  he  could  have  entertained  but  a  faint  hope 
of  any  amicable  accommodation. 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  423 

When  the  formation  of  a  general  congress  was  proposed,  he  was 
among  the  most  active  in  advising  that  measure;  believing  that  the 
appearance  of  such  a  national  confederacy,  would  give  to  their  cause 
a  greater  confidence  amongst  foreign  nations,  and  if  obliged  at  last 
to  take  up  arms  in  defence  of  their  liberties,  would  enable  them  to 
carry  on  their  operations  with  a  greater  concert  and  probability  of 
success. 

The  discovery  and  publication  of  Oliver  Hutchinson's  letters, 
which  occurred  about  this  period,  (1772,)  though  highly  honourable 
to  the  memory  of  Franklin,  were  attended  by  a  variety  of  circum- 
stances, which  exposed  him  to  the  censure  and  malignity  of  his 
enemies.  These  letters  of  the  governor  of  Massachusetts  and  his 
deputy,  being  studiously  circulated  in  England,  were  at  length,  by 
some  person,  wishing  to  employ  his  good  offices  towards  both  coun- 
tries, conveyed  to  Franklin;  and  as  they  contained  many  injurious 
representations  of  the  colonies,  not  only  justifying  the  acts  of  vio- 
lence which  had  already  been  exercised  by  the  ministry,  but  advising 
a  continuation  of  the  same  measures;  considering  it  an  obligation 
of  his  office,  as  agent  of  the  colony,  he  transmitted  them  immedi- 
ately to  his  constituents;  hoping  thus  to  transfer  from  the  principal 
parties,  their  resentment  against  these  intermediate  instruments 
whose  intrigues  had  fomented  and  aggravated  the  existing  dis- 
sensions. 

On  the  reception  of  these  letters  in  America,  a  petition  was  im- 
mediately transmitted  by  the  assembly  of  Massachusetts,  praying 
from  the  crown  a  speedy  removal  and  punishment  of  such  danger- 
ous and  unworthy  counsellors. 

The  manner  by  which  the  letters  were  discovered,  for  obvious  and 
justifiable  motives,  Franklin  had  originally  concealed;  but  learning 
that  the  suspicion  had  fallen  upon  an  innocent  individual,  who  on 
that  account  had  been  implicated  in  a  duel,  he  immediately  pub- 
lished, as  far  as  permitted,  his  share  of  the  transaction;  causing  a 
paragraph  for  that  purpose  to  be  inserted  in  the  public  journals. 
He  was  not  indeed  ignorant  that,  by  leaving  the  name  of  the  per- 
son who  had  originally  conveyed  him  the  papers,  according  to  his 
plighted  faith,  in  obscurity,  he  exposed  himself  to  the  malicious 
imputations  of  his  enemies.  He  performed  the  task,  however,  with- 
out hesitation;  suffering  no  considerations  of  this  nature  to  prevail 
over  what  he  conceived  to  be  for  his  own  honour  and  the  interests 
of  his  country. 

At  the  meeting  of  parliament,  the  petition  which  he  had  received 


424  B'ENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

from  the  assembly,  he  presented  to  the  ministry;  expressing  his 
desire  that  an  occasion  so  favourable  should  not  be  unimproved,  of 
appeasing  those  dissatisfactions  which  had  been  so  mischievously 
fomented  between  England  and  her  colonies.  But  the  ministers, 
more  intent  upon  personal  interest  than  upon  measures  of  policy, 
which  might  promote  the  honour  and  advantage  of  their  country, 
had  resolved  to  make  use  of  this  convenient  opportunity,  of  exciting 
a  clamour  against  the  Americans,  and  of  bringing  into  disreputa- 
tion their  importunate  agent;  knowing  that  any  story  to  his  disad- 
vantage would  easily  find  credit  amongst  the  zealots  of  their  party. 
The  petition  was,  therefore,  set  aside  for  several  months,  and  in  the 
mean  time  many  insidious  slanders  were,  by  their  malicious  indus- 
try, put  in  circulation  against  him.  And  although  these  very  men 
were  at  this  time  in  possession  of  the  most  important  correspon- 
dence of  Franklin,  transmitted  by  their  secret  agents  from  America, 
the  promulgation  of  these  letters  of  Hutchinson  they  represented  as 
a  most  treacherous  and  disgraceful  transaction ;  and  the  press  was 
employed  to  emblazon  the  story  and  proclaim  its  infamy  to  the 
whole  world.  Trusting,  however,  that  the  general  tenor  of  his 
actions  would,  in  the  end,  prove  a  sufficient  apology  for  his  conduct, 
he  made  no  direct  refutation  of  their  slander;  but  continued,  with- 
out any  reference  to  personal  abuse,  to  exert  his  ability  in  defend- 
ing the  interests  of  his  country,  and  in  obstructing,  in  his  usual 
manner,  the  measures  of  the  administration.  Of  the  political  essays 
which  he  published  at  this  time,  several  pieces,  from  the  excellent 
wit  and  sarcasm  with  which  they  abound,  are  yet  read  with  interest, 
and  have  been  preserved  in  the  various  compilations  of  his  writings. 
The  merits  of  the  petition  came,  at  length,  to  be  discussed  on  the 
twentieth  of  January,  1774,  before  the  privy  council,  and  Franklin, 
as  agent  of  the  colony,  was  ordered  to  appear  before  that  assembly. 
Here,  his  enemies,  to  gratify  their  ungenerous  animosity,  designed 
to  consummate  the  many  acts  by  which  they  had  attempted  to  blast 
his  reputation,  by  a  personal  and  public  insult.  They  were  attended 
by  a  large  concourse  of  spectators,  who  had  been  invited  to  partake 
of  the  edifying  spectacle;  and  a  Mr.  Wedderburne,  a  gentleman  who 
appears  to  have  been,  both  by  natural  endowments  and  acquired 
abilities,  well  qualified  for  such  an  office,  was  appointed  to  act  as 
counsel  for  the  governor  and  his  accomplices.  He  had  become,  by 
long  experience  in  forensic  litigation,  extremely  expert  in  the  dialect 
of  scurrility,  and  had  surmounted  all  that  sense  of  shame  which  re- 
strains men  of  honour  within  the  limits  of  propriety  and  decency. 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  425 

The  orator  lost  no  time  in  arguments  for  his  nominal  clients,  but 
turning-  at  once  upon  Franklin,  who  sat  in  unsuspecting  security, 
poured  upon  him  the  full  torrent  of  his  vulgar  and  abusive  rhetoric. 
A  coward,  a  murderer,  a  thief,  arc  a  few  of  the  terms  which  he 
employed  upon  him.  And  these  gentle  appellations,  he  so  seasoned 
with  sallies  of  wit  and  sarcasm,  as  excited  universal  amusement, 
and  kept  every  visage  of  this  grave  assembly  in  a  state  of  perpetual 
irrision.  The  president  on  one  occasion  laughed  aloud;  and  the 
contagious  joy  spreading  through  the  multitude,  the  whole  scene  was 
concluded,  it  is  said,  with  great  acclamation  and  obstreperous  mer- 
riment. It  is  recorded,  indeed,  to  the  great  honour  of  Lord  North, 
that  he  alone  expressed  no  approbation  of  these  proceedings;  which 
may  be  remarked  as  not  the  least  powerful  evidence  of  their  ex- 
treme indecency  and  impropriety. 

Franklin,  during  the  whole  of  this  outrage,  looked  on  with  an 
unaltered  countenance;  suffering  neither  the  obloquy  of  Wedder- 
burne,  nor  the  sneers  of  the  illustrious  audience,  by  any  apparent 
symptoms,  to  molest  his  tranquillity;  so  that  not  only  his  enemies 
were  disappointed  in  their  anticipated  victory,  but,  by  throwing  a 
new  lustre  upon  his  virtues,  contributed  essentially  to  extend  his 
reputation.  There  are  few  incidents  that,  in  the  lives  of  great  men, 
convey  a  more  exalted  opinion  of  their  superiority,  or  inspire  a  more 
lasting  veneration  for  their  characters,  than  that  of  supporting  the 
insults  of  power  with  dignity  and  composure.  To  the  friends  who 
came  to  salute  him,  at  the  conclusion  of  this  adventure,  he  expressed 
only  his  surprise,  that  in  the  supreme  council  of  a  nation,  once  so 
reputed  for  wisdom  and  generosity,  there  should  be  entertained  so 
vulgar  a  sense  of  propriety  and  decorum. 

The  whole  of  this  transaction,  when  we  reflect  upon  the  various 
circumstances  which  attended  it,  and  especially  upon  the  venerable 
age  of  the  man  who  was  the  object  of  such  opprobrious  treatment, 
and  upon  the  numerous  benefits  which  his  virtues  and  genius  had 
conferred  upon  mankind,  cannot  be  sufficiently  detested. 

The  animosity  of  his  enemies  was,  however,  not  yet  appeased. 
To  gratify  still  further  their  illiberal  malice,  they  removed  him  from 
the  office,  which  he  had  a  long  time  filled  with  honour  and  abilities, 
of  deputy  postmaster-general ;  they  interrupted  the  payment  of  his 
salary,  which  he  had  heretofore  .received  in  England,  as  agent  of 
the  colonies;  and  finally,  they  instituted  against  him  a  suit  in  chan- 
cery concerning  the  above-mentioned  letters  of  Hutchinson ;  which 
latter  expedient  they  contrived,  it  is  said,  to  prevent  any  discussion 
44 


426  BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

he  might  be  disposed  to  attempt  in  relation  to  that  subject.  This 
was,  however,  a  nugatory  precaution;  for  of  these  personal  injuries 
lie  had  resolved  to  make  no  account;  sensible  that  the  universal 
reproach  which  they  had  incurred  by  their  indecent  management  of 
the  whole  business,  would  afford  him,  in  the  minds  of  all  reasonable 
men,  a  sufficient  vindication.  But  the  events  of  this  period,  though 
he  thought  proper  to  dissemble  his  resentment  against  their  authors 
and  contrivers,  it  is  evident,  from  the  tenor  of  his  future  conduct, 
made  a  deep  and  lasting  impression  upon  his  feelings.  During  the 
remainder  of  his  residence  in  England,  he  absented  himself  from 
the  ministerial  levees;  and  wrote  on  his  passage  to  America,  a 
minute  and  circumstantial  detail  of  these  transactions,  which  has 
been  introduced  by  his  grandson  in  continuation  of  his  Memoirs. 

The  friends  of  Franklin,  ashamed  of  the  ill  usage  he  had  received, 
and  sensible  how  inappropriate  it  was  to  his  age,  merits,  and  cha- 
racter, now  treated  him  with  increased  attention  and  civility.  Even 
his  enemies,  perceiving  that  their  ungenerous  persecutions  had  turn- 
ed the  public  favour  on  his  side;  in  alleviation  of  the  dishonour  they 
had  incurred,  made  advances  of  politeness  towards  him :  and  very 
few,  however  rancorous  the  antipathy  they  bore  him,  were  willing 
to  acknowledge  any  concurrence  in  a  transaction,  which  had  proved 
so  dishonourable  to  the  authors  of  it.  Conscious  of  the  great  influ- 
ence which  Franklin  maintained  over  the  measures  and  counsels  of 
the  colonies,  they  set  themselves  to  court  his  favour.  A  communi- 
cation was  sought  for  this  purpose  through  the  medium  of  common 
friends;  to  which,  as  it  afforded  him  an  opportunity  of  discovering 
their  pretensions,  and  of  urging  the  rights  of  his  countrymen,  be 
willingly  acceded.  Many  conferences  were  held,  and  many  weeks 
of  continual  and  laborious  application,  spent  in  discussing  the  in- 
terests of  each  party,  and  in  drawing  up  such  a  plan  of  conciliation, 
to  be  presented  to  the  ministry,  as  it  was  supposed  would  prove 
acceptable  to  their  wishes,  and  if  not  accomplish  an  immediate  re- 
conciliation, tend  to  soften  at  least  the  animosities  of  both  countries, 
which  the  rancour  of  controversy  had  now  so  greatly  inflamed. 

The  persons  employed  on  this  occasion  were  very  judiciously  se- 
lected ;  Mr.  Berkley,  Dr.  Fothergill,  Governor  Pownal,  Lord  Hyde, 
and  Lord  Howe ;  men  of  moderate  politics,  and  with  all  parties,  of 
the  highest  estimation  and  authority.  The  house  of  Mrs.  Howe, 
sister  to  the  latter  nobleman,  and  a  lady,  according  to  the  account 
of  Franklin,  of  uncommon  merit  and  accomplishments,  was  the 
place  of  their  meetings  ;  she  courted  the  visits  of  Franklin  by  an  in- 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  437 

vitation  to  chess,  a  game  for  which  she  heard  of  his  partiality  ;  during 
which,  she  commended  his  skill  and  entertained  him  with  very  inti- 
mate discourses  upon  science,  politics  and  philosophy.  Her  brother 
then,  and  his  colleagues,  conducted  their  plans  with  much  ingenuity. 
The  doctor  declaimed  pathetically  of  civil  wars,  and  of  the  efforts 
and  sacrifices  that  ought  to  be  made  to  obviate  their  calamities. 
Lord  Howe,  especially,  expressed,  for  the  abilities  of  Franklin,  the 
greatest  deference,  and  desired  that  he  would  accompany  him  as 
his  secretary,  or  as  a  friend  and  counsellor,  to  America,  where  he 
was  about  to  proceed  under  commission  of  the  administration ;  as- 
suring him  that  he  might  expect  the  most  generous  and  ample  em- 
ployments, should  an  accommodation  be  effected  by  their  mutual 
exertions,  suitable  to  the  dignity  of  the  British  government.  He 
offered,  likewise,  to  procure  him  the  immediate  payment  of  his 
salary,  which  had  been  suspended,  and  begged  that  the  ministry 
might  be  allowed  the  present  opportunity  of  testifying  their  favour- 
able dispositions  towards  him.  The  same  magnificent  promises 
were  reiterated,  in  an  interview  with  Lord  Hyde,  who  assured  him 
that,  by  co-operating  with  the  ministers,  he  would  not  only  be  ho- 
noured in  England,  but  "rewarded  perhaps  beyond  his  expecta- 
tion." These  arts  were  extremely  plausible,  and  the  more  danger- 
ous, as  they  were  disguised  under  the  mask  of  benevolence  and 
friendship.  But  Franklin  had  now  grown  old  and  wise  in  the  know- 
ledge of  mankind,  and  was  no  longer  plastic  under  the  hands  of 
knavery. 

To  the  overtures  of  these  noblemen,  he  made,  however,  such  re- 
plies as  corresponded  to  the  occasion  ;  as  were  required  by  his  own 
dignity  and  the  relations  he  bore  towards  them.  One  of  the  ruling 
maxims  of  his  life,  was  to  live,  as  far  as  possible,  in  good  terms 
with  the  world,  and  by  honourable  condescensions  and  mildness, 
rather  to  diminish  the  number  of  his  enemies,  than  aggravate  their 
animosity,  by  any  display  of  passion  or  reciprocation  of  injuries.  To 
Mr.  Berkley,  however,  with  whom  he  had  lived  on  terms  of  intimacy, 
and  could  use  an  unceremonious  discourse,  who  likewise  importuned 
him  with  the  same  topics  of  pensions,  places  and  emoluments,  he 
replied,  that  the  ministry,  in  his  opinion,  would  give  him  a  place  in 
a  cart  to  Tyburn,  rather  than  any  other  at  their  disposal. 

The  arguments  and  sentiments  used  during  this  conference,  have 
been  detailed  by  Franklin  in  his  Memoirs  ;  and  as  regards  either 
capacity  or  patriotism,  are  highly  honourable  to  his  memory.  He 
drew  up,  at  the  request  of  the  ministerial  agents,  a  project  in  writing, 


428  BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

in  which  he  comprehended  all  the  essential  injuries  of  which  the 
Americans  complained,  and  the  principles  upon  which  alone  an  ac- 
commodation could  be  effected  ;  introducing  such  reflections  and 
Llustrations  as  were  required  by  the  interests  of  the  discussion. 

These  negotiations,  which  had  been  prolonged  by  both  parties, 
perhaps  with  no  further  design  than  that  of  discovering  the  extent 
of  each  other's  pretensions,  were  at  length  ended,  by  the  arrival 
from  America,  of  the  transactions  of  the  first  congress;  which  caused 
much  excitement  in  England,  and  now  furnished  new  subjects  of 
debate  and  speculation. 

On  the  first  of  January,  1775,  Lord  Chatham  introduced  into  the 
house  of  lords,  his  celebrated  plan  of  conciliation,  on  the  subject 
of  which  he  had  sought  with  Franklin  frequent  and  public  inter- 
views. He  professed  great  esteem  for  his  character,  and,  in  the 
affairs  of  America,  the  highest  deference  for  his  advice  and  opinions. 
"  I  pay  you  these  visits,"  said  he,  "that  I  may  rectify  my  judgment 
by  yours,  as  men  do  their  watches  by  a  regulator." 

Lord  Chatham,  having  explained  and  supported  his  motion,  was 
followed  in  reply  by  Lord  Sandwich;  who,  in  the  course  of  a  very 
passionate  harangue,  declared  that  this  motion  of  Chatham's  was 
disgraceful  to  his  name,  and  should  be  rejected  with  contempt;  that 
he  did  not  believe  it  to  be  the  production  of  any  British  peer;  and 
added,  turning  towards  Franklin,  who  leaned  upon  the  bar,  "I  fancy 
I  have  in  my  eye  the  person  who  drew  it  up  :  one  of  the  bitterest 
and  most  mischievous  enemies  that  this  country  has  ever  known." 
Under  this  allusion,  so  severe  and  offensive,  although  it  drew  upon 
him  the  observation  of  the  whole  assembly,  Franklin  remained,  as 
if  unconscious  of  the  application,  with  a  composed  and  unaverted 
aspect ;  or  to  use  his  own  expression  in  relating  this  story,  "  as  if  his 
countenance  had  been  made  of  wood."  Chatham  replied  that  were 
he  the  first  minister  of  the  country,  he  should  not  be  ashamed  to 
call  publicly  to  his  assistance,  a  person  so  eminently  acquainted  with 
American  affairs,  as  the  gentleman  alluded  to,  and  so  ungenerously 
reflected  on;  "one,"  he  added,  "  whom  all  Europe  holds  in  the 
highest  estimation,  for  his  knowledge  and  wisdom ;  whom  she  ranks 
with  her  Boyles  and  her  Newtons  ;  who  is  an  honour,  not  to  the 
English  nation  only,  but  to  human  nature." 

Franklin  now  perceived  that  the  contention  had  reached  to  a  crisis 
when  his  presence  was  no  longer  necessary  in  England ;  and  that 
the  government  had  resolved  to  prosecute  their  measures  of  violence, 
against  the  colonies,  to  the  last  extremity.    He  prepared,  therefore, 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  439 

for  his  return  to  America,  that  lie  might  aid  his  countrymen  by  his 
counsels,  in  the  prosecution  of  the  war  which  he  saw  approaching. 
Other  circumstances  also  occurred  which  tended  to  hasten  his  de- 
parture :  he  received  intelligence  about  this  time,  that  his  residence 
in  England  was  no  longer  secure;  that  the  ministers  were  preparing 
his  arrest,  either  that  they  might  detain  him  in  captivity,  or  inflict 
an  exemplary  punishment  upon  him  as  the  promoter  of  rebellion  : 
nor  had  he  great  reason  to  suppose  that  they,  who  had  so  grossly 
outraged  the  principles  of  generosity  towards  him,  in  gratifying  their 
malevolence,  would  feel  a  very  scrupulous  regard  for  the  sacredncss 
or  formalities  of  justice. 

On  his  voyage  homewards,  to  relieve  his  mind  from  the  fatigues 
of  business,  he  employed  himself  in  philosophical  speculations,  and 
made  some  of  those  ingenious  experiments  which  are  found  among 
his  writings,  on  the  waters  of  the  ocean.  Ho  wrote,  also,  a  circum- 
stantial detail  of  the  whole  of  his  public  operations  during  his  ab- 
sence. 

This  portion  of  his  history  should  not  be  concluded  without  adding 
to  it,  the  following  remarks  of  Dr.  Priestley.  "  It  is  probable,"  says 
he  in  his  Memoirs,  "that  no  man  now  living  was  better  acquainted 
with  Dr.  Franklin  and  his  sentiments,  on  all  subjects  of  importance, 
than  myself,  for  several  years  of  the  American  war.  He  took  every 
method  in  his  power  to  prevent  a  rupture  between  the  colonies  and 
the  mother  country.  He  dreaded  the  war,  and  often  said,  that  if 
the  differences  should  come  to  an  open  rupture,  it  would  be  a  war 
of  ten  years.  That  the  issue  would  be  favourable  to  America,  he 
never  doubted.  The  English,  he  used  to  say,  may  take  all  our  great 
towns,  but  that  will  not  give  them  possession  of  the  country.  By 
many  persons,  Franklin  was  considered  as  so  callous,  that  the  pros- 
pect of  all  the  horrors  of  a  civil  war  would  not  affect  him:  this  was 
far  from  being  the  case.  A  great  part  of  the  last  day  that  he  passed 
in  England,  we  spent  alone  together.  He  was  looking  over  a  num- 
ber of  American  newspapers,  directing  me  what  to  extract  for  the 
English  ones  ;  and  in  reading  them,  he  was  frequently  not  able  to 
proceed  for  the  tears  literally  running  down  his  checks.  To  stran- 
gers he  appeared  cold  and  reserved;  but  where  he  was  intimate, 
no  man  indulged  more  in  pleasantry  and  good  humour.  By  this, 
he  was  the  delight  of  a  club  to  which  he  alludes  in  one  of  his  letters 
to  me,  called  the  Whig  Club,  of  which  Dr.  Price,  Dr.  Kippis,  and 
others  of  the  same  stamp,  were  members." 

He  arrived  in  the  beginning  of  May,  1775,  in  Philadelphia,  and 
2E 


430  BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

was  received  with  all  those  marks  of  esteem  and  affection,  which 
his  eminent  services  merited.  His  zealous  exertions  for  the  welfare 
of  his  country,  which  had^  already  drawn  upon  him  the  warmest  a]) 
plauses,  now  opened  his  way  to  the  highest  honours  of  the  state. 
Immediately  on  his  arrival,  he  was  elected  by  the  legislature  a  de- 
legate to  the  general  congress ;  to  which  he  added,  in  the  opinions 
of  all  men,  a  new  lustre  and  authority;  and  although  advanced  be- 
yond the  vigour  of  life,  he  shared  in  its  most  important  toils  with 
incessant  activity.  He  was  the  chief  instrument  in  procuring  the 
issue  of  the  paper  money  employed  in  the  expenses  of  the  war;  he 
projected  a  chevaux  de  frize  for  the  protection  of  Philadelphia,  then 
the  residence  of  congress  ;  and  by  that  body  was  sent  on  a  mission 
to  Canada  to  solicit  the  co-operation  of  that  province  with  the  gene- 
ral confederacy.  With  these  labours,  he  managed  also  the  duties 
of  the  general  post-office,  at  the  head  of  which  he  had  been  placed 
by  congress;  and  finally,  in  procuring  the  Declaration  of  Indepen- 
dence, he  contributed  his  endeavours  with  the  utmost  zeal  and  ap- 
plication; nor  can  we  ascribe  to  his  authority  and  exertions  a  small 
share  in  the  accomplishment  of  that  auspicious  and  glorious  resolu- 
tion ;  for  besides  the  general  influence  of  his  reputation  and  abilities, 
the  intimate  intelligence,  which  a  clear  inspection  of  the  designs  of 
the  British  cabinet  was  supposed  to  have  procured  him,  caused  his 
opinions  and  arguments  to  be  relied  on,  in  the  discussion  of  the 
measure,  with  much  favour  and  condescension. 

Amongst  the  inhabitants  of  the  colonies,  there  were  many  who, 
though  passionately  devoted  to  the  cause  of  liberty,  fearing  that 
their  strength  might  prove  insufficient  to  achieve  and  maintain  their 
independence,  were  yet  irresolute;  and  some  who  believed  that 
their  grievances,  though  violent,  were  not  sufficiently  aggravated  to 
authorize  a  general  rebellion,  and  who  still  entertained  a  hope  that 
some  amicable  composition  of  their  differences  might  yet  be  effected. 
Franklin,  whose  experience  had  forced  him  into  the  conviction  that 
the  quarrel  must  now  proceed  to  extremities,  endeavoured  early  to 
dissipate  these  delusive  and  dangerous  opinions.  On  the  other 
hand,  he  strove,  in  the  various  letters  which  at  this  time  he  wrote 
to  England,  to  impress  the  belief,  not  very  common  with  their  best 
friends  in  that  country,  of  the  unanimity  of  the  colonies,  and  their 
resolution  of  resorting  to  arms  in  defence  of  their  violated  liberties. 
By  the  following  extract  of  a  letter  to  Dr.  Priestley,  we  shall  see 
the  general  strain  of  his  correspondence:  "Britain,  I  conclude,  has 
lost  her  colonies  for  ever.     She  is  now  giving  us  such  a  miserable; 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  131 

specimen  of  her  government,  that  we  shall  ever  detest  and  avoid  it 
as  a  complication  of  robbery,  murder  and  pestilence.  If  you  flatter 
yourself  with  beating  us  into  submission,  you  know  neither  the 
people  nor  the  country.  You  will  have  heard  before  this  reaches 
you,  of  the  defeat  of  your  troops,  by  the  country  people  of  Lexing- 
ton; of  the  action  of  Bunker's  Hill,  <fcc.  Britain,  at  the  expense 
of  three  millions,  has  killed  one  hundred  and  fifty  Yankees,  this 
campaign.  During  the  same  time,  sixty  thousand  children  have 
been  born.  From  these  data  the  mathematical  head  of  our  dear 
good  friend  Dr.  Price  will  easily  calculate  the  time  and  expense 
that  may  be  necessary  to  kill  us  all.  Tell  him,  as  he  has  sometimes 
doubts  and  despondencies  about  our  firmness,  that  America  is  de- 
termined and  unanimous." 

No  sooner  had  the  English  troops  landed  upon  the  territory  of  the 
colonies,  than,  as  if  exempted  from  all  the  ordinary  restraints  of 
humanity,  or  believing  that  any  mercy  shown  to  its  criminal  and 
rebellious  inhabitants  would  derogate  from  the  dignity  of  their 
sovereign,  they  set  themselves  with  emulation  to  ravage  and  plunder 
it;  and  not  satiated  with  the  blood  they  had  shed  upon  the  field  of 
battle,  exercised  against  the  miserable  prisoners  who  fell  into  their 
hands,  the  most  licentious  and  barbarous  ferocity.  These  circum- 
stances excited  through  the  whole  continent,  sentiments  of  indigna- 
tion and  revenge;  and  Franklin,  who  had  by  this  time  been  suffi- 
ciently weaned  of  his  English  partialities,  under  the  influence  of 
these  events,  appears  to  have  been  transported  beyond  the  ordinary 
moderation  of  his  character.  Of  the  papers  which  he  offered  to 
congress  about  this  time,  the  expressions  were  considered  by  his 
colleagues,  notwithstanding  the  violent  passions  with  which  they 
themselves  were  animated,  too  acrimonious,  and  the  sentiments  too 
indignant  for  the  occasion.  With  many  of  his  friends,  with  whom 
he  had  heretofore  lived  in  familiar  intercourse,  and  even  with  his 
nearest  relations  of  opposite  politics,  he  suppressed  until  the  con- 
clusion of  the  war,  all  further  correspondence;  and  some  of  his  let- 
ters are  now  extant,  which  manifest,  in  a  high  degree,  the  warmth 
and  exasperation  of  his  feelings. 

In  May,  1776,  he  was  appointed  with  John  Adams  and  Edward 
Rutledge  to  hear  certain  propositions  of  English  commissioners 
who  had  arrived  upon  the  coast,  whose  purpose  was  to  propose 
terms  of  accommodation,  or  rather  "  offer  pardon,  upon  submission," 
to  the  American  congress.  Of  these  commissioners  the  principal 
was  Lord  Howe,  who  immediately  on  his  arrival  addressed  a  letter, 


432  BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

accompanying  his  official  papers,  to  his  "  worth}'  friend  and  old 
acquaintance,"  Dr.  Franklin,  in  the  hope  of  enlisting  his  influence 
in  promoting  the  great  ohject  of  "  the  king's  paternal  solicitude." 
The  following  is  an  extract,  which  deserves  to  he  selected,  from 
Franklin's  reply,  as  highly  honourable  to  his  patriotism  and  abilities. 

"  Directing  pardons  to  be  offered  to  the  colonies,  who  are  the 
very  parties  injured,  expresses  indeed,  that  opinion  of  our  ignorance, 
baseness,  and  insensibility,  which  your  uninformed  and  proud  nation 
has  long  been  pleased  t'  utertain  of  us;  but  it  can  have  no  other 
effect  than  that  of  increasing  our  resentments.  It  is  impossible  we 
should  think  of  submission  to  a  government  that  has,  with  the  most 
wanton  barbarity  and  cruelty,  burnt  our  defenceless  towns  in  the 
midst  of  winter;  excited  the  savages  to  massacre  our  peaceful 
farmers;  and  our  slaves  to  murder  their  masters;  and  is  even  now 
bringing  foreign  mercenaries  to  deluge  our  settlements  with  blood. 
These  atrocious  injuries  have  extinguished  every  spark  of  affection 
for  that  parent  country  we  once  held  so  dear :  but  were  it  possible 
for  us  to  forget  and  forgive  them,  it  is  not  possible  for  you  (I  mean 
the  British  nation)  to  forgive  the  people  you  have  so  heavily  injured." 

In  July,  1770,  Franklin,  in  addition  to  his  various  occupations, 
was  appointed  president  of  the  convention,  held  by  the  advice  of 
congress,  for  the  purpose  of  giving  a  new  form  of  government  to 
the  state  of  Pennsylvania.  The  constitution  then  organized,  prin- 
cipally by  his  advice  and  authority,  which  consisted  of  plural  execu- 
tive and  single  legislature,  has  since  been  altered. 

The  affairs  of  the  colonies  began,  towards  the  close  of  the  year 
1776,  by  a  rapid  series  of  disasters,  to  wear  a  melancholy  and 
threatening  aspect.  When  the  congress,  in  this  emergency,  had 
resolved  to  apply  to  some  foreign  power  for  assistance,  their  attention 
was  naturally  turned  towards  Franklin;  his  age,  experience  and 
knowledge  of  the  European  courts,  had  qualified  him  eminently  for 
such  a  service;  and  his  love  of  liberty  and  secret  feelings  towards 
England  were  such  that  he  was  not  likely  to  fail  in  vigour  or  activity 
in  the  execution  of  its  duties.  He  was,  therefore,  appointed  com- 
missioner to  the  court  of  France :  that  government,  it  was  well 
known,  would  not  be  displeased  with  any  circumstance  which  could 
give  disturbance  to  the  power  of  an  inveterate  rival ;  or  neglect  any 
opportunity  which"  should  be  offered,  of  healing  the  wounds  which 
in  the  last  war  had  been  inflicted  on  the  reputation  and  glory  of  her 
arms;  the  remembrance  of  which  she  had  borne  with  indignant 
impatience.     Franklin,   though   he  had   designed,   after  the   many 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  433 

fatigues  he  had  undergone  in  foreign  embassies,  to  spend  the  eve- 
ning of  liis  life  in  his  native  country,  seeing  the  importance  of  the 
emergency,  accepted,  without  hesitation,  this  appointment;  and  in 
the  end  of  October,  1776,  in  the  seventy-first  year  of  his  age,  set 
unt  upon  this  voyage. 

He  had  already  taken  some  steps  to  sound  the  intentions  of  the 
European  governments,  and  to  enlist  the  affections  of  influential 
individuals,  in  the  interests  of  America,  as  early  as  the  year  1775. 
He  had  carried  on,  for  this  purpose,  and  under  the  sanction  of  con- 
gress, a  correspondence  with  Holland;  as  may  be  seen  by  his  letters 
to  Mr.  Dumas  of  Amsterdam.  And  in  a  literary  correspondence 
with  Don  Gabrial,  prince  of  Bourbon,  he  used  every  effort  to  con- 
ciliate the  favour  of  the  Spanish  government. 

At  his  departure  from  America,  he  placed  the  whole  of  his  pos- 
sessions in  money,  between  three  and  four  thousand  pounds,  in  the 
hands  of  congress,  by  which  he  testified  his  confidence  in  the  suc- 
cess of  their  cause,  and  induced  others  of  more  wealth  to  imitate 
his  example.  After  a  boisterous  and  dangerous  voyage,  but  with- 
out any  memorable  occurrence,  he  arrived  in  Paris  in  the  latter 
part  of  December,  and  was  greeted  with  all  the  attentions  which 
could  gratify  his  feelings  and  confirm  the  expectations  which  he  had 
entertained  in  favour  of  his  country;  but  after  a  very  short  resi- 
dence in  the  capital,  he  retired  to  the  neighbouring  village  of  Passy, 
and  resided  there  during  the  whole  of  his  subsequent  stay  in  France. 

The  high  reputation  which  in  earlier  life  he  had  acquired,  as  well 
as  the  particular  causes  of  his  present  visit,  procured  him,  on  his 
arrival  in  France,  an  easy  access  to  all  those  individuals  of  the 
government  who  were  most  conspicuous  for  their  influence  and 
authority;  whose  acquaintance  he  assiduously  cultivated,  and  whose 
friendship  and  co-operation  became  powerful  auxiliaries,  to  the 
accomplishment  of  his  future  projects.  The  French  cabinet  was  at 
this  time  filled  with  men  of  very  estimable  characters,  all  of  whom 
were  unanimous  in  their  personal  attachments  towards  him.  By 
the  minister,  de  Vergennes,  he  was  received,  on  his  arrival,  with 
the  most  polite  affability,  and  during  the  whole  of  his  residence  at 
court  treated  with  every  mark  of  esteem  and  confidence.  But  that 
which  contributed  as  much  as  any  other  cause  to  his  success,  was 
the  reputation  he  enjoyed  amongst  men  of  science  and  letters;  for 
this  class  of  people  possessed,  at  that  time,  a  predominant  influ- 
ence in  the  nation;  gave  a  tone  to  the  public  sentiment,  and  in  a 
very  essertial  degree  determined  the  policy  of  the  government. 
45  2e2 


434  BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

But  notwithstanding  a  war  with  England  was  a  national  passion 
with  the  French;  and  the  most  pathetic  sympathy,  especially  by 
the  military  part  of  the  kingdom,  which  was  eager  to  engage  in  the 
quarrel,  was  now  expressed  towards  the  American  cause;  there 
were  many  circumstances  which  Franklin  had  to  encounter,  that 
obstructed  the  immediate  success  of  his  operations.  Kings  are 
ever  averse  to  patronize  rebellion,  however  their  present  interests 
may  be  promoted  by  it;  and  subjects  are  ever  in  the  wrong,  in  their 
estimation,  when  placed  in  opposition  to  their  sovereign.  The 
affairs  of  the  colonies  were  also  reduced,  at  this  time,  to  a  danger- 
ous extremity,  and  by  many  regarded  as  desperate;  the  French 
cabinet  was  influenced  by  a  politic  and  cautious  ministry;  fearing, 
therefore,  that  after  a  declaration,  they  might  either  by  a  forced  or 
voluntary  reconciliation  of  their  allies,  be  left  to  sustain  the  conflict, 
alone,  and  perhaps  repent  of  their  precipitation,  resolved  to  main- 
tain, at  least,  until  the  issue  should  appear  less  problematical,  a 
concealed  and  ambiguous  policy.  The  nation  had,  besides,  been 
much  exhausted  by  the  efforts  of  a  preceding  war,  and  contemplated 
a  new  one  with  timidity  and  hesitation.  They  afforded,  indeed, 
some  clandestine  assistance,  made  many  professions  of  benevolence, 
and  secretly  promoted  the  disturbances,  but  observed  all  the  out- 
ward appearances  of  the  strictest  neutrality. 

Every  effort  which,  on  this  emergency,  depended  upon  Franklin, 
was  eminently  exerted,  to  rouse  and  animate  the  desponding  spirits 
of  his  friends,  and  to  dissipate  their  well-grounded  apprehensions. 
In  all  his  conversations  and  writings,  even  during  the  gloomiest 
period  of  disaster,  he  expressed  his  fullest  confidence  in  the  final 
success  of  the  revolution,  and  by  a  pamphlet  which  he  published 
at  this  time,  and  very  widely  dispersed,  representing  the  resources 
of  the  Americans  in  a  most  favourable  aspect,  he  endeavoured  to 
spread  the  same  sentiments  throughout  Europe. 

The  surrender  of  General  Burgoyne's  army  to  the  provincial 
troops,  the  news  of  which  reached  France  in  October,  1777,  and 
which  occasioned  very  joyful  sensations  in  that  country,  was  an 
occurrence,  the  beneficial  consequences  of  which  Franklin  did  not 
permit  to  remain  unimproved.  This  was  close  followed  by  other 
important  advantages;  and  the  French  rulers,  from  this  period, 
began  to  listen  with  a  more  prone  attention  to  his  suit,  which  he 
continued  to  urge  with  increased  industry.  In  this  conjuncture,  he 
addressed  to  the  government  an  elaborate  memoir,  which  contains 
many  very  ingenious  and  persuasive  arguments,  and  which  we  may 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  435 

reasonably  suppose,  had  no  inconsiderable  effect  in  hastening  their 
determination.  The  American  ambassadors  were  recognised,  and 
the  treaty  of  alliance  was  concluded,  with  the  court  of  Versailles, 
on  the  sixth  of  February,  1778.  Franklin,  conscious  of  the  great 
accession  of  strength  and  dignity  his  country  had  acquired  by  this 
alliance,  did  not  conceal  the  emotions  of  his  joy  and  exultation.  It 
was  remarked  that,  in  token  of  his  triumph,  and  in  gratification  of 
a  resentment  too  legitimate  to  be  censured,  he  wore,  on  this  occa- 
sion, the  same  dress  in  which  he  had  received  the  abuse  and  mock- 
ery of  the  privy  council. 

Although  the  intelligence  of  this  treaty  with  France,  he  knew, 
would  be  most  gratefully  received  by  the  majority  of  congress  and  the 
people  in  America,  he  was  aware  that  there  were  not  wanting  persons 
in  that  country,  even  amongst  the  warmest  partisans  of  the  revolu- 
tion, who  entertained  disquieting  apprehensions  concerning  it.  He 
therefore  extolled,  in  all  his  communications  with  congress,  its  benefits, 
and  in  a  manner  honourable  to  his  own  sensibility,  the  generous  hu- 
manity of  those  who  had  been  the  instruments  of  its  accomplishment. 

After  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty,  the  great  advantages  derived 
from  the  influeuce  of  Franklin  in  Europe,  were  not  diminished;  and 
the  services  that  were  imposed  upon  him  became  every  day  more 
complicated  and  laborious.  Besides  his  duties  as  minister,  he  served 
for  several  years  as  consul,  no  person  being  appointed  to  fill  that 
office;  as  judge  of  admiralty  for  commissioning  privateers,  ex- 
amining their  papers,  and  determining  the  legality  of  their  captures ; 
and  moreover,  as  merchant,  to  make  purchases  and  direct  the 
shipping  of  stores,  to  a  great  value,  that  were  sent  to  America. 
He  was  encumbered  also  with  a  great  variety  of  subordinate  busi- 
ness, as  the  answering  letters,  receiving  and  accepting  bills  of  ex- 
change, requiring  the  most  tedious  exertion,  and  many  other  matters 
wholly  foreign  to  his  ministerial  functions,  and  which  the  scantiness 
of  his  resources  often  rendered  extremely  painful  as  well  as  labo- 
rious ;  for,  to  support  the  credit  of  his  government,  and  prevent  the 
protest  of  their  drafts,  he  was  often  subjected  to  the  most  humi- 
liating expedients,  in  procuring  assistance  from  the  exhausted  trear 
sury  of  the  French,  and  from  other  countries  of  Europe.  All  which 
laborious  services,  it  should  be  remembered,  in  order  to  appreciate 
justly  his  merits,  were  performed,  not  only  under  the  frequent  inter- 
ruptions of  a  violent  disease,  but  at  the  age  of  fourscore  years;  a 
period  of  life,  when  other  men  have  usually  disappeared  from  the 
scene  of  activity. 


436  BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

During  these  transactions  in  Fiance,  he  received  a  commission 
from  congress,  to  negotiate  a  treaty  of  commerce  and  friendship 
with  the  court  of  Spain,  and  he  laboured  with  his  usual  ardour  and 
ingenuity  to  accomplish  that  object;  but  the  Spaniards  choosing  to 
await  until  the  course  of  events  should  justify  their  determinations', 
offered,  in  their  replies,  but  feeble  hopes  of  success;  and  Franklin, 
perceiving  their  temporizing  policy,  at  length  treated  the  subject 
with  merited  indifference.  "  They  have  taken  four  years,"  says  he, 
in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Jay,  who  was  then  negotiating  at  Madrid,  "to 
consider  whether  they  would  treat  with  us;  give  them  forty,  and  let 
us  mind  our  own  business." 

Amongst  the  ambassadors  of  other  countries  then  residing  at 
Paris,  he  supported,  in  the  same  spirit,  the  dignity  of  his  station 
and  character;  and  in  his  intercourse  of  visits  with  them,  suffered 
no  neglect  of  any  of  the  punctilios  of  honour  and  ceremony,  which 
are  observed  towards  each  other  by  the  ministers  of  independent 
nations.  When  the  Russian  ambassador,  whose  card  being  left  at 
his  door  had  occasioned  a  return  of  the  supposed  civility,  betrayed 
much  alarm  at  the  accident,  Franklin  with  his  usual  composure 
observed,  that  he  perceived  no  cause  of  embarrassment;  "  Prince 
Bariatinski  has  but  to  erase  my  name  out  of  his  books  of  visits 
received,  and  I  will  hum  his  card." 

But  for  the  attention  paid  him  by  foreigners,  even  where  political 
motives,  in  some  degree,  repressed  it,  he  had  no  cause  of  complaint. 
The  American  revolution  was  almost  universally  regarded  with 
favour,  and  considered  as  an  enterprise  the  most  important  that, 
for  many  ages,  had  occupied  the  attention  of  the  world;  so  that 
from  his  public  station,  joined  with  the  great  weight  of  his  private 
character,  he  was  viewed  with  a  respect  and  consideration,  that 
perhaps  no  individual,  amongst  the  inhabitants  of  a  foreign  country, 
has  ever  enjoyed.  In  attestation  of  this  fact,  the  examples  are  with- 
out number.  The  Swedish  ambassador  had  particular  instructions 
to  ascertain  whether  he  had  such  powers  as  would  authorize  his 
making  a  treaty  with  Sweden :  the  king  being  "desirous  to  have, 
such  a  transaction  with  one  whom  he  so  greatly  esteemed."  The 
Einperor  Joseph  II.,  at  this  time  on  a  visit  to  Paris,  sought  also  an 
interview  with  him,  which  was  only  prevented  by  some  unavoidable 
business.  To  these  testimonies,  we  may  add  further,  that  of  the 
court  of  Denmark,  in  replying  by  the  minister  of  foreign  affairs  to 
his  memorial  respecting  American  prizes  delivered  up  to  Great  Bri- 
tain     "  Were  you,"  says  the  Count  de  Bernstorf,  "  a  person   less 


BEX  J  AM  IN    FRANKLIN.  437 

known  and  respected,  I  should  have  hcen  quite  at  a  loss  on  the  sub- 
ject of  the  letter  which  I  have  had  the  honour  of  receiving  from 
you.  I  should  have  considered  it  as  a  measure  calculated  to  place 
us  under  a  new  embarrassment  as  painful  as  the  first;  but  there  is 
no  risk  with  such  a  sage  as  you  are,  sir,  generally  revered  by  that 
universe  which  you  have  enlightened,  and  known  for  that  prevailing 
love  of  truth  which  characterizes  the  well-informed  man  and  true 
philosopher.  These  are  the  titles  which  will  transmit  your  name  to 
the  latest  posterity,  and  in  which  I  am  particularly  interested  in 
relation  to  this  unfortunate  affair." 

When  the  news  of  the  French  alliance  reached  England,  it  kindled 
much  alarm  in  the  nation,  and  the  ministry  of  course  employed  their 
utmost  activity  to  counteract  its  effects.  Commissioners  were  deputed 
to  America  with  propositions  of  peace,  which  they  appealed  now 
willing  to  purchase  by  every  concession  short  of  independence.  A 
secret  negotiation  was,  at  the  same  time,  set  on  foot  with  Franklin; 
in  which  they  endeavoured,  with  much  address,  insinuation  and  flat- 
tery, to  seduce  him  to  a  separate  accommodation,  or  to  enlist  his 
interest  in  preserving  some  portion  of  their  expiring  authority ; 
employing  as  emissaries  for  this  purpose,  several  influential  indivi- 
duals with  whom  he  had  lived  in  intimacy  and  friendship  while  in 
England.  To  the  solicitations  of  Mr.  Hutton,  who  was  first  em- 
ployed on  this  ministerial  mission,  he  wrote:  "I  never  think  of  your 
ministry  and  their  abettors,  but  with  the  image  strongly  painted  in 
my  view,  of  their  hands  red,  and  dropping  with  the  blood  of  my 
countrymen,  friends,  and  relations:  No  peace  can  be  signed  with 
those  hands."  To  the  other  deputies,  Hartley,  Pultney,  and  Chap- 
man, members  of  parliament,  his  communications  are  in  the  same 
strain.  "Get  first  an  honest  ministry;  drop  all  your  pretensions  to 
govern  us ;  think  no  more  of  separating  us  from  our  allies,  and  you 
will  find  little  difficulty  in  making  peace  upon  equal  terms.  In  pro- 
posing terms,  offer  Canada,  Nova  Scotia,  and  the  Floridas,  to  Ame- 
rica. If  you  would  have  in  her  a  real  friend  as  well  as  able  ally, 
and  avoid  all  occasion  of  future  discord,  which  will  otherwise  be 
continually  arising  on  your  American  frontiers,  you  should  throw  in 
those  countries." 

The  efforts  were  renewed  in  personal  conversations,  in  one  of 
which  Franklin  was  warned  to  beware  of  his  personal  safety,  which 
he  had  learned  from  many  sources  had  been  threatened,  he  observed, 
with  thanks  to  Mr.  Hartley  for  the  caution,  that  having  nearly  finished 
a  long  life,  he  set  no  value  upon  the  remains  of  it.    "Perhaps,"  said 


438  BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

he,  "the  best  use  such  an  old  fellow  can  be  put  to,  is  to  make  a 
martyr  of  him." 

The  abilities  and  integrity  with  which  Franklin  disappointed  these 
intrigues,  which  were  continued  in  various  forms  until  the  conclusion 
of  the  war,  is  a  just  subject  of  commendation. 

In  1782,  when  a  change  in  the  British  cabinet,  and  the  general 
hatred  to  which  their  politics  had  been  exposed  by  their  ill  success 
in  the  operations  of  the  war,  concurred  in  heightening  the  prospects 
of  a  peace  favourable  to  the  Americans,  he  still  continued  his  exer- 
tions with  the  same  unremitted  assiduity;  encouraging  his  country- 
men and  their  allies,  rather  to  increase  than  to  remit  their  zeal, 
until  the  great  object  which  they  had  pursued  through  so  many  toils 
and  dangers  should  be  accomplished. 

The  extreme  unwillingness  of  the  British  government  to  acknow- 
ledge the  independence  of  the  colonies,  induced  expedients  to  dis- 
sever the  bonds  of  the  American  and  French  confederacy.  The 
French  appeared,  about  this  period,  to  entertain  some  diffidence  of 
their  allies;  nor  were  there  wanting  men  of  influence  in  America, 
to  aggravate  injurious  suspicions;  even  to  advise  a  separate  treaty 
with  England,  and  disapproving  the  gentle  and  temperate  conduct 
of  Franklin,  to  throw  out  many  violent  reflections  against  him. 

Much  praise  has  been  bestowed  very  justly  upon  the  capacity  of 
Franklin  in  creating  this  alliance ;  nor  is  less  due  to  the  diligence 
which  he  employed  in  preserving  the  union  of  elements,  so  discord- 
ant, in  the  midst  of  devices  so  ingenious  and  efforts  so  laborious,  as 
were  employed  to  accomplish  their  dissolution.  It  was  this  con- 
nexion with  the  French,  as  he  believed,  that  had  given  weight  to  his 
country  with  England  and  respect  throughout  Europe;  to  the  co- 
operation of  their  arms  he  ascribed,  in  a  great  measure,  her  signal 
success,  and  he  preserved  personally  towards  these  benefactors  of 
his  country,  a  sincere  and  lasting  attachment.  In  all  his  communi- 
cations with  America,  he  endeavoured  to  inculcate  the  same  senti- 
ments, and  the  motives  of  honour,  of  gratitude  and  interest,  which 
urged  a  continuation  of  their  mutual  friendship.  In  a  letter  to 
Mr.  Hurly,  he  wrote,  "I  should  think  the  destruction  of  our  whole 
territory,  and  the  extirpation  of  our  whole  people  preferable  to  the 
infamy  of  abandoning  our  allies." 

After  frequent  conferences  had  been  held  on  the  subject  of  accom- 
modation, the  English  government  in  1782,  consented,  after  much 
hesitation,  to  renounce  her  claims  of  sovereignty,  and  to  treat  with 
the  colonies  as  free  states.     The  dissensions  which  arose  during  the 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  439 

negotiation  concerning  boundaries,  fisheries,  restitution  of  confiscated 
property,  and  other  objects  of  this  nature,  were  extremely  tedious 
and  intricate.  The  labour  of  Franklin  was,  however,  divided  by 
the  arrival  of  his  colleagues,  Mr.  Adams,  Mr.  Jay,  and  Mr.  Laurens; 
and  the  business  was,  by  their  mutual  exertion,  very  auspiciously 
accomplished  ;  advantages  being  gained  very  far  beyond  what  either 
in  France  or  America  had  been  anticipated;  and  if  we  may  judge 
from  the  strain  of  the  letters  of  Franklin,  far  beyond  his  own 
expectation.  The  treaty  was  concluded  definitely  and  with  the 
implicit  approbation  of  the  French  government,  on  the  third  of 
September,  1783.  It  diffused  great  joy  in  America,  and  gratitude 
to  all  those  by  whose  instrumentality  it  had  been  successfully  ac- 
complished. 

This  business,  now  happily  terminated,  which  he  regarded  as  the 
consummation  of  the  great  labours  of  his  life,  Franklin  solicited,  on 
the  score  of  his  advanced  age,  his  feeble  health,  and  his  long  and 
complicated  services,  the  liberty  of  returning  to  his  native  country. 
It  was  not,  however,  until  the  year  1785,  that  by  the  appointment 
of  Mr.  Jefferson  to  succeed  him,  he  was  finally  released.  In  the 
mean  time  he  negotiated  treaties  between  the  United  States,  the 
kings  of  Sweden  and  of  Prussia.  An  article  of  the  latter  highly 
honourable  to  his  memory,  and  one  which  he  had  attempted  without 
success  to  introduce  into  his  negotiations  with  Great  Britain,  was 
the  prohibiting  from  the  injuries  of  war,  the  property  and  persons 
of  unarmed  individuals. 

The  affectionate  intercourse  which,  during  his  residence  near 
Paris,  he  enjoyed  amongst  the  inhabitants  of  that  polite  city,  afford- 
ed him,  in  his  labours  and  disquietudes,  a  most  agreeable  diversion  ; 
and  consoled  him  in  no  inconsiderable  degree,  for  his  long  absence 
from  his  native  country.  "  There  appeared  to  me,"  said  his  suc- 
cessor, Mr.  Jefferson,  "  more  respect  and  veneration  attached  to 
the  character  of  Dr.  Franklin,  in  France,  than  to  that  of  any  other 
person  in  the  same  country,  foreigner  or  native." 

He  visited  assiduously,  the  French  Academy  of  Sciences,  where 
he  was  hailed,  at  all  times,  with  the  most  respectful  homage,  and 
where  he  enlarged  the  circle  of  his  extensive  and  honourable  ac- 
quaintance. It  was  here  that  occurred,  at  a  numerous  and  splendid 
meeting  of  this  assembly,  his  well  known  rencontre  with  Voltaire. 
This  celebrated  writer,  like  himself,  had  approached  the  last  scene 
of  a  long  and  eventful  life;  and,  from  the  extraordinary  admiration 
which  his  talents  had  excited  amongst  his  countrymen,  was  now  re 


440  BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

reived  after  an  absence  of  twenty-seven  years  from  his  native  city 
with  the  most  lavish  profusion  of  honours.  The  apposition  of  two 
men,  born  in  regions  of  the  globe  so  remote,  and  who  in  their  diffe- 
rent spheres  had  exercised  so  powerful  an  influence  upon  mankind ; 
of  men  so  respectable  by  their  age,  as  well  as  by  their  transcendent 
genius  and  the  occupation  of  their  lives,  was  viewed  with  sentiments 
of  tenderness  and  admiration.  At  their  meeting,  they  embraced 
each  other  affectionately,  as  ancient  friends  after  a  long  absence, 
and  were  hailed  by  the  repeated  acclamations  of  the  assembly.  "It 
is  Solon,"  said  some  one  in  the  crowd  :  "  It  is  Solon  in  the  arms  of 
Sophocles."  It  is  related  that  at  one  of  these  meetings,  Franklin, 
leading  by  the  hand  his  grandson,  and  presenting  him  to  Voltaire, 
asked  his  benediction;  and  that  the  latter,  in  placing  his  hands  upon 
the  head  of  the  youth  with  patriarchal  solemnity,  pronounced  aloud 
in  the  English  language,  "  God  and  Liberty:"  adding,  "this  is  the 
only  device  that  becomes  the  grandson  of  the  great  Franklin." 

The  praises  also,  which  were  bestowed  in  France,  upon  his  coun- 
trymen, for  the  valour  with  which  they  had  conducted  the  enter- 
prises of  the  war,  afforded  him  a  frequent  source  of  satisfaction. 
"  How  happy,"  said  he  in  a  letter  to  General  Washington,  "  should 
I  be  to  see  you  in  Europe ;  to  accompany  you,  if  my  age  and  strength 
would  permit,  in  visiting  some  of  its  ancient  and  famous  kingdoms. 
Yon  would  on  this  side  of  the  sea  enjoy  the  great  reputation  you 
have  acquired,  free  from  those  shades  that  the  jealousy  and  envy 
of  a  man's  countrymen  and  contemporaries  are  ever  endeavouring 
to  cast  upon  living  merit.  Here  you  would  know  and  enjoy  what 
posterity  will  say  of  Washington  ;  for  a  thousand  leagues  have  nearly 
the  same  effect  as  a  thousand  years.  The  feeble  voice  of  those 
grovelling  passions  cannot  extend  so  far  in  time  or  distance.  At 
present  I  enjoy  that  pleasure  for  you,  as  I  frequently  hear  the  old 
generals  of  this  martial  country,  who  study  the  maps  of  America, 
and  mark  upon  them  all  your  operations,  speak  with  sincere  appro- 
bation and  great  applause  of  your  conduct,  and  join  in  giving  you 
the  character  of  one  of  the  greatest  captains  of  your  age." 

As  a  means  of  relieving  the  seriousness  of  his  official  business, 
he  wrote  and  printed,  while  at  Passy,  some  important  papers  on 
the  subject  of  Philosophy ;  and  besides  many  pieces  of  humour,  which 
are  extant  in  the  late  collection  of  his  works,  chiefly  designed  for 
the  inspection  and  amusement  of  his  friends;  such  as  the  "Dialogue 
between  Franklin  and  the  Gout,"  and  the  "Petition  of  the  Cats  of 
Madam  Helvetius  to  their  Mistress."     These  are  written  with  grace 


BENJAMIN    FK  AN  KLIN.  441 

and  elegance,  and  afford  a  very  pleasant  specimen  of  that  spright- 
liness  and  good  humour,  which  had  accompanied  him  in  all  the  di- 
versities of  his  earlier  life;  and  which,  even  in  the  infirmity  of  old 
age  and  disease,  had  not  forsaken  him. 

The  reputation  for  science  which  he  had  acquired,  as  on  the  one 
hand  it  procured  him  many  civilities,  on  the  other,  exposed  him  to 
the  unceasing  importunities  of  authors  and  inventors.  Among  the 
incidents  of  this  nature,  one  of  more  than  common  importance,  from 
the  great  impression  which  it  made  at  that  time  on  the  public,  was 
the  supposed  discovery  of  animal  magnetism  by  Mesmer ;  for  the 
investigation  of  which,  he  was  appointed  with  a  committee,  at  the 
express  solicitation  of  the  king,  and  contributed,  by  his  authority, 
which  has,  however,  not  altogether  prevailed  to  discredit  it. 

Perceiving  a  daily  aggravation  of  his  diseases,  and  the  powers 
of  life  rapidly  declining ;  and  as  nothing  now  remained  to  detain 
him,  he  made  haste  to  set  out  upon  his  voyage  to  America.  On  his 
departure,  he  received  from  the  government,  and  from  the  nobility 
and  gentry  of  Paris,  most  flattering  testimonials  of  esteem.  His 
extreme  infirmity  of  health  not  allowing  him  to  endure,  without  in- 
jury, the  motion  of  a  carriage,  the  queen's  litter  and  mules  were 
sent  to  convey  him  upon  his  journey  to  the  place  of  embarkation. 

He  had  now  resided  in  France,  without  interruption,  during  nearly 
ten  years  ;  and  we  may  reasonably  suppose  that  he  did  not  without  a 
sincere  regret,  take  leave  of  a  place,  in  which  he  had  received  ho- 
nours and  distinctions  that  have  rarely  fallen  to  the  lot  of  an  indivi 
dual  to  enjoy  in  a  foreign  country. 

Of  the  effects  of  his  exterior  appearance  amongst  the  fashionable 
societies  of  Paris,  he  appears  indeed  to  have  been  fully  sensible,  and 
has  given  himself  a  description  of  his  person  to  a  female  correspon- 
dent, with  much  pleasantry.  "Figure  me  in  your  mind,"  says  he,  " as 
jolly  as  formerly,  and  as  strong  and  hearty,  only  a  few  years  older ; 
very  plainly  dressed,  wearing  my  thin  grey  straight  hair,  that  peeps 
out  under  my  only  coeffure,  a  fine  fur  cap,  which  conies  down  my 
forehead  almost  to  my  spectacles.  Think  how  this  must  appear 
among  the  powdered  heads  of  Paris  !"  The  same  circumstances 
of  his  singular  costume  have  been  mentioned  by  many  of  the  French 
writers  ;  and  there  is  scarcely  any  one  of  note,  in  politics  or  science, 
from  whom  some  honourable  testimony  in  favour  of  his  character 
might  not  be  given  ;  but  having  already  transgressed  our  limits,  we 
must  restrain  our  wishes  on  this  subject. 

Having  stopped  a  few  days  in  the  south  of  England,  he  proceeded 
46  2F 


442  BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

on  his  voyage,  which  was  prosperous,  and  arrived  on  the  fourteenth  of 
September,  1785,  in  the  harbour  of  Philadelphia.  During  his  passage 
he  made  experiments  on  the  sea  air  ;  wrote  a  considerable  treatise 
on  "Improvements  in  Navigation:"  one  on  the  cause  and  cure  of 
smoking  chimneys,  and  a  third  describing  a  stove  for  consuming  all 
its  own  smoke.  An  extraordinary  proof  of  the  force  of  early  habits 
and  discipline,  and  of  the  zeal  with  which  he  had  dedicated  his 
thoughts  to  the  interests  of  his  fellow  creatures.  He  was  now  broken 
down  by  the  pressure  of  eighty  years,  and  by  the  rage  of  an  ex- 
cruciating disease,  and  yet  reserved  no  portion  of  his  time  for  indul- 
gence or  recreation,  but  still  continued,  as  in  the  activity  and  prime 
of  life  and  vigour  of  health,  to  subserve  the  purposes  of  humanity. 

The  news  of  his  arrival  at  Philadelphia,  diffused  every  where  an 
universal  congratulation.  It  was  announced  by  the  ringing  of  bells, 
by  bonfires,  and  discharge  of  artillery.  He  was  attended  at  his 
landing  by  the  members  of  congress,  of  the  university,  and  by  the 
principal  citizens,  who,  formed  into  processions,  went  out  to  meet 
him ;  and  amidst  their  acclamations,  was  conducted  to  his  dwelling. 
From  public  assemblies  of  every  description,  he  then  received  the 
most  affectionate  addresses;  all  testifying  their  great  joy  at  his 
return,  and  their  veneration  for  his  character:  the  voice  of  General 
Washington  also,  who  in  a  public  letter  greeted  his  arrival  with  the 
same  benevolent  sentiments,  was  added  to  the  general  strain  of 
eulogy  and  felicitation.  By  his  particular  friends  and  relations,  he 
was  embraced  with  the  most  cordial  welcome;  enjoying  amongst 
them,  as  he  expresses  it,  "  peace  and  plenty,  with  all  the  pleasures 
of  a  friendly  conversation,  and  liberty,  without  which  man  loses  half 
his  value." 

This  scene  of  his  life,  which,  in  many  of  his  letters,  he  has  de- 
scribed with  a  peculiar  satisfaction,  is  highly  interesting.  It  is  in 
these  domestic  relations,  that  the  generous  qualities  of  men,  and 
those  certainly  which  are  most  precious  in  the  eye  of  heaven,  are 
best  discovered:  it  is  here  too,  that  they  enjoy  the  most  refined 
pleasures  that  are  allotted  to  the  condition  of  human  nature.  "  I  am 
now,"  says  he,  "  in  the  bosom  of  my  family,  and  find  four  new  little 
prattlers,  who  cling  about  the  knees  of  their  grandpapa,  and  afford 
me  great  pleasure.  I  am  surrounded  by  my  friends,  and  have  an 
affectionate,  good  daughter  and  son-in-law  to  take  care  of  me.  I 
have  got  into  my  niche,  a  very  good  house  which  I  built  twenty-four 
years  ago,  and  out  of  which  I  have  been  ever  since  kept  by  foreign 
employments.' 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  443 

He  was  not,  however,  permitted,  notwithstanding  his  long  ser- 
vices, to  pass  away  the  evening  of  his  life  amidst  these  scenes  of 
tranquillity  and  retirement.  He  was  appointed  very  soon  after  his 
arrival,  president  of  the  commonwealth  of  Pennsylvania;  an  office 
which  he  occupied  during  the  constitutional  term  of  three  years, 
and  discharged  its  duties  with  a  prudent  and  equitable  administra- 
tion. He  was  afterwards  elected  delegate  to  the  federal  convention 
of  1787,  for  organizing  the  constitution  ot  the  United  States;  and 
in  the  intricate  discussions  which  arose  on  that  subject,  he  bore  a 
very  distinguished  part,  and  his  remarks  and  speeches,  on  this 
occasion,  are  of  no  inconsiderable  interest;  both  as  an  evidence  of 
his  political  sentiments,  and  as  a  lesson  of  instruction  on  government ; 
upon  which  his  personal  experience,  his  extensive  reading  and  long- 
observation  of  the  policy  of  European  states,  had  furnished  him 
ample  materials  for  reflection. 

In  the  debates  which  arose  concerning  the  organization  of  the 
legislature,  he  sustained,  indeed,  in  common  with  many  others  of  the 
convention,  some  peculiar  and  unsuccessful  opinions.  In  his  private 
economy,  all  useless  ornaments  and  expenses  he  had  magnanimously 
rejected;  and  in  the  administration  of  a  republic,  was  the  avowed 
enemy  of  all  luxury  or  ostentation.  The  doctrines,  therefore,  he 
especially  insisted  on,  and  which  he  illustrated  with  great  force  of 
argument  and  eloquence,  were  the  right  of  equal  suffrage,  and  de- 
pression of  public  salaries;  and  above  all,  the  discouragement  of 
ambition  and  avarice,  which  he  considered  as  the  great  constitu- 
tional evils  of  all  free  states. 

In  the  constitution  as  it  was  finally  adopted,  he  not  only  concur- 
red himself,  but  recommended  to  the  other  members  a  unanimous 
acquiescence.  He  became  afterwards  its  most  strenuous  advocate, 
as  may  be  seen  from  his  correspondence  with  his  friends  in  Europe, 
and  from  the  various  writings  he  has  left  in  approbation  of  it.  His 
"Comparison  of  the  Ancient  Jews  and  the  Conduct  of  the  Anti- 
Federalists,"  a  paper  written  with  great  ingenuity  and  felicity  of 
allusion,  he  concludes  in  the  following  manner,  which  may  suffi- 
ciently indicate  how  beneficial  he  supposed  that  system  of  govern- 
ment would  prove  to  the  glory  and  interests  of  his  country.  "  I  am 
not  be  understood  to  infer,  that  our  general  convention  was  divinely 
inspired,  when  it  formed  the  new  federal  constitution ;  yet  I  can 
hardly  conceive  a  transaction  of  such  momentous  importance  to  the 
welfare  of  millions  now  existing,  and  to  exist  in  the  posterity  of  a 
great  nation,  should  be  suffered  to  pass  without  being  in  some  de- 


444  BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

gree  influenced,  guided,  and  governed  by  that  omnipotent,  omni- 
present, and  beneficent  ruler,  in  whom  all  inferior  spirits  live,  and 
move,  and  have  their  being." 

At  the  conclusion  of  his  presidency,  his  great  age,  and  especially 
his  diseases,  which  had  now  reached  a  dangerous  aggravation,  ad- 
monished him  to  withdraw  from  the  scene  of  public  business,  and  to 
resign  the  short  remnant  of  his  days  to  retirement.  He  did  not, 
however,  disengage  himself  altogether  from  political  concerns;  nor 
did  he  look  back  when  standing  upon  the  confines  of  another  world, 
without  a  generous  concern  upon  that  community  for  which  he  had 
employed  the  energies  and  cares  of  his  life.  Several  of  his  writings, 
tending  to  promote  useful  institutions  and  the  general  interests  of 
humanity,  bear  date  at  this  period;  and  when  entirely  disabled  from 
going  abroad,  by  his  infirmities,  the  various  societies,  of  which  he 
was  president, — the  Philosophical  Society;  that  for  Political  In- 
quiries; for  Alleviating  the  Miseries  of  Public  Prisons,  and  for  Pro- 
moting the  Abolition  of  Slavery,  held  their  meetings  at  his  house 
to  enjoy  the  benefit  of  his  counsel  and  co-operation  in  their  pro- 
ceedings. 

The  observers  of  human  life  have  remarked  that  men  of  letters 
preserve  their  powers  of  intellect,  whilst  others  terminate  their 
career  of  old  age  by  a  state  of  miserable  dotage.  We  may  add  the 
example  of  Franklin,  in  corroboration  of  the  doctrine.  When  the 
violence  of  his  diseases  had  confined  him,  in  1790,  altogether  to  his 
bed,  he  still  employed  the  intervals,  which  the  remission  of  his  acute 
pains  allowed  him,  in  conversation,  or  epistolary  correspondence; 
and  from  his  letters  and  other  writings  of  this  period,  it  is  sufficiently 
apparent  that  in  destroying  his  corporeal  faculties,  time  had  made 
no  hostile  impression  upon  his  mind ;  either  in  impairing  the  vigour 
of  his  judgment,  or  humbling  the  flights  of  his  imagination.  His 
"African  Speech,"  which  he  wrote  and  published  towards  the  end 
of  March  of  this  year,  whether  we  consider  its  excellent  composition, 
inimitable  humour,  or  force  of  reasoning,  is  scarcely  surpassed  by 
the  most  perfect  of  his  early  writings. 

For  the  manner  in  which  he  bore  his  sufferings,  and  the  aspect 
in  which  he  viewed  his  approaching  dissolution,  we  also  refer  to  this 
interesting  correspondence.  "  You  kindly  inquire  after  my  health," 
says  he  in  a  letter  to  his  favourite  niece;  "  I  have  not  much  reason 
to  boast  of  it.  People  that  will  live  a  long  life,  and  drink  to  the 
bottom  of  the  cup,  must  expect  to  meet  with  some  of  the  dregs. 
However,  when  I  consider  how  many  terrible  diseases  the  human 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  445 

body  is  liable  to,  I  think  myself  well  off  that  I  have  only  three  in- 
curable ones,  the  gout,  the  stone,  and  old  age. 

When  he  had  approached  to  the  very  close  of  his  life,  he  reasoned 
thus  coolly  with  a  friend:  "Death  is  as  necessary  to  the  constitu- 
tion as  sleep:  we  shall  rise  refreshed  in  the  morning.  The  course 
of  nature  must  soon  put  a  period  to  my  present  mode  of  existence. 
This  I  shall  submit  to  with  the  less  regret,  as  having  seen,  during 
a  long  life,  a  good  deal  of  this  world,  I  feel  a  growing  curiosity  to 
become  acquainted  with  some  other;  and  can  cheerfully,  with  filial 
confidence,  resign  my  spirit  to  the  conduct  of  that  great  and  good 
Parent  of  mankind,  who  created  it,  and  who  has  so  graciously  pro- 
tected and  preserved  me  from  my  birth  to  the  present  hour." 

On  the  seventeenth  of  April,  1790,  in  the  eighty-fourth  year  of  his 
age,  he  expired  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia ;  encountering  this  last  so- 
lemn conflict,  with  the  same  philosophical  tranquillity  and  pious  resig- 
nation to  the  will  of  Heaven,  which  had  distinguished  him  through  all 
the  various  events  of  his  life.  In  his  will,  he  enjoined  that  all  pomp 
or  ostentation  should  be  avoided  in  the  celebration  of  his  obsequies; 
that  no  monumental  ornaments  should  be  lavished  on  his  tomb :  the 
former  of  which  injunctions  his  cotemporarics  appear,  however,  to 
have  disregarded,  for  he  was  buried  with  great  concourse  and  cere- 
mony; but  the  latter  has  yet  been  observed  by  their  descendants 
with  inviolable  fidelity. 

He  was  interred  on  the  twenty-first  of  April,  and  congress  ordered 
a  general  mourning  for  him  throughout  America,  of  one  month.  In 
France,  the  expression  of  public  grief  was  scarcely  less  enthusiastic. 
There  the  event  was  solemnized,  under  the  direction  of  the  munici- 
pality of  Paris,  by  funeral  orations;  and  the  National  Assembly, 
his  death  being  announced  in  a  very  eloquent  and  pathetic  discourse, 
decreed  that  each  of  the  members  should  wear  mourning  for  three 
days,  "  in  commemoration  of  the  event  ;"  and  that  a  letter  of  con- 
dolence, for  the  irreparable  loss  they  had  sustained,  should  be 
directed  to  the  American  Congress, — honours  extremely  glorious  to 
his  memory,  and  such,  it  has  been  remarked,  as  were  never  before 
paid  by  any  public  body  of  one  nation  to  the  citizen  of  another. 

He  lies  buried  in  the  north-west  corner  of  Christ  Churchyard  ; 
distinguished  from  the  surrounding  dead,  by  the  humility  of  his 
sepulchre.  He  is  covered  by  a  small  marble  slab,  on  a  level  with 
the  surface  of  the  earth,  and  bearing  the  single  inscription  of  his 
name,  with  that  of  his  wife,  and  the  year  of  his  death.  A  monu- 
ment sufficiently  corresponding  to  the  plainness  of  his  manners,  the 
2f2 


446  BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

simplicity  of  his  character,  and  the  even  tenor  of  his  life — No  in- 
scription could  have  recorded  his  merits;  no  monument  could  express 
the  obligations  of  his  posterity  ! 

He  had  two  children,  a  son  and  a  daughter,  and  several  grand- 
children who  survived  him.  The  son,  who  had  been  governor  of 
New  Jersey  under  the  British  government,  adhered  during  the  revo- 
lution to  the  royal  party  and  spent  the  remainder  of  his  life  in  Eng- 
land. The  daughter  married  Mr.  Bache  of  Philadelphia,  whose 
descendants  yet  reside  in  that  city. 

Franklin  enjoyed,  during  the  greater  part  of  his  life,  a  healthy 
constitution  and  excelled  in  exercises  of  strength  and  activity.  In 
stature  he  was  above  the  middle  size;  manly,  athletic  and  well  pro- 
portioned. His  countenance,  as  it  is  represented  in  his  portrait,  is 
distinguished  by  an  air  of  serenity  and  satisfaction;  the  natural  con- 
sequence of  a  vigorous  temperamant,  of  strength  of  mind,  and  con- 
scious integrity.  It  is  also  marked,  in  visible  characters,  by  deep 
thought  and  inflexible  resolution.  Very  rarely  shall  we  see  a  combi- 
nation of  features,  of  more  agreeable  harmony ;  an  aspect  in  which 
the  human  passions  are  more  happily  blended  or  more  favourably 
modified,  to  command  authority,  to  conciliate  esteem,  or  to  excite 
love  and  veneration. 

His  colloquial  accomplishments  are  mentioned  by  those  who  knew 
him,  in  terms  of  the  highest  praise.  From  the  great  diversity  of 
life  which  he  experienced,  from  his  extensive  intercourse  with  the 
world,  he  had  stored  his  memory  with  a  variety  of  knowledge  ex- 
tremely curious  and  interesting;  and  besides  the  diffusion  of  thought 
and  sentiment  with  which  he  animated  his  discourse,  it  was  enlivened, 
in  his  peculiar  manner,  by  ingenious  illustrations,  pointed  sentences 
and  aphorisms,  and  mostly  seasoned  by  a  vein  of  good  humour  and 
pleasantry,  which  he  appears  to  have  carried  even  into  his  most  im- 
portant and  serious  transactions;  and  which,  in  all  societies,  amongst 
the  sprightly  and  morose,  the  old  and  young,  learned  and  illiterate, 
recommended  him  to  peculiar  favour  and  attention. 

The  experiments  which  he  made  in  science,  amidst  the  continued 
intrusion  of  business,  on  objects  too,  which  seemed  to  require  a  long 
life  of  labour  and  reflection  ;  which  had  occupied  men  of  the  bright- 
est genius  and  capacity,  enjoying  besides  the  most  transcendent  ad- 
vantages of  education,  must  afford  an  ample  testimony  of  the  vigour 
of  his  intellects  and  grandeur  of  his  conceptions.  Nor  can  we  doubt, 
from  what  he  has  achieved,  had  he  possessed  from  early  youth, 
leisure  to  prosecute  his  studies  without  interruption,  and  to  improve 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  447 

his  understanding  to  the  proportion  of  his  natural  abilities,  that  he 
had  attained  the  ultimate  dignity  of  letters,  and  have  disputed,  per- 
haps, with  the  old  world  the  palm  of  philosophy  and  science. 

Of  his  domestic  manners  and  private  life,  which  are  considered 
as  the  truest  test  of  the  value  of  the  human  character,  there  exists 
the  most  unequivocal  and  honourable  testimonies.  The  correspon- 
dence of  his  family  and  relations  abounds  with  the  tenderest  ex- 
pressions of  regard  for  him.  Of  his  intimate  acquaintance,  those 
who  loved  him  in  his  youth,  were  the  companions  and  friends  of  his 
old  age  ;  and  those  who  have  survived  him,  retain  an  undiminished 
affection  and  veneration  for  his  memory. 

He  bore  adversity  with  courage,  patience  and  dignity  ;  and  pros- 
perous fortune  with  the  most  commendable  moderation.  Amidst 
the  splendours  of  monarchy,  where  he  spent  a  great  portion  of  his 
life,  and  in  all  his  intercourse  with  the  fashionable  world,  he  retained 
the  simplicity  of  his  dress  and  manners ;  discovering  in  no  instance 
any  solicitude  to  conceal  the  obscurity  of  his  origin.  On  the  con- 
trary, he  inquired,  whilst  in  England,  into  the  history  of  his  rela- 
tions, with  a  most  laudable  piety;  visiting  the  remote  place  of  their 
nativity  for  that  purpose.  To  his  parents,  also,  while  they  lived,  he 
showed  the  most  dutiful  regard,  and  after  their  decease,  he  erected 
a  tomb  upon  their  ashes,  and  paid  every  decent  tribute  to  their 
memory.  These  incidents  are  not  the  less  worthy  of  commemora- 
tion, as  they  are  unusual  with  those  who,  from  humble  life  have 
emerged  into  pre-eminence  and  dignity. 

The  necessities  of  his  early  life  ;  the  perpetual  struggles  which  he 
maintained  to  improve  his  fortune  and  to  procure  the  means  of  sub- 
sistence, had  given  him  habits  of  severe  and  patient  economy;  and 
observing  the  multitude  of  evils  which  arise  from  negligence  in  do- 
mestic management,  he  endeavoured  in  his  writings,  to  inculcate 
amongst  the  people  precepts  of  order  and  frugality,  and  dwelt  upon 
this  subject  with  a  frequency  of  repetition  and  a  fervour,  that  will 
scarcely  be  discovered  in  the  speculations  of  any  other  writer ;  but 
as,  from  the  ignorance  and  malignity  of  the  world,  discretion,  which 
is  the  perfection  of  human  reason,  is  often  ascribed  to  insidiousness 
or  cunning  ;  so  economy,  which  is  the  very  source  of  generosity,  is 
sometimes  imputed  to  meanness  or  avarice.  The  deep  concern, 
however,  which  on  all  occasions  he  manifested  for  the  interests  of 
the  poor,  who  constitute  so  considerable  a  portion  of  mankind,  we 
may  use  as  an  evidence,  and  perhaps  the  strongest  that  could  be 
adduced,  of  the  beneficence  and  generosity  of  his  nature.  We  might 


448  BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

also,  in  illustration  of  this  part  of  his  character,  refer  to  the  charita- 
ble appropriations  of  his  last  will,  and  to  many  individual  acts  of 
humanity  extremely  honourable  to  bis  memory;  to  the  many  useful 
political  and  literary  institutions,  and  benevolent  societies,  which  be 
founded,  and  which  grew  into  importance  under  his  munificent  pro- 
tection. Kings  and  princes  had  cheerfully  contributed  to  his  estate, 
had  he  consented  to  receive  their  benefactions,  and  preserve  the 
reputation  of  a  loyal  subject,  rather  than  hazard,  not  only  his  hard- 
earned  fortune,  but  his  life,  in  the  dangers  of  an  almost  impractica- 
ble revolution. 

On  the  other  hand  there  is  not  perhaps  the  same  reason  to  com- 
mend the  liberality  of  his  countrymen.  During  the  season  of  his 
utility  he  received  indeed  many  endearing  testimonies  of  regard  ; 
but  it  must  be  held  also  in  remembrance,  that  the  eminent  services 
of  this  man,  who  is  indeed  the  great  glory  of  our  continent,  received 
during  his  life  no  essential  retnuneration,  and  that  no  adequate 
honours  have,  since  his  death,  been  paid  to  his  memory. 

In  a  full  exposition  of  his  character,  we  should  necessarily  have 
detailed  the  other  great  qualities  hy  which  he  was  so  variously  dis- 
tinguished ;  his  sobriety,  temperance,  extraordinary  perseverance 
and  resolution  ;  his  devotion  to  his  country,  candour,  intrepidity  and 
placability  in  resentment  ;  his  scrupulous  veracity,  constancy  in 
friendship,  and  his  fidelity  to  all  other  civil  and  moral  obligations  ; 
but  this  variety  of  excellence  is  so  directly  inferred  from  the  inci- 
dents of  his  life,  and  so  implied  in  a  knowledge  of  his  writings,  that  a 
more  particular  notice  might  seem  superfluous  and  impertinent.  The 
more  secret  and  minute  peculiarities  of  his  character  can  be  recorded 
only  by  those  whom  a  personal  intimacy  has  enabled  to  observe 
them;  and  his  imperfections  are  so  lost  in  a  life  of  virtuous  and  glo- 
rious occupation,  that  we  must  leave  the  care  of  detailing  them,  to 
those  who  have  more  leisure  and  sagacity  for  the  investigation. 


m     '  I       T        *-'      -  *■>  ■'  *" 


RES      OF       JOHN      MORTON 


JOHN    MORTON 


John  Morton  was  one  among  those  primitive  labourers  in  the 
vineyard  of  independence,  the  fruits  of  whose  toil  are  so  gloriously 
ripening,  but  of  whom  few  memorials  have  descended  to  our  times. 
His  ancestors  were  among  the  first  Swedish  emigrants  who  settled 
on  the  Delaware,  between  the  Christiana  and  Wickecoe,  in  the 
suburbs  of  Philadelphia.  The  name  of  Morton  appears  among 
those  of  the  first  occupants  and  proprietors  of  the  townships  of 
Springfield  and  Ridley.  He  was  born  in  the  year  1724,  in  the 
township  of  Ridley,  in  the  county  of  Chester  (now  Delaware),  about 
four  miles  from  Upland  (now  Chester.)  His  father,  John  Morton, 
was  united  in  marriage  to  Mary  Richards.  He  died  in  his  youth, 
previous  to  the  birth  of  the  son  who  was  destined  to  render  his 
name  as  imperishable  as  liberty.  His  widow  was  again  married  to 
an  Englishman,  named  John  Sketchley,  who  regarded  the  offspring 
of  the  former  union  with  a  care  truly  friendly  and  paternal.  Being 
a  skilful  surveyor,  he  instructed  his  young  step-son  in  that  and  other 
branches  of  the  mathematics,  and  soon  discovered,  from  the  rapid 
proficiency  which  he  acquired,  that  he  was  the  tutor  of  no  common 
scholar.  The  space  of  three  months  comprehended  all  the  advan- 
tages that  John  Morton  ever  acquired  from  instruction  in  a  public 
school.  His  education  was  superintended  and  directed,  at  home, 
by  Mr.  Sketchley,  and  what  he  acquired  from  that  source,  was  im- 
proved and  expanded,  through  the  agency  of  talents  which  ranked 
among  the  first  in  the  county.  He  was  employed  in  surveying,  and 
in  farming  the  paternal  estate,  until  public  business  engrossed  his 
attention,  and  summoned  him  to  the  more  conspicuous  walks  of  life. 

About  the  year  1764,  he  received  the  commission  of  a  justice  of 
the  peace,  and  was  soon  after  appointed  a  representative  in  the 
general  assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  of  which  he  was  an  active  and 
influential  member,  and,  for  a  long  time,  the  speaker. 

John  Morton  was  a  member  of  the  celebrated  stamp  act  congress, 
which  met  in  New  York,  in  1765,  in  consequence  of  a  circular  letter 
addressed  to  the  legislative  assemblies  of  the  several  British  colonies 
47  449 


450  JOHN    MORTON. 

en  the  continent,  by  the  house  of  representatives  of  the  province  of 
Massachusetts.  The  first  measure  of  this  congress  was  a  declara- 
tion of  the  rights  and  grievances  of  the  colonists,  which  asserted 
them  to  he  entitled  to  all  the  rights  and  liberties  of  natural-born 
subjects  of  Great  Britain,  among  the  most  essential  of  which,  were  the 
exclusive  right  to  tax  themselves,  and  the  privilege  of  a  trial  by  jury. 
A  petition  to  the  king,  together  with  a  memorial  to  each  house  of 
parliament,  drawn  up  with  temper  and  firmness,  were  also  agreed  on. 

In  the  year  1766  or  1767,  the  sheriffalty  of  the  county  becoming 
vacant  by  the  death  of  the  incumbent,  some  months  previous  to  the 
stated  time  of  election,  Mr.  Morton  was  appointed  by  the  governor 
to  supply  his  place;  and,  at  the  next  general  election,  having  offered 
himself  as  a  candidate  for  that  office,  he  was  elected  by  an  over- 
whelming majority.  He  executed  the  duties  of  his  station  with 
satisfaction  to  the  public,  and  credit  to  himself,  during  the  term  of 
three  years.  Soon  after  the  battle  of  Lexington,  which  opened  the 
drama  of  war,  by  rousing  the  resentment  of  every  American,  and  by 
diffusing  the  spirit  of  military  enthusiasm  throughout  the  land,  a  bat- 
talion of  volunteers  was  formed  in  the  neighbourhood  of  his  residence, 
who  chose,  for  their  colonel,  Mr.  Morton ;  but  other  public  engage- 
ments prevented  him  from  accepting  the  commission.  About  this  time, 
he  was  appointed  one  of  the  judges  of  the  supreme  court  of  Pennsyl- 
vania; having  before  held,  with  dignity  and  ability,  the  office  of  presi- 
dent-judge of  the  court  of  general  quarter  sessions,  and  common  pleas. 

But  the  point  on  which  his  claims  to  the  grateful  recollection  of 
posterity  principally  depends,  is  involved  in  the  act  of  granting  his 
support,  and  affixing  his  signature,  to  the  Declaration  of  Indepen- 
dence. On  the  twenty-second  of  July,  1774,  he  was  appointed,  by 
the  assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  a  delegate  to  the  first  congress,  held 
in  Philadelphia,  in  September  of  that  year.  He  was  instructed  to 
assist  in  forming  and  adopting  a  plan  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining 
redress  of  American  grievances,  of  ascertaining  American  rights 
upon  the  most  solid  and  constitutional  principles,  and  for  establish- 
ing that  union  and  harmony  between  Great  Britain  and  the  colonies, 
which  was  considered  necessary  to  the  welfare  and  happiness  of  both. 

Mr.  Morton  was  re-elected  to  congress  on  the  fifteenth  of  De- 
cember, 1774,  and  took  his  seat  in  that  body  on  the  tenth  of  May 
following,  at  the  meeting  of  the  second  congress.  On  the  third  of 
November,  1775,  he  was  again  appointed  a  representative,  while 
serving  as  speaker  of  the  house  of  assembly;  and  on  the  twentieth 
of  July,  1776,  he  was  elected,  for  the  last  time,  a  member  of  the 
irrcat  national  council. 


JOHN    MORTON.  451 

In  deliberating  on  the  momentous  subject  of  independence,  Mr. 
Morton  found  himself  called  upon  to  act  with  firmness  and  decision, 
on  a  most  trying  and  responsible  occasion.  It  is  a  fashionable 
thing  at  the  present  day,  and  one  which  sometimes  constitutes  a 
large  proportion  of  the  pseudo-patriot's  claims  to  distinction,  to  rail 
without  mercy  or  discrimination,  against  all  those  who,  at  any  time, 
either  before  or  after  its  adoption,  have  dared  to  breathe  a  sug- 
gestion against  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  In  this  sweeping 
condemnation,  there  is  no  distinction  made  between  those  who 
opposed  the  principles  of  the  measure,  and  those  who  doubted  its 
expedience  at  the  particular  moment  of  its  adoption.  Now,  a 
respectable  portion  of  the  most  earnest  and  unshaken  advocates  of 
the  cause,  men  who  never  were,  and  never  could  be  doubted,  as 
pure  and  irreproachable  patriots,  were  averse  to  sealing  the  separa- 
tion of  the  two  countries,  without  a  further  and  more  serious  con- 
sideration of  a  subject,  so  pregnant  with  fearful  and  unknown  events. 
No  wonder,  then,  that  Mr.  Morton  experienced  the  most  intense 
anxiety  of  mind,  when  he  was  required  to  give  the  casting  vote  of 
the  Pennsylvania  delegation;  a  vote  which  would  either  confirm  or 
destroy  the  unanimity  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence;  a  vote 
upon  which  hung  the  important  decision  whether  the  great  state  of 
Pennsylvania  should,  or  should  not,  be  included  in  the  league  which 
bound  her  sister  colonies  together.  On  the  fourth  of  July,  1776, 
when  the  question  was  about  to  be  decided,  deep  interest  was  excited 
with  regard  to  the  states  of  Delaware  and  Pennsylvania,  which  had 
previously  voted  in  opposition  to  independence.  The  opportune 
arrival  of  Mr.  Rodney  secured  the  voice  of  the  former,  and  the 
absence  of  two  adverse  members  of  the  Pennsylvania  delegation 
reduced  it,  in  number,  to  five: — these  were  James  Wilson,  Benjamin 
Franklin,  Charles  Humphreys,  Thomas  Willing  and  John  Morton. 
Mr.  Wilson  and  Dr.  Franklin  were  decidedly  in  favour  of,  and  Mr. 
Humphreys  and  Mr.  Willing  opposed  to  the  measure.  Everything 
rested  on  the  determination  of  Mr.  Morton;  the  interests  of  one 
of  the  largest  states  on  the  continent,  were  at  stake ;  its  secession 
from  the  common  cause  might  have  been  productive  of  the  most 
pernicious  consequences  ;  and  the  honour  of  the  country,  and  of  the 
cause,  demanded  cordiality  and  unanimity.  He  enrolled  his  vote 
in  favour  of  independence;  but  the  mental  anxiety  which  he  expe- 
rienced in  so  novel  and  solemn  a  situation,  and  the  great  responsi- 
bility which  he  had  incurred  in  case  the  measure  should  be  attended 
with  disastrous  results,  preyed  upon  his  peace,  and  is  confidently 
said  to  have  accelerated,  if  it  did  not  cause,  his  dissolution. 


452  JOHN    MORTON. 

He  served  with  ability  and  judgment,  on  many  important  commit 
tees,  dining  the  term  of  his  service  in  congress ;  and  he  was  chairman 
of  the  committee  of  the  whole,  during  the  organization  of  a  system 
of  confederation,  finally  agreed  to,  on  the  fifteenth  of  November,  1777. 

John  Morton  possessed  a  disposition  at  once  lively,  sociable, 
friendly  and  humane.  Overpowering  the  deficiencies  of  early  edu- 
cation, by  the  strength  of  his  mind,  and  the  force  of  his  talents,  he 
rose  to  the  highest  and  most  dignified  offices  of  the  state.  It  would 
have  been  in  vain  to  seek  the  plough-boy  of  Ridley,  in  the  dignified 
judge  upon  the  bench,  in  the  speaker  of  the  legislative  assembly  of 
Pennsylvania,  or  in  the  important  member  of  the  most  august  body 
of  assembled  virtue  and  patriotism,  that  the  world  has  ever  been 
taught  to  venerate.  He  was  charitable  to  the  poor ;  a  kind  friend, 
an  affectionate  husband  and  father;  a  social,  and  oftentimes  jocular 
companion.  His  modesty  was  equal  to  his  merit ;  and  the  remark 
might  justly  be  applied  to  him  in  the  language  of  the  poet,  that, 

"  It  is  the  witness  still  of  excellency, 

To  put  a  strange  face  on  his  own  perfection." 

Eminently  beloved  by  his  neighbours,  their  confidence  in  him  was 
perfect  and  unshaken ;  and  a  long  list  of  his  services,  as  executor 
and  guardian,  shows,  that  the  dying  parent  could  often  meet,  with 
more  consolation,  the  stroke  of  death,  under  the  conviction  that  the 
property  of  his  children,  and  the  regulation  of  their  conduct,  had 
been  committed  to  the  charge  of  an  honest  man. 

He  entered  into  matrimony  with  Miss  Ann  Jiistis,  of  the  state  of 
Delaware:  they  were  blessed  with  a  numerous  offspring,  eight 
of  whom,  three  sons  and  five  daughters,  were  living  at  the  time 
of  their  father's  decease. 

In  the  month  of  April,  1777,  a  violent  inflammatory  fever  removed 
him  from  this  mortal  scene,  in  the  fifty-fourth  year  of  his  age:  ho 
was  buried  in  the  cemetery  of  St.  James'  church,  in  Chester,  of 
which  he  was  a  member.  At  the  close  of  his  life,  he  was  abandoned 
by  some  who  had  been  his  warmest  friends,  but  whose  political  sen- 
timents differed  from  his  own,  and  they  could  neither  forgive  nor 
forget  the  vote  which  he  had  given  in  favour  of  independence.  It 
was  then  that  the  patriot  shone  forth  even  amid  the  pangs  of  disso- 
lution: "Tell  them,"  said  he,  on  his  death-bed,  and  with  a  pro- 
phetic spirit, — "tell  them  that  they  will  live  to  see  the  hour,  when 
"hey  shall  acknowledge  it  to  have  been  the  most  glorious  service 
_.iat  I  ever  rendered  to  my  country." 


Sg£felfefej=te^fafafc 


RES.    OF  GEORGE     CLYMER 
QlrsroitSineai   7fl  :•:  Jadi  pa 


GEORGE   CLYMEll. 


George  Clymer,  whose  name  is  affixed  to  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  was  descended  from  a  respectable  family  of  Bristol, 
in  England.  His  father  emigrated  to  this  country,  and  settled  in 
Philadelphia,  where  he  married.  Mr.  Clymer  was  born  in  that  city, 
in  the  year  1739,  and  the  decease  of  his  parents  left  him  an  orphan 
at  the  early  age  of  seven  years.  The  want  of  parental  protection 
was,  however,  fully  and  affectionately  supplied  by  the  guardianship 
of  his  uncle  William  Coleman,  whose  character  and  acquirements 
had  elevated  him  to  a  high  rank  among  the  citizens  of  Philadelphia. 
His  precepts  and  example  were,  therefore,  eminently  calculated  to 
establish  the  principles  of  Mr.  Clymer  upon  a  proper  model,  and  his 
extensive  library  afforded  him  all  the  advantages  of  reading,  and 
consequent  reflection. 

Mr.  Clymer  was  educated  in  Philadelphia,  under  the  superinten- 
dence of  Mr.  Coleman,  with  whom  he  lived  until  the  time  of  his 
marriage,  and  the  principal  part  of  whose  fortune  he  inherited. 
After  the  completion  of  his  studies,  he  entered  the  counting-room 
of  his  uncle,  for  the  purpose  of  acquiring  a  knowledge  of  mercantile 
pursuits.  He  possessed,  however,  little  taste  for  this  employment, 
his  inclination  leading  him  to  the  cultivation  of  his  mind.  When  he 
had  attained  the  proper  age,  he  connected  himself  in  business  with 
Mr.  Robert  Ritchie,  and,  at  a  subsequent  date,  with  his  father-in- 
law,  and  brother-in-law,  under  the  firm  of  Merediths  and  Clymer. 
After  the  decease  of  the  elder  Mr.  Meredith,  the  business  was  con- 
ducted by  the  two  surviving  partners,  until  about  the  year  1782, 
when  it  was  discontinued. 

In  the  year  1765,  when  about  twenty-seven  years  of  age,  he  mar- 
ried Miss  Elizabeth  Meredith,  the  eldest  daughter  of  Reese  Mere- 
dith, one  of  the  principal  merchants  of  Philadelphia.  He  was  an 
early  emigrant  from  Bristol,  in  England,  and  possessed  a  generous 
and  elevated  mind.  The  following  interesting  anecdote  affords  a 
distinct  view  of  his  charaecter  and  feelings:  when  General  Wash- 
2G  455 


456  GEORGE   CLYMEK. 

ington  was  a  very  young-  man,  and  before  he  had  attained  any  dis- 
tinction, he  visited  Philadelphia,  and  made  his  appearance  at  the 
coffee-house,  where  lie  had  not  a  single  acquaintance,  and  was,  there- 
fore, entirely  unnoticed.  Mr.  Meredith  coming  in,  and  finding  a 
stranger  in  this  awkward  situation,  went  up  to  him,  took  him  by  the 
hand,  inquired  his  name,  introduced  himself,  took  him  to  his  house, 
and  behaved  with  so  much  kindness  and  hospitality,  as  not  only  to 
induce  him  to  continue  at  Mr.  Meredith's  house  while  he  remained 
in  the  city,  but  ever  after  to  make  it  his  home  when  he  visited  Phi- 
ladelphia. During  a  long  course  of  years,  the  matrimonial  con- 
nexion of  Mr.  Clymer  subsisted  in  uninterrupted  harmony,  and 
served  mutually  to  mitigate  the  feelings  arising  from  domestic  afflic- 
tions and  bereavements. 

The  period  was  now  rapidly  approaching  when  genius  was  to  find 
its  proper  level,  and  patriotism  was  to  be  no  longer  enchained.  The 
principles  of  Mr.  Clymer  speedily  designated  him  as  one  of  those 
who  were  destined  to  direct  the  coming  storm  ;  to  emerge  in  triumph 
from  the  conflict,  or  sink  fearlessly  beneath  its  fury.  His  firmness 
and  his  talents  pointed  him  out  as  a  man  who  would  not,  in  case  of 
defeat,  owe  his  safety  to  his  obscurity,  but  as  one  who  would  hazard 
his  dearest  interests  in  the  cause,  and  either  live  as  a  freeman,  or 
perish  as  a  patriot.  He  was  a  republican  from  principle,  and  his 
heart  glowed  with  indignation  against  the  oppressions  that  were 
practised,  and  still  more  against  those  that  were  meditated,  towards 
this  country.  He  was,  therefore,  among  the  first  who  embarked  in 
opposition  to  the  arbitrary  acts,  and  unjust  pretensions,  of  Great 
Britain.  He  diligently  attended  all  the  private  and  public  meetings, 
which,  at  that  early  day,  were  held  by  the  friends  of  the  cause;  and 
manifested  an  ardent  and  persevering  zeal  in  its  support.  When 
conciliatory  measures  were  found  unavailing,  and  it  became  neces- 
sary to  arm  in  defence  of  the  colonies,  he  accepted  the  appointment 
of  captain  in  a  company  of  volunteers,  and  continued  to  hold  that 
commission  until  he  was  compelled,  by  his  civil,  and  more  urgent 
duties,  to  resign  it.  General  Cadwallader,  to  whose  brigade  he  was 
attached,  expressed  great  regret  at  his  retirement  from  military 
pursuits. 

In  the  year  1773,  when  the  importation  of  tea  into  America  on 
account  of  the  British  East  India  Company,  produced  a  universal 
excitement,  the  citizens  of  Philadelphia  warmly  adopted  those  mea- 
sures which  were  best  calculated  to  resist  the  operations  of  the 
measure,  by  preventing  the  sale  of  the  tea.     At  a  numerous  meet- 


GEORGE    CLYMER.  457 

ing,  held  on  the  sixteenth  day  of  October,  a  series  of  spirited  reso- 
lutions, for  the  purpose  of  restraining  the  sale,  were  unanimously 
adopted. 

Mr.  Clymer  strongly  advocated  these  energetic  measures,  and 
was  appointed  chairman  of  the  committee  chosen  to  wait  upon  the 
agents  of  the  East  India  Company,  and  request  them  to  resign  their 
appointments.  However  unpleasant  may  have  been  the  duty  thus 
assigned  to  him,  the  importance  of  its  proper  performance  did  not 
permit  him  to  hesitate  a  moment  in  demanding  a  resignation  of  the 
offensive  appointments.  The  commissions  had  been  sent  to  three 
of  the  principal  mercantile  houses  in  Philadelphia,  two  of  which, 
with  praiseworthy  alacrity,  coincided  in  the  wishes  of  the  committee. 
The  cautious  and  temporizing  conduct  of  the  other  commissioners 
excited  strong  animadversions,  but  they  were  at  length  induced  to 
submit  to  the  popular  opinion. 

When  the  growing  dangers  of  the  times  rendered  it  necessary  to 
appoint  a  council  of  safety,  Mr.  Clymer  was  chosen  a  member  of 
it,  and  performed  the  duties  of  his  station  with  great  activity  and 
decision.  His  inflexible  patriotism  and  integrity,  and  the  unquali- 
fied confidence  reposed  in  him  by  all  those  with  whom  he  was  asso- 
ciated in  the  public  councils,  pointed  him  out  to  congress  as  a  fit 
person  to  be  intrusted  with  the  care  of  the  public  moneys,  and  he 
was  accordingly  appointed  one  of  the  first  continental  treasurers,  in 
conjunction  with  Michael  Hillegas,  on  the  twenty-ninth  of  July,  1775. 
This  office  he  continued  to  fill  with  care  and  fidelity,  notwithstand- 
ing the  multiplicity  of  his  other  concerns,  until  shortly  after  his  first 
appointment  to  congress,  when  he  sent  in  his  resignation,  on  the 
sixth  of  August,  1776,  being  resolved  to  devote  his  undivided  atten- 
tion to  the  more  important  interests  of  his  country. 

To  the  loan  opened  for  the  purpose  of  rendering  the  opposition 
to  the  measures  of  the  British  more  effective,  he  was  one  of  the 
first  to  subscribe:  exchanging,  in  the  most  disinterested  manner,  all 
his  specie  resources  for  continental  currency.  The  warmth  of  his 
zeal  for  the  promotion  of  the  loan,  was  also  manifested  in  his  suc- 
cessful exertions  in  procuring  subscriptions  among  his  friends.  His 
devotion  to  the  cause  of  the  colonists,  appeared,  at  this  period,  to 
have  been  marked  with  the  greatest  enthusiasm ;  he  made  a  kind 
of  pilgrimage  to  Boston,  for  the  purpose,  as  it  is  believed,  of  im- 
bibing fresh  draughts  of  the  love  of  liberty  from  the  fountain-head, 
and  of  animating  his  own  patriotism  by  contemplating  the  virtuous 
and  spirited  opposition  of  that  portion  of  the  country. 


458  GEORGE    C  L  Y  M  E  K . 

Being-  one  among  the  first  to  feci  and  acknowledge  the  necessity 
of  a  total  separation  from  the  mother  country,  he  was  appointed  on 
the  twentieth  of  Jul}',  1776,  in  conjunction  with  Dr.  Benjamin  Rush, 
James  Wilson,  George  Ross,  and  George  Taylor,  to  succeed  those 
members  of  the  Pennsylvania  delegation,  who  had  refused  their 
assent  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  abandoned  their 
seats  in  congress.  From  this  circumstance  it  arose,  that  the  new 
members  who  were  elected  as  acknowledged  advocates  of  the  mea- 
sure, were  not  present  when  that  memorable  instrument  was  agreed 
upon  by  congress.  Mr.  Clymcr,  however,  affixed  his  signature  to 
the  manifesto,  as  if  in  the  performance  of  an  act  which  was  about  to 
consummate  his  dearest  wishes,  and  realize  those  fond  prospects  of 
national  prosperity  which  had  ever  been  transcendent  in  his  thoughts. 

On  the  twenty-sixth  of  September,  1776,  Mr.  Clymer  was  ap- 
pointed, together  with  Mr.  Stockton,  to  visit  Ticonderoga,  to  which 
place  he  immediately  proceeded,  to  inspect  the  affairs  of  the  north- 
ern army.  The  continued  approbation  of  congress  sufficiently  tes- 
tifies the  faithful  performance  of  that  confidential  service.  Having 
an  entire  confidence  in  the  commander-in-chief  of  our  armies,  he 
uniformly  promoted  every  measure  that  was  the  least  calculated  to 
extend  the  powers,  and  assist  the  views,  of  that  great  man;  a  course 
of  conduct,  the  policy  and  utility  of  which  was  variously  manifested 
during  the  war. 

When  congress,  on  the  approach  of  the  British  army  through  New 
Jersey,  considered  it  necessary  to  adjourn  to  Baltimore,  in  Decem- 
ber, 1776,  a  committee  consisting  of  Robert  Morris,  George  Wal- 
ton, and  Mr.  Clymer,  was  appointed,  with  powers  to  execute  such 
continental  business  in  Philadelphia  as  might  be  considered  proper 
and  necessary.  A  large  sum  of  money  was  committed  to  their  charge, 
for  such  public  uses  as  they  should  think  proper  ;  with  powers  to 
call  upon  the  commissioner  of  the  loan  office,  for  such  further  sums 
as  the  continental  service  might  require.  At  this  period,  the  family 
of  Mr.  Clymer  resided  in  Chester  county,  twenty-five  miles  distant 
from  Philadelphia;  but  so  strictly  did  he  devote  his  time  to  the  ob- 
jects of  his  appointment,  that  when  he  paid  them  a  visit,  he  left  the 
city  late  in  the  afternoon,  and  returned  in  the  morning. 

On  the  twelfth  of  March,  1777,  he  was  re-elected  to  congress,  and 
continued  to  be  an  active  and  efficient  member  of  that  body,  until 
the  nineteenth  of  May  following,  when  the  effects  of  his  unremitting 
exertions  compelled  him  to  obtain  leave  of  absence  for  the  recovery 
of  his  health.    His  services  on  committees,  the  most  arduous  of  con- 


GEORGE    CLYMER.  459 

gressional  duties,  were  frequent  and  persevering,  and  he  acted  with 
fidelity  as  a  member  of  the  boards  of  war  and  of  the  treasury.  On 
the  ninth  of  April,  lie  was  appointed,  with  others,  to  consider  the 
proper  steps  to  be  immediately  taken  by  congress,  and  recommended 
to  the  state  of  Pennsylvania,  for  opposing  the  enemy,  if  they  should 
attempt  to  penetrate  through  New  Jersey,  or  to  attack  Philadelphia. 
On  the  eleventh  of  July,  1777,  he  was  appointed,  together  with  Mr. 
P.  Livingston  and  Mr.  Gerry,  to  proceed  to  the  army  under  the 
command  of  General  Washington,  to  institute  a  diligent  inquiry 
into  the  state  of  that  army,  particularly  as  it  related  to  the  causes 
of  complaint  in  the  commissary's  department  ;  and  to  make  such 
provision  as  the  exigency  or  importance  of  the  case  required. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  general  assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  held  on 
the  fourteenth  September,  1777,  Mr.  Clymer  was  not  re-elected  to 
congress,  although  he  served,  for  a  time,  after  that  period.  During 
the  fall  of  this  eventful  year,  when  the  British  army,  landing  at  the 
Head  of  Elk,  defeating  General  Washington  on  the  Brandywine, 
were  marching  towards  Philadelphia,  the  family  of  Mr.  Clymer,  as 
already  mentioned,  resided  in  Chester  county.  The  change  of  mea- 
sures adopted  by  the  enemy,  however,  threw  them  into  the  very  scene 
of  danger,  and  at  the  instigation  of  certain  domestic  traitors,  their 
retreat  was  pointed  out,  and  the  house  sacked  by  a  band  of  the 
British  soldiers.  All  the  furniture,  and  a  large  stock  of  liquors  were 
destroyed,  and  such  casks  of  wine  as  they  were  unable  to  consume 
or  convey  away,  were  poured  upon  the  floors  of  the  cellars. 

In  the  year  1777,  an  inroad  was  made  on  the  western  frontiers  of 
Virginia  and  Pennsylvania  by  some  savage  tribes  of  Indians,  during 
which  a  number  of  helpless  people  were  barbarously  massacred,  and 
the  peaceable  inhabitants  driven  from  their  homes  and  reduced  to 
great  distress.  These  atrocious  acts  were  committed  at  the  insti- 
gation of  British  agents  and  emissaries,  who  also  excited  a  danger- 
ous spirit  of  disaffection  among  worthless  and  evil  disposed  indivi- 
duals on  the  frontiers,  and  induced  them  to  aid  the  enemy  in  their 
barbarous  warfare.  The  Shawanese  and  Delaware  Indians  continued 
well  affected,  and  disposed  to  preserve  the  league  of  peace  and 
amity  entered  into  with  the  American  congress,  and  were,  on  that 
account,  threatened  with  an  attack  by  their  hostile  neighbours.  It 
having  thus  become  necessary  to  adopt  measures  for  the  safety  of 
the  frontiers,  as  well  as  to  preserve  the  public  faith  plighted  to  our 
Indian  allies,  congress  resolved  to  appoint  three  commissioners  to 
proceed  to  Fort  Pitt,  with  instructions  to  investigate  the  rise,  pro- 
48  2g2 


460  GEORGE    CLYMEE. 

gress,  and  extent,  of  the  disaffection  in  that  quarter,  and  take  mea- 
sures for  suppressing  it,  and  for  bringing-  the  people  to  a  sense  of  their 
duty.  The  powers  of  this  committee,  consisting  of  Colonel  Samuel 
Washington,  Gabriel  Jones,  and  Mr.  Clyraer,  were  very  extensive. 

Mr.  Clymer  was  appointed  to  this  important  and  confidential 
service  on  the  eleventh  of  December,  1777,  and  a  few  days  after 
accepted  the  appointment.  The  commissioners  having  terminated 
their  labours,  advised  congress  of  the  result  on  the  twenty-seventh 
of  April,  from  which  it  appeared  that  the  cruelties  already  exercised 
were  merely  the  commencement  of  an  Indian  war,  instigated  by  the 
British,  and  persevered  in  by  the  savages  from  a  belief,  industriously 
inculcated  by  the  enemy,  that  the  forbearance  of  the  United  States 
resulted  from  their  inability  to  revenge  the  outrages  which  had  been 
committed.  Congress  therefore  resolved  to  take  the  most  energetic 
measures  for  the  reduction  of  Detroit,  and  the  conqunt  of  the  In- 
dians, by  levying  a  large  body  of  men,  and  carrying  the  war  into 
the  enemy's  country. 

In  November,  1780,  Mr.  Clymer  received  from  the  speaker  of  the 
Pennsylvania  assembly,  an  official  notice  of  his  third  election  to 
congress.  On  the  succeeding  day,  he  resumed  his  seat  in  the  great 
council  of  the  nation,  and  displayed  the  same  activity,  intelligence, 
and  perseverance,  which  had  characterized  his  previous  exertions 
in  the  discharge  of  his  congressional  duties.  From  this  time  to  the 
twelfth  of  November,  1782,  comprehending  a  space  of  nearly  two 
years,  he  devoted  himself  so  faithfully  and  indefatigably  to  the  pub- 
lic service,  that  he  was  not  absent  more  than  a  few  weeks  from  his 
scat,  a  portion  of  which  he  was  employed  in  the  business  of  congress. 
It  is  impossible  to  specify  the  number  of  committees  upon  which  he 
served,  and  the  vast  variety  of  current  business,  in  the  transaction 
of  which  he  displayed  so  much  shrewdness  and  ability;  but  his  well 
known  capacity  attracted  a  large  share  of  the  confidence  of  con- 
gress, and  gave  him  little  time  to  attend  to  his  private  affairs,  or 
indulge  in  the  ease  and  enjoyments  of  domestic  life. 

When  the  plan  for  establishing  a  national  bank  was  submitted  to 
congress  by  the  financier,  it  received  the  warm  support  of  Mr.  Cly- 
mer, who  was  appointed,  together  with  Mr.  John  Nixon,  to  receive 
the  subscriptions.  He  always  evinced  the  most  decided  interest  in 
the  prosperity  of  this  institution,  which,  under  the  guidance  of  an 
able  director,  had  become  a  most  powerful  support  to  the  American 
cause,  and  relieved  the  distresses  of  the  army  in  one  of  the  most 
gloomy  and  appalling  epochs  of  the  revolution. 


GEORGE    CLVMER.  461 

At  the  representations  of  Mr.  Morris,  the  superintendent  of  the 
finances,  it  was  considered  necessary,  by  congress,  to  adopt  more 
active  measures  to  procure  from  the  several  states  their  quotas  for 
the  purposes  of  the  war.  Mr.  Clymer  hence  received  a  renewed 
pledge  of  the  confidence  of  congress,  by  being  appointed,  on  the 
twenty-second  of  May,  1782,  with  Mr.  Rutledge  to  repair  to  the  south- 
ern states,  and  to  make  such  representations  as  were  best  adapted 
to  their  several  circumstances,  and  might  induce  them  to  carry  the 
requisitions  of  congress  into  effect  with  the  greatest  despatch. 

In  November,  1782,  Mr.  Clymer,  having  retired  from  his  seat  in 
congress,  removed  his  family  to  Princeton,  in  New  Jersey,  for  the 
purpose  of  educating  his  children  at  Nassau-Hall.  The  prospects 
of  the  country  had  brightened,  and  believing  the  objects  of  the  war 
to  be  on  the  point  of  consummation,  he  considered  that  his  assistance 
was  no  longer  necessary,  and  that,  after  so  much  toil  and  trouble, 
he  could  honourably  retire  to  the  enjoyments  of  domestic  life.  The 
strong  affection  which  he  entertained  for  his  children  would  not, 
under  such  circumstances,  admit  of  a  separation,  and  he  therefore 
resolved  to  transfer  his  whole  family  to  Princeton,  where  their  edu- 
cation was  to  be  completed. 

In  the  year  1784,  the  spirit  of  political  discord  distracted  the  state 
of  Pennsylvania,  and  great  exertions  were  made  in  opposition  to  the 
constitutionalists,  the  prevailing  party,  who  derived  their  name  from 
the  active  support  which  they  gave  to  the  old  constitution.  To  aid 
in  opposing  this  party  and  their  principles,  Mr.  Clymer  was  sum- 
moned from  his  Princeton  retirement  in  the  fall  of  1784;  and  at  the 
ensuing  election  was  appointed  to  the  legislature,  to  co-operate  with 
Robert  Morris  and  Thomas  Fitzsimmons,  in  relation  to  that  import- 
ant object. 

We  need  not  trace  the  steps  of  Mr.  Clymer  throughout  the  whole 
course  of  his  carper  in  the  assembly  of  Pennsylvania.  He  trod  in 
the  same  undeviating  path  which  led  him  to  distinction  in  the  gene- 
ral council  of  the  nation.  The  same  principles  of  political  probity 
were  the  foundation  of  all  his  thoughts  and  actions. 

A  measure  of  sound  and  humane  policy  was  adopted  by  the  legis- 
lature, during  the  membership  of  Mr.  Clymer,  which  conferred  a 
large  share,  not  only  of  legislative,  but  of  Christian,  honour  upon 
those  who  supported  it.  To  Mr.  Clymer,  then,  who  brought  for- 
ward that  measure,  a  larger  and  a  brighter  portion  of  praise  is  due; 
and  it  must,  in  after  life,  have  ever  been  to  him  a  soothing  reflect 


462  GEORGE    CLYMER. 

tion,  that  he  had  given  birth  to  a  system  which  mitigated  the  suffer- 
ings, while  it  checked  the  vices,  of  his  fellow  creatures. 

The  sanguinary  nature  of  the  penal  code  of  Pennsylvania  had 
long  been  deprecated  by  those  citizens  opposed  to  the  destruction 
of  human  life  under  any  pretext  whatever,  and  by  those  who,  ad- 
mitting the  right  and  necessity  in  extreme  cases,  believed  that 
sound  policy  demanded  its  modification.  Among  the  latter  was 
Mr.  Clymer.  A  committee  being  appointed,  of  which  he  was  a 
member,  a  report  was  drawn  up  by  him,  and  submitted  to  the  con- 
sideration of  the  house,  strenuously  recommending  an  amelioration 
of  the  penal  code,  and  the  abolishment  of  capital  punishments  in 
all  cases,  excepting  those  of  the  most  flagrant  nature.  He  laboured 
with  untiring  perseverance  in  support  of  this  humane  and  salutary 
measure.  On  few  occasions  of  his  life  did  he  exert  himself  more 
warmly  and  ably,  in  the  accomplishment  of  what  he  considered  an 
important  object.  Although  a  zealous  friend  to  the  great  principles 
of  the  law,  he  was  strongly  opposed  to  those  details  in  it,  which, 
without  amendment,  were  calculated  to  destroy  its  usefulness.  On 
the  present  occasion,  he  maintained  that  the  fittest  punishment  of 
a  criminal  was  that  which,  when  meditated  upon  at  the  time,  would 
be  most  likely  to  deter  him  from  the  commission  of  it:  and,  in  this 
view,  he  believed  that  the  contemplation  of  a  long  imprisonment 
would  be  of  more  effect  than  that  of  death. 

Such  were  the  main  principles  which  guided  Mr.  Clymer  in  his 
endeavours  to  ameliorate  the  penal  laws  of  Pennsylvania;  and  thus 
he  became  peculiarly  instrumental  in  causing  her  to  act  with  a  salu- 
tary indulgence  to  her  own  misguided  sons,  and  to  set  an  example 
of  humanity  to  mankind.  The  policy  was  sound,  as  well  as  humane: 
it  has  resisted  the  attacks  of  those  who  were  blindly  attached  to  the 
former  system;  it  has  triumphantly  stood  the  test  of  experience;  it 
has  been  adopted  by  some  of  her  sister  states,  and  is  daily  gaining 
ground  in  other  parts  of  the  world. 

Mr.  Clymer  vigorously  opposed  certain  additions  to  the  penal  code, 
as  destructive  to  its  proper  effect:  he  deprecated  the  exposure  of 
criminals,  by  employing  them  in  labour  in  the  streets  and  highways, 
with  chains  and  badges,  as  impolitic  and  useless,  and  operating  less 
as  a  punishment  to  themselves,  or  a  terror  to  others,  than  to  beget 
a  greater  insensibility  to  virtue  or  to  shame.  He  maintained  that 
absolute  seclusion,  in  all  countries  where  the  experiment  had  been 
tried,  generally  and  in  a  short  time,  broke  the  most  hardened  dis- 
positions, and  most  inflexible  tempers;  and  that  nothing  could  be 


GEORGE    CLYHER.  4G3 

more  effectual  than  the  establishment  of  penitentiaries,  where  crimi- 
nals might  be  separately  immured,  and  secluded  from  the  view  and 
intercourse  of  the  world.  The  people,  moreover,  were  offended 
by  the  exposure;  and  criminals  enjoyed  opportunities  of  commu- 
nicating with  their  free  comrades,  and  of  concerting  means  of 
escape. 

The  old  articles  of  confederation,  which  had  conducted  the  nation 
in  safety  through  the  war,  were  found  too  weak  to  bind  together  the 
states,  when  released  from  the  pressure  of  an  external  foe.  The 
American  people,  as  a  necessary  consequence,  were  neither  pros- 
perous at  home,  nor  respectable  abroad.  The  enemies  of  our  re- 
publican system  had  already  begun  to  predict  its  downfall,  and  its 
friends  to  apprehend  it.  When  in  this  uncertain  and  unpromising 
state  of  things,  it  was  determined  to  call  a  convention  to  form  a 
more  efficient  constitution  for  the  general  government,  Mr.  Clymer, 
while  yet  a  member  of  the  legislature,  was  sent  as  a  deputy  to  that 
body.  In  the  deliberations  of  that  illustrious  assembly,  he  evinced 
the  most  enlightened  and  liberal  views,  and  united  in  recommending 
the  instrument  which  had  been  framed,  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States. 

When  this  constitution  was  adopted  by  the  requisite  number  of 
states,  and  was  about  to  be  carried  into  execution,  he  was  elected 
a  member  of  the  first  house  of  representatives  by  a  large  majority 
of  the  people  of  Pennsylvania.  His  election  took  place  in  the 
month  of  November,  1788,  at  a  meeting  of  the  conferees  appointed 
by  the  different  counties  of  the  state,  and  held  at  Lancaster.  The 
deputies  from  Philadelphia  were  elected  by  a  large  town  meeting, 
which  directed  them  to  place  the  name  of  Mr.  Clymer  upon  the 
general  ticket.  On  the  eighth  of  April,  1789,  the  oath  required  by 
the  new  constitution  was  administered  to  him  by  the  chief  justice 
of  New  York,  where  congress  then  sat,  and  he  again  united  his 
talents  with  those  of  the  assembled  sages  of  the  general  legislature. 
He  pursued  with  an  undeviating  step,  the  same  principles  that  had 
uniformly  marked  his  former  progress,  and  gave  an  unqualified  sup- 
port to  all  those  measures  which  so  largely  contributed  to  the  honour 
and  welfare  of  the  nation,  and  conferred  so  much  distinction  upon 
what  is  termed  the  Washington  administration. 

The  rigid  republicanism  of  Mr.  Clymer  rendered  him  averse  from 
all  titular  distinctions;  hence  he  opposed  the  addition  of  any  title 
either  to  the  president  or  vice-president.  After  adverting  to  the 
high  and  lofty  titles  assumed  by  the  most  impotent  potentates,  and 


464  GEORGE    CLYMEE. 

proving  by  experience  that  so  far  from  conferring  power,  they  fre- 
quently made  their  possessors  ridiculous,  he  proceeded  to  reprove 
this  growing  predilection  of  his  countrymen.  Titular  distinctions, 
said  he,  are  said  to  be  unpopular  in  the  United  States,  yet  a  person 
would  be  led  to  think  otherwise,  from  the  vast  number  of  honour- 
able gentlemen  we  have  in  America.  As  soon  as  a  man  is  selected 
for  the  public  service,  his  fellow  citizens,  with  liberal  hand,  shower 
down  titles  on  him, — cither  excellency  or  honourable.  He  would 
venture  to  affirm  there  were  more  honourable  esquires  in  the  United 
Slates,  than  all  the  world  beside.  He  wished  to  check  a  propensity 
so  notoriously  evidenced  in  favour  of  distinctions,  and  hoped  the 
example  of  the  house  might  prevail,  to  extinguish  the  predilection 
that  appeared  in  favour  of  titles. 

It  was  a  saying  of  Mr.  Clymer's,  that  "  a  representative  of  the 
people  is  appointed  to  think  for  and  not  with  his  constituents,"  and 
in  conformity  with  this  doctrine,  he  was  one  of  those  who  invariably, 
during  the  whole  course  of  their  political  career,  showed  a  total  disre- 
gard to  the  opinions  of  his  constituents,  when  opposed  to  the  matured 
decisions  of  his  own  mind.  He  therefore  warmly  opposed  the  pro- 
position introducing  a  clause  in  the  constitution,  which  conferred  upon 
t  he  people  the  unalienable  right  of  instructing  their  representatives. 
No  one  felt  more  indignant  at  the  dependence  which  it  would  neces- 
sarily create,  than  he  did.  Do  gentlemen,  said  he,  foresee  the  extent 
of  these  words?  If  they  have  a  constitutional  right  to  instruct  us, 
it  infers  that  we  are  bound  by  those  instructions,  and  as  we  ought 
not  to  decide  constitutional  questions  by  implication,  I  presume  that 
we  shall  be  called  upon  to  go  further,  and  expressly  declare  the 
members  of  the  legislature  to  be  bound  by  the  instructions  of  their 
constituents.  This  is  a  most  dangerous  principle,  utterly  destructive 
of  all  ideas  of  an  independent  and  deliberative  body,  which  are 
essential  requisites  in  the  legislatures  of  free  governments:  they 
prevent  men  of  abilities  and  experience  from  rendering  those  ser- 
vices to  the  community  that  are  in  their  power,  destroying  the  object 
contemplated  by  establishing  an  efficient  general  government,  and 
rendering  congress  a  mere  passive  machine. 

When  the  naturalization  bill  came  under  the  consideration  of 
congress,  a  long  discussion  ensued,  relative  to  the  facilities  which 
ought  to  be  afforded  to  aliens,  both  as  to  holding  property,  and  be- 
coming citizens  of  the  country.  The  existing  abuses  in  regard  to 
their  stolen  privileges,  and  the  illegality  of  the  votes  taken  at  elec- 
tions, demanded  a  speedy  remedy.   In  the  debate  upon  this  subject, 


GEORGE    CLYMER.  4(55 

Mr.  Clymer  was  of  opinion  that  foreigners  ought  to  be  gradually 
admitted  to  the  rights  of  citizens,  and  that  a  residence  for  a  certain 
time  should  entitle  them  to  hold  property;  but  that  the  higher  pri- 
vileges of  citizens,  such  as  electing,  or  being  elected  into  office, 
should  require  a  longer  term.  Permitting  these  rights  to  be  as- 
sumed, and  exercised  at  a  shorter  period,  would  not  operate  as  any 
inducement  to  persons  to  emigrate,  as  the  great,  object  of  emigra- 
tion is  generally  that  of  procuring  a  more  comfortable  subsistence, 
or  to  better  the  circumstances  of  the  individuals.  He  thought  the 
exercises  of  particular  privileges  was  but  a  secondary  consideration. 
But  the  opinions  of  Mr.  Clymer  are  more  fully  developed  in  the  fol- 
lowing extract  from  his  manuscript  memoranda:  "Aliens  might, 
with  no  less  advantage  than  native  citizens,  be  vested  with  every 
right  of  property ;  but  none  of  the  political  rights  should  be  intrusted 
to  them,  until  after  a  long  probation:  and  this  would  not  be  in  any 
way  unjust;  for  a  stranger  comes  into  a  new  country  to  be  relieved 
from  the  oppressions  of  the  old,  or  to  better  his  personal  condition, 
and  not  to  govern  it.  In  the  countries  from  which  strangers  gene- 
rally come  to  us,  it  is  the  part  of  the  people  to  obey;  a  simple  les- 
son, easily  learned:  but  in  our  country  it  is  their  part  to  govern, 
which  requires  a  long  preparation  of  habits  and  of  knowledge;  and 
it  is  a  part  which  strangers  are  unfit  to  act.  He  comes  either  with 
a  disposition  already  broken  to  some  degree  of  slavery,  or  with  a 
superstitious  reverence  for  the  despotism  to  which  custom  has  recon- 
ciled him;  and  wishes  to  assimilate  the  powers  of  his  new  to  his  old 
government.  Or,  from  a  hatred  of  the  old,  from  its  oppressions 
which  lie  has  felt,  he  becomes,  from  a  want  of  discriminating  know- 
ledge, an  enemy  to  all  governments  whatsoever,  and  is,  of  course, 
the  factious  and  turbulent  partisan  of  anarchy  and  disorder." 

He  supported  the  assumption  of  the  state  debts  as  a  measure 
which,  while  it  ought  to  be  acted  upon  with  caution,  was  necessary 
for  the  preservation  of  the  union.  He  observed,  that  the  unauthor- 
ized debts  assumed  would  be  sufficiently  covered  in  the  gross  de- 
mand which  the  states  would  have  against  the  United  States,  when 
their  accounts  should  be  finally  made  up.  It  was  objected  that  it 
would  be  difficult  to  find  the  means  of  satisfying  both  the  federal 
and  state  debts  consolidated;  to  this  he  replied,  that  congress  could 
not  assume  the  state  debts  without  assuming,  at  the  same  time, 
those  very  means  which  otherwise  the  states  would  employ  in  ex- 
tinguishing their  debts,  were  they  left  on  their  own  hands;  and  that 
in  this  case,  it  would  be  as  easy  to  satisfy  both  species  of  debt  as 


4G6  GEOKGE    CLYMER. 

one.  The  too  great  dependence  of  the  states  upon  the  United  States, 
which  would  ensue  from  a  transfer  of  the  power  of  providing  for 
their  own  debts,  was  also  stated  as  an  objection  to  the  measure. 
Mr.  Clymer  answered,  that  if  a  condition  of  absolute  dependency  or. 
the  general  government  was  to  follow  this  measure,  it  would  only 
be  the  anticipation  of  a  necessary  event;  for,  on  the  final  settlement 
of  accounts,  whatever  debts  were  then  due  to  the  states  must  be 
assumed,  and  in  like  manner  provided  for  by  congress,  in  taking 
the  taxation  out  of  the  hands  of  the  states. 

In  the  debate  touching  that  portion  of  the  tonnage  bill  which  pro- 
posed a  discrimination  between  foreign  nations,  Mr.  Clymer  appealed 
to  the  public  acts  of  America  for  the  sentiments  of  the  people  re- 
specting it,  from  which  it  appeared  that  Great  Britain  was  regarded  in 
commerce  as  a  foreign  nation ;  but  it  was  the  wish  of  all  to  increase 
the  commerce  between  France  and  the  United  States.  In  common 
with  his  colleagues,  he  strongly  relied  upon  public  opinion,  and  the 
sentiments  which  had  been  unequivocally  expressed  throughout  the 
union,  which  were  against  placing  foreign  nations  generally  on  a 
level  with  the  allies  of  the  country.  He  thought  it  important  to 
prove  to  those  nations  who  had  declined  forming  commercial  treaties 
with  them,  that  the  United  States  possessed  and  would  exercise  the 
power  of  retaliating  any  regulations  unfavourable  to  their  trade, 
and  insisted  strongly  on  the  advantages  of  America  in  a  war  of 
commercial  regulations,  should  this  measure  produce  one.  The 
claims  of  France  on  the  gratitude  of  the  American  people  were 
urged  in  favour  of  the  principle  for  which  he  contended.  It  was 
also  maintained  that  the  commerce  between  the  United  States  and 
Great  Britain  had  exceeded  its  natural  boundary.  "  The  little 
trade,"  said  he,  "  carried  on  between  France  and  America  is  favour- 
able to  us;  that  to  Great  Britain,  the  contrary.  We  receive  money 
for  what  we  carry  to  France,  with  which  our  mercantile  operations 
arc  increased;  we  are  not  paid  with  rum,  as  in  our  British  West 
India  trade.  This  is  a  fact  of  notoriety;  it  has  become  a  subject 
of  complaint  in  that  country,  that  we  take  no  return  in  manufactures 
from  her  as  we  do  from  a  neighbouring  nation.  These  advantages, 
therefore,  backed  by  the  voice  of  the  people,  warrant  a  preference 
of  the  nature  of  that  which  is  now  intended." 

At  the  expiration  of  the  first  congressional  term  of  two  years,  he 
declined  a  re-election,  which  closed  his  long,  laborious,  and  able, 
legislative  career.  But  he  was  not  permitted  to  remain  in  the 
shade  of  private  life.     President  Washington  had  long  known  his 


GEORGE    CLYMER.  467 

worth  and  respected  his  virtues,  and  now  destined  him  to  fill  one 
of  the  most  arduous  situations  in  the  state. 

In  1791  a  hill  was  introduced  in  congress,  conforming  to  the 
report  of  the  secretary  of  the  treasury,  imposing  a  duty  on  spirits 
distilled  within  the  United  States,  which  notwithstanding  the  vehe- 
ment opposition  of  the  southern  and  western  members,  was  carried 
by  a  considerable  majority.  A  large  portion  of  the  population,  espe- 
cially that  which  had  spread  itself  over  the  extensive  regions  of  the 
west,  consuming  imported  articles  to  a  very  inconsiderable  amount, 
was  not  much  affected  by  the  imposts  on  foreign  merchandize.  But 
the  present  duty,  reaching  this  part  of  society,  it  was  consequently 
indisposed  to  the  tax.  The  opponents  of  the  bill  contended  that 
other  sources  of  revenue,  less  exceptionable  and  odious,  might  be 
explored.  The  duty  was  branded  with  the  hateful  epithet  of  an 
excise,  a  species  of  taxation,  it  was  said,  so  peculiarly  oppressive 
as  to  be  abhorred  even  in  England;  and  which  was  totally  incom- 
patible with  the  spirit  of  liberty.  The  facility  with  which  it  might 
be  extended  to  other  objects,  was  urged  against  its  admission  into 
the  American  system,  as  well  as  the  great  hostility  manifested 
against  it  in  some  of  the  states,  which  might  endanger  the  lives  of 
the  revenue  officers,  from  the  fury  of  the  people. 

The  arguments  of  those  who  supported  the  law  having  however 
prevailed,  it  was  necessary  to  confide  its  execution  to  men,  who 
would  discharge  their  duties  with  moderation  but  firmness.  Mr. 
Clymer  was  placed  at  the  head  of  the  excise  department  in  the  state 
of  Pennsylvania.  The  odium  which  the  act,  and  the  officers  who 
executed  it,  encountered,  and  the  insurrection  it  occasioned  are 
matters  of  history.  The  discontents  in  other  parts  of  the  union 
had  been  dissipated  by  the  prudence  and  firmness  of  the  govern- 
ment, and  the  law  had  been  carried  into  general  operation ;  but  in 
the  district  of  Pennsylvania  lying  west  of  the  Allegheny  mountains, 
the  resistance  wore  the  appearance  of  system,  and  was  regularly 
progressive.  Violence  and  outrage  accompanied  the  opposition  of 
the  malcontents.  It  was  the  duty  of  Mr.  Clymer,  as  supervisor,  to 
appoint  collectors  in  each  county,  but  for  a  considerable  time  every 
person  was  deterred  from  consenting  to  permit  an  office  to  be  held 
at  his  house.  When  this  difficulty  was  supposed  to  have  been  over- 
come, those  who  had  been  prevailed  on  to  accede  to  the  propositions 
of  the  supervisor,  were  compelled  by  threats  and  personal  violence 
to  retract  their  consent. 

To  subdue  the  opposition  which  continued  to  gather  fresh  force, 
49  2H 


468  GEORGE    CLYMER. 

and  to  burst  out  into  the  most  lawless  acts,  it  was  prudently  deter- 
mined to  resort  in  the  first  place  to  the  arm  of  the  law.  To  prove 
its  strength,  Mr.  Clymer  was  sent  into  the  very  theatre  of  insur- 
rection for  the  purpose  of  collecting  evidence  against  the  principal 
actors.  He  proceeded  to  the  spot,  at  the  risk  of  his  life,  and  it  ap- 
pears to  have  been  considered  by  government  as  an  extremely 
hazardous  enterprise.  He  was  directed  to  proceed  as  far  as  Bed- 
ford, from  which  place  he  was  escorted  to  Pittsburgh  by  a  troop  of 
horse,  detached  for  that  purpose,  from  the  army  of  General  Wayne. 
His  exertions  were  unremitting,  and  he  did  every  thing  which  his 
instructions  would  permit ;  but  it  has  been  asserted  that  they  were 
contrived  by  the  then  attorney-general,  to  defeat  the  object  which 
they  were  ostensibly  intended  to  promote. 

The  duties  of  this  office  being  disagreeable  to  him,  he  was  induced 
to  resign  it,  after  having  firmly  borne  a  full  share  of  the  odium 
which,  in  the  minds  of  little  men  and  of  the  mal-contents,  was 
attached  to  it.  An  instance  of  this  general  impression  occurred 
soon  after  his  return  from  the  performance  of  his  duties  as  super- 
visor, in  the  publication  of  a  sarcastic  piece  relative  to  his  travelling 
in  a  feigned  character  to  Bedford.  Mr.  Clymer,  who  never  was 
disposed  patiently  to  submit  to  any  indignity,  went  to  the  office  of 
the  printer,  where  a  personal  conflict  arose  between  them,  which 
fortunately  terminated  in  no  very  serious  result.  His  notions  of  in- 
dependence and  right  were  not  abstractly  confined  to  national  affairs, 
and  he  always  demanded  towards  himself  that,  politeness  and  respect 
which  he  was  ever  careful  to  show  to  others. 

The  resignation  of  his  office  in  the  excise  did  not,  as  he  intended, 
release  Mr.  Clymer  from  public  duty.  In  the  year  1796,  he  was 
appointed,  together  with  Colonel  Hawkins  and  Colonel  Pickins,  to 
negotiate  a  treaty  with  the  Cherokee  and  Creek  Indians  in  Georgia, 
which  was  satisfactorily  effected  in  the  month  of  June.  The  autho- 
rities of  Georgia  wished  to  dispossess  the  Indians  without  recom- 
pense, but  the  general  government  interfered,  and  appointed  com- 
missioners to  treat  with  them.  In  the  month  of  April,  Mr.  Clymer 
departed  from  Philadelphia  for  Savannah,  in  a  vessel  not  only  unfit, 
but  unsafe,  to  perform  the  voyage.  The  consequence  of  this  ill- 
advised  economy  on  the  part  of  the  governmental  agent  was  the  ex- 
treme danger  of  the  lives  on  board.  After  a  stormy  passage,  a 
harbour  was  made  in  Charleston  to  the  great  relief  of  the  crew, 
who  had  been  kept  incessantly  labouring  at  the  pumps.  He  arrived 
with  Mrs.  Clymer,  on   the   twenty-ninth  of  April;  they  were  soon 


GEORGE    CLYMER.  469 

abundantly  compensated  for  the  maritime  dangers  and  privations 
which  they  endured,  by  the  warm-hearted  hospitality  which  cha- 
racterizes the  city  of  Charleston. 

At  length,  after  a  long  and  tedious  council,  the  treaty  with  the 
Indians  was  concluded  on  the  twenty-ninth  of  June.  "  Our  treaty," 
he  writes,  "finished  yesterday  at  noon,  and  the  last  signing  is  just 
published  by  our  cannon.  I  am  sure  it  is  an  honest  treaty,  for  it 
was  negotiated  without  artifice  or  threats;  ft  is  honest  because  it 
will  greatly  benefit  each  of  the  contracting  parties;  it  is  honest  be- 
cause it  is  protested  against  by  the  Georgia  commissioners,  who 
found  all  the  customary  avenues  to  the  Indian  lands  barred  by  I  he 
principles  we  had  laid  down  in  conducting  it. 

At  length  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Clyincr  embarked  at  St.  Mary's  on  the 
twentieth  of  July,  and  after  a  disagreeable  passage,  arrived  at  Nor- 
folk on  the  thirty-first  of  the  same  month.  Thus  terminated  the 
political  life  of  Mr.  Clymer,  which  endured,  with  short  intervals, 
for  more  than  twenty  years.  lie  had  now  to  enjoy  the  soothing 
conviction  that  no  act  of  his  long  life  had  cast  the  slightest  blemish 
upon  his  public  or  private  reputation. 


-Servetur  ad  imum 


Qualis  ab  iiicepto  processerit,  et  sibi  constet. 

He  was  subsequently  elected  the  first  president  of  the  Philadelphia 
Bank,  and  of  the  Academy  of  Fine  Arts,  on  the  establishment  of 
those  institutions  ;  and  vice  president  of  the  Philadelphia  Agriculture 
Society  upon  its  re-organization  in  1805:  all  these  offices  he  con- 
tinued to  hold  until  his  decease,  and  was  constant  in  the  performance 
of  the  duties  attached  to  them. 

Mr.  Clymer  possessed  strong  intellects  from  nature,  which  he  im- 
proved by  culture  and  study.  "Firm,  but  not  obstinate;  independ- 
ent, but  not  arrogant ;  communicative,  but  not  obtrusive  ;  he  was 
at  once  the  amiable  and  instructive  companion.  Retired,  studious, 
contemplative,  he  was  ever  adding  something  to  his  knowledge  ;  and 
endeavouring  to  make  that  knowledge  useful.  His  predominant 
passion  was  to  promote  every  scheme  for  the  improvement  of  his 
country,  whether  in  science,  agriculture,  polite  education,  the  useful 
or  the  fine  arts.  It  was  in  the  social  circle  of  friendship  that  his 
acquirements  were  displayed  and  appreciated,  and  although  their 
action  was  communicated  from  this  circle  to  a  wider  sphere,  it  was 
with  an  enfeebled  force."  Diffident  and  retired,  while  capable  of 
teaching,  he  seemed   only  anxious  to  learn.     He  sought  in  vain  to 


470  GEORGE    CLYMER 

conceal  from  the  world  the  extraordinary  talents  which  he  possessed, 
or  to  shrink  from  the  honourable  consideration  in  which  they  were 
held.  He  never  solicited  preferment,  and  would  have  remained  in 
the  private  walks  of  life,  had  not  a  sense  of  dujy,  and  the  voice  of 
his  country,  called  him  into  public  usefulness.  He  never  sought 
popularity,  and  the  large  portion  of  it  which  he  enjoyed,  arose  solely 
from  a  conviction  on  the  part  of  the  people,  that  he  would  diligently 
and  faithfully  discharge  his  duty. 

He  possessed  a  mind  perseveringly  directed  towards  the  promo- 
tion of  useful  objects ;  an  uncommon  zeal  in  the  service  of  individuals 
and  of  public  institutions;  a  delicacy  and  disinterestedness  of  which 
there  are  few  examples ;  a  profound  love  of  rational  liberty  and 
hatred  of  tyranny ;  a  happy  serenity  and  cheerfulness  of  mind  ;  a 
vigour  and  originality  of  thought  ;  moderation  of  sentiment  and 
purity  of  heart.  The  kindness  and  urbanity  of  his  manners  endear- 
ed him  to  all  his  associates,  while  the  simplicity  which  was  a  marked 
feature  of  his  character,  did  not  permit  him  to  assume  an  offensive 
or  unreasonable  control  over  their  opinions.  His  conversation  was 
of  the  most  instructive  kind,  and  manifested  an  extensive  knowledge 
of  books  and  men.  He  possessed  the  rare  quality  of  never  traducing 
or  speaking  ill  of  the  absent,  or  endeavouring  to  debase  their  cha- 
racters. His  benevolence  of  disposition  and  liberality  of  sentiment, 
were  always  conspicuous ;  and  these  ennobling  sentiments  were 
evidenced  in  a  distinguished  manner,  by  his  having  been  the  princi- 
pal promoter  of  the  amelioration  of  the  state  penal  code. 

He  was  scrupulous  and  punctual  in  his  attention  to  what  may  be 
termed  the  minor  or  secondary  duties  of  life,  or  to  those  engage- 
ments which,  being  merely  voluntary,  arc  so  often  considered  as  of 
no  moral  or  binding  force.  In  the  public  bodies  over  which  he  pre- 
sided, he  knew  that  his  presence  and  services  were  relied  on  for 
their  operations  and  usefulness;  he  felt  the  responsibility  of  the 
stations,  and  that  it  was  through  his  instrumentality  alone  that  their 
proceedings  could  be  properly  conducted  ;  and  he  never  permitted 
any  idle  humour,  or  party  of  pleasure,  to  allure  him  from  the  post 
of  duty.  In  all  the  engagements,  however  trivial,  of  private  life,  he 
observed  the  same  punctilious  system.  "  He  who  justly  estimates 
the  value  of  a  punctual  performance  of  a  promise,  will  not,  without 
very  good  reason,  disregard  it,  whether  it  be  to  sign  a  contract  or 
walk  with  a  friend ;  to  pay  a  debt,  or  present  a  toy  to  a  child."  In 
this  most  useful  virtue,  Mr.  Clymer  was  pre-eminent. 

His  pretensions  to  eloquence  were  limited,  and   he  seldom  ap- 


GEORGE    CLYMER.  471 

peared  as  a  public  speaker;  but  when  his  diffidence  was  conquered 
by  feelings  of  duty,  and  when  lie  did  speak,  he  was  listened  to  with 
universal  attention,  because  his  speeches  were  short,  and  always  to 
the  purpose.  A  more  general  regard  to  this  habit  would  not  be 
useless  at  the  present  day:  ad  captandum  orators  would  less  fre- 
quently heat  and  irritate  the  public  mind,  and  the  business  of  large 
bodies  would  be  conducted  with  less  bustle  and  more  celerity.  His 
style  of  epistolary  writing,  in  which  he  extensively  engaged,  was 
playful  and  easy,  and,  when  occasions  required  it,  forcible  and  con- 
vincing. He  was  critical  in  his  phraseology,  and  somewhat  formal 
in  the  construction  of  his  sentences.  In  his  moments  of  leisure,  he 
frequently  amused  himself  by  composing  pieces  of  light  poetry,  some 
of  which  bear  the  marks  of  considerable  talent  and  humour.  A  few 
days  before  he  expired,  he  dictated  a  piece  of  this  nature,  relative 
to  the  British  and  their  navy. 

Possessing  the  sensibility  and  delicacy  which  are  essential  to  taste, 
Mr.  Clymer  had  of  course  a  peculiar  fondness  for  the  fine  arts, 
elegant  literature,  and  the  refined  pursuits  of  a  cultivated  genius. 
Music  and  painting  appear  to  have  particularly  invited  his  attention, 
and  exercised  his  judgment. 

His  researches  were  various,  and  if  not  always  profound,  they 
were  competent  to  his  purposes,  and  not  beyond  his  pretensions. 
Science,  literature,  and  the  arts,  had  all  a  share  of  his  attention, 
and  it  was  only  by  a  frequent  intercourse  with  him,  that  the  extent 
of  his  knowledge  of  each  could  be  discovered.  His  private  letters 
arc  filled  with  plans  of  machinery,  agricultural  implements,  water- 
works, canals,  bridges,  &o.  &c,  as  well  as  valuable  recipes,  affect- 
ing almost  every  branch  of  the  arts.  It  was  his  custom,  when  con- 
versing with  a  mechanic,  to  inquire  minutely  into  the  nature  of  his 
trade,  and  its  operations  :  by  pursuing  this  plan,  he  accumulated  a 
large  stock  of  knowledge  relative  to  the  common  occupations  of 
mechanics. 

We  find  from  the  following  letter  addressed  to  Mr.  Law,  that  the 
patriotic  spirit  which  enlightened  his  more  youthful  days,  had  not 
lost  any  of  its  fires  at  the  age  of  seventy.  It  is  dated  in  the  month 
of  September,  1810. 

"  Dear  Sir — The  freedom  your  English  friend  has  taken  with  us, 
in  his  letter  to  you,  will  excuse  the  freedom  of  the  observations  I  am 
going  to  make. 

"  He  seems  to  think  that  we  Americans  are  but  imperfectly  civil- 
ized. If  by  great  advancement  in  poetry,  painting,  or  music  ;  if 
2h2 


472  GEORGE    CLYMER. 

speculative  or  demonstrative  science,  or  the  arts,  he  means  civil- 
ization, he  may  be  right ;  for  in  these  things  we  are  not  perfect. 
But  by  civilization,  I  understand,  chiefly,  that  social  temper,  those 
common  principles,  which  act  most  beneficially  upon  mankind :  and 
I  will  give  you  my  notion  of  the  degree  in  which,  under  that  temper 
and  those  principles,  we  are  civilized,  negatively ;  that  is,  by  what 
we  do  not,  not  what  we  do. 

"We  do  not  then,  as  is  said  of  the  mouse  with  a  large  litter, 
starve  nine  of  our  children  to  over-feed  the  tenth. 

"  We  do  not  impress  one  man  for  a  guinea,  or  hang  another  for 
a  shilling. 

"  We  do  not  interdict  any  portion  of  our  people  the  honourable 
or  lucrative  trusts  of  our  country,  because  these  people  do  not  eat 
their  bread,  or  drink  their  wine,  at  the  Lord's  Supper,  according  to 
a  certain  formula. 

"It  is  not  our  policy  to  keep  down  the  wages  of  the  labourer,  be- 
low the  means  of  his  subsistence,  that  he  may  become  the  more  de- 
pendent for  it  on  our  bounty. 

"Our  laws  are  not  so  framed  as  that  the  poorer  people  are  ne- 
cessarily confined  to  the  same  district,  as  deer  to  the  same  park. 

"We  do  not  find  it  necessary  to  keep  up  the  spirit  and  hardihood 
of  our  people,  by  the  public  spectacle  of  executions,  whippings, 
pugilism,  or  bull-baiting. 

"  We  have  no  official  secret  how  to  keep  a  coach  out  of  a  salary 
that  would  hardly  find  the  incumbent  in  his  coat. 

"  In  journeying  from  Dan  to  Beersheba,  we  are  not  called  upon 
at  every  step,  to  discharge  the  perquisites  of  hosts  of  leeches  and 
locusts. 

"  I  might  go  on  with  the  enumeration,  but  perhaps  there  is  al- 
ready enough  of  it  for  a  comparison,  to  any  one  inclined  to  make  it, 
betwixt  our  country,  and  that  of  your  friend." 

At  the  commencement  of  the  French  revolution,  he  was  its  warm 
friend  and  admirer,  because  he  believed  that  it  afforded  the  prospect 
of  emancipating  a  great  people  from  political  bondage.  He  sym- 
pathized with  them  in  their  cause,  because  he  fondly  anticipated 
that  they  were  about  to  imitate  the  example  of  his  own  country. 
He  was  interested  in  their  incipient  exertions,  because  his  heart 
was  capacious,  and  embraced  the  whole  human  race.  But  when 
he  thought  that,  instead  of  honestly  and  soberly  prosecuting  the 
great  work  of  regeneration,  they  were  exciting  disturbances  abroad 
and  committing  atrocities  at  home,  he  abandoned  the  French  nation 


GEORGE    CLYMER.  473 

as  totally  unprepared  for  the  enjoyment  of  rational  liberty.  He 
pitied  their  levity  and  attributed  their  abasement  to  the  miserable 
government  under  which  their  minds,  and  those  of  their  progenitors, 
had  been  formed.  But  a  strong  bias  ever  influenced  his  mind  in 
favour  of  the  people  who  had  aided  us  in  our  revolutionary  struggle; 
and  this  predilection  is  apparent  in  many  of  his  writings. 

Of  the  more  extended  and  laboured  essays  of  Mr.  Clymer  we 
can  only  speak  in  general  terms,  as  abounding  in  forcible  argument, 
judicious  reasoning  and  nervous  language.  His  exculpation  of  the 
political  character  of  Franklin, — his  remarks  on  the  French  revolu 
tion, — his  addresses  to  the  members  of  the  Academy  of  Fine  Arts, — 
and  his  various  political,  literary,  and  scientific  essays, — all  por- 
tray the  extent  of  his  knowledge  and  the  soundness  of  his  under- 
standing. 

Mr.  Clymer  was  a  man  of  irreproachable  morals,  and  a  pure 
heart.  Possessed  of  all  the  generous  and  social  virtues,  his  bene- 
volence was  extensive  but  discriminating.  In  the  family  circle,  and 
in  friendly  intercourse,  he  appeared  to  peculiar  advantage,  when 
the  ardour  of  his  affections,  and  his  warmth  of  feeling,  were  not  re- 
strained by  the  diffidence  which  avoided  their  public  display.  His 
sensibility  was  most  acute  :  the  death  of  his  eldest  son,  about  the 
beginning  of  the  revolution,  for  a  long  time  embittered  his  existence, 
and  the  loss  of  another,  during  the  expedition  against  the  insurgents 
in  the  western  parts  of  Pennsylvania,  occasioned  a  shock  so  lasting 
and  severe,  that  his  appointment  on  the  mission  to  Georgia  is  sup- 
posed to  have  been  conferred  by  the  executive,  with  a  view  of  dissi 
pating  his  sorrow. 

With  a  purity  of  morals  upon  which  calumny  itself  had  never 
sought  to  cast  a  blemish,  he  possessed  a  singular  idea  of  the  bonds 
which  generally  confine  mankind  within  the  bounds  of  morality.  He 
believed  that  it  was  more  a  sense  of  honour,  than  the  moral  sense, 
which  guarded  against  the  commission  of  bad  actions,  because,  under 
circumstances  where  actions  intrinsically  bad  may  be  committed 
without  impeachment  of  honour,  or  according  to  custom  or  public 
sanction,  they  arc  very  readily  adopted. 

Mr.  Clymer  was  of  the  middle  size,  erect  in  his  person,  of  a 
fair  complexion,  and  a  pleasing  countenance.  His  features  were 
strongly  marked  with  intelligence  and  benevolence.  He  died  on 
the  twenty-third  of  January,  1S13,  in  the  seventy-fourth  year  of  his 
age,  at  the  residence  of  his  son,  at  Morrisville,  Bucks  county 
Pennsylvania. 


474  GEORGE    CLYMER. 

He  was,  indeed,  an  invaluable  member  of  society,  whose  loss  was 
keenly  felt,  and  whose  memory  will  be  long  cherished.  To  use  the 
eloquent  language  of  Mr.  Hopkinson, — when  the  strength  and  splen- 
dour of  this  empire  shall  hereafter  be  displayed  in  the  fulness  of 
maturity,  and  the  future  politician  shall  look  at  that  scheme  of  go- 
vernment by  which  the  whole  resources  of  a  nation  have  been  thus 
brought  into  action  ;  by  which  power  has  been  maintained,  and 
liberty  not  overthrown ;  by  which  the  people  have  been  governed 
and  directed,  but  not  enslaved  or  oppressed ;  they  will  find  that 
Clymer  was  one  of  the  fathers  of  the  country  from  whose  wisdom 
and  experience  the  system  emanated. 


!0=org«St  i.  ,kFj 


JAMES   SMITH. 


James  Smith,  of  York  county,  in  Pennsylvania,  was  perhaps  the 
most  eccentric  in  character  of  the  illustrious  men  that  had  the  hap- 
piness to  affix  their  names  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 

Ireland  may  claim  the  honour  of  being  his  native  land ;  and  he 
retained  to  the  latest  hours  of  a  protracted  life,  that  openness  of 
heart  and  racincss  of  humour,  for  which  Irishmen  are  often  remark- 
able, but  united  with  the  regular  industry  and  steady  virtues  that 
were  improved  if  not  implanted  by  his  American  education. 

The  date  of  his  birth  has  not  been  ascertained ;  it  was  a  secret 
which  he  carried  with  him  to  the  grave,  an  invincible  reluctance  to 
reveal  his  age,  even  to  his  nearest  relatives  or  most  confidential 
friends,  being  one  of  his  peculiarities  which  remained  after  he  had 
long  survived  the  period  when  vanity  or  interest  could  possibly  sup- 
ply a  motive  for  it. 

It  was  believed  by  some  members  of  his  family  that  he  was  born 
in  the  year  1713,  while  others  would  place  that  event  eight  or  nine 
years  later; — the  truth  lies  between  these  two  conjectures. 

At  the  age  of  ten  or  twelve  he  came  to  this  country  with  his 
father,  a  respectable  farmer,  who  brought  with  him  a  numerous 
offspring,  to  find  a  home  in  the  new  world.  The  family  adopted  a 
residence  on  the  west  side  of  the  Susquehanna,  where  the  father, 
after  seeing  his  surviving  children  well  provided  for,  breathed  his 
last  in  the  year  1761,  leaving  a  well-deserved  reputation  for  bene- 
volence and  honesty. 

James  Smith,  the  subject  of  our  present  notice,  was  the  second 
son,  and  was  placed  for  education  under  the  immediate  care  of  the 
celebrated  Dr.  Allison,  provost  of  the  college  at  Philadelphia,  by 
whose  instructions  he  so  far  profited  as  to  acquire  a  respectable 
knowledge  of  the  Greek  and  Latin  languages,  and  a  taste  for  clas- 
sical allusion  that  endured  to  the  termination  of  his  life. 

He  also  became  skilful  in  surveying,  an  art  of  peculiar  usefulness 
and  dignity  at  that  early  period,  when  enterprise  and  capital  were 
50  475 


476  JAMES    SMITH. 

so  generally  directed  to  the  purchase  of  lands,  and  when  no  man 
without  some  proficiency  in  the  use  of  the  compass  and  chain,  could 
ascertain  his  own  or  his  neighbour's  boundaries. 

With  these  preparatory  acquirements,  he  applied  himself  to  the 
study  of  the  law,  either  in  the  office  of  Thomas  Cookson,  or  of  his 
elder  brother,  who  had  become  a  practising  lawyer  in  the  town  of 
Lancaster,  but  died  in  early  manhood,  when  James  had  scarcely 
completed  his  pupilage. 

It  is  believed  that  he  did  not  attempt  to  practise  his  profession  at 
Lancaster;  but  immediately  after  his  brother's  death  removed  far 
into  the  woods,  and  established  himself,  in  the  blended  character  of 
a  lawyer  and  surveyor,  in  the  vicinity  of  the  present  site  of  Ship- 
pensburg.  The  propensity  to  buy  wild  lands  as  a  matter  of  specu- 
lation, and  the  inaccurate  surveys  frequently  made  for  distant  pur- 
chasers, had  already  begun  to  operate  as  the  sources  of  abundant 
litigation  in  Pennsylvania,  and  supplied  Mr.  Smith  with  very  active 
occupation  at  this  early  period,  as  they  continued  to  do  until  he 
finally  relinquished  the  profession,  after  an  industrious  and  able 
exercise  of  it  during  nearly  sixty  years. 

After  a  few  years  passed  in  this  remote  situation,  he  took  up  his 
abode,  in  the  flourishing  village  of  York,  where  he  continued  to  re- 
side all  the  rest  of  his  life ;  and  he  practised  his  profession  there 
with  great  credit  and  profit;  and  under  circumstances  peculiarly 
favourable  to  tranquillity  and  comfort,  for  he  was,  during  many 
years,  the  only  lawyer  at  the  place. 

It  was  in  this  prosperous  condition  of  his  fortunes  he  married 
Miss  Eleanor  Armor,  of  New  Castle;  and  he  continued  to  be  the 
sole  practitioner  of  the  law  residing  at  York,  although  Jasper 
Yeates,  afterwards  the  distinguished  judge  of  the  Supreme  Court 
of  Pennsylvania,  and  other  young  men,  attended  the  courts  there, 
as  Mr.  Smith  did  those  of  the  neighbouring  counties. 

During  this  period  of  his  life,  he  was  quite  as  much  distinguished 
for  his  powers  of  entertainment,  his  drollery,  his  humorous  stories, 
and  his  love  of  conviviality,  as  for  his  talents  and  success  in  the 
practice  of  the  law. 

But  a  time  was  approaching  when  distinction  was  to  be  acquired, 
and  eminence  maintained,  by  the  exercise  of  other  talents  than 
those  which  were  fitted  to  enliven  a  convivial  party.  The  clouds 
of  war  already  lowered  on  the  horizon ;  and  every  prominent  man 
was  obliged  to  take  his  part  in  the  momentous  struggle. 

When  in  the  spring  of  the  year  1774,  intelligence  was  received 


JAMES    SMITH.  477 

of  the  enactment  of  the  bill  closing  the  port  of  Boston,  the  disputes 
between  the  colonies  and  the  mother  country  began  to  be  seen  and 
understood  in  their  true  light,  as  irreconcilable  without  concessions 
not  likely  to  be  made  on  either  side,  and  tending  manifestly  to  a 
desperate  and  bloody  contest. 

Mr.  Smith  was  now  at  an  age  when  the  liability  to  be  carried 
away  by  thoughtless  ardour  and  enthusiasm  was  past.  Between  fifty 
and  sixty  years  old,  he  might  well  have  pleaded  his  fulness  of  days 
as  an  excuse  for  avoiding  all  active  participation  in  the  contest.  In 
the  successful  practice  of  the  legal  profession,  possessed  of  consi- 
derable property,  and  engaged  in  extensive  iron-works  on  the  Codo- 
rus  creek,  he  had  nothing  to  gain  by  devoting  himself  to  public  em- 
ployments, and  every  thing  to  lose  if  the  efforts  of  the  resisting, 
though  not  yet  rebellious,  colonists,  should  be  defeated. 

But  the  calls  of  patriotism  prevailed  with  him,  over  the  dictates 
of  prudence  or  selfishness;  he  did  "look  to  the  end,"  he  "weighed 
and  considered,"  and  having  taken  his  part  on  the  side  of  liberty 
and  his  country,  he  gave  himself  up  to  the  most  active  exertions  in 
the  cause. 

In  Pennsylvania  there  was  a  meeting  of  delegates  from  all  the 
counties,  with  a  view  to  collect  and  express  the  public  sentiment  on 
the  condition  of  public  affairs  generally,  in  the  form  of  instructions 
to  the  general  assembly.  This  meeting,  called  the  "  Committee  for 
the  province  of  Pennsylvania,"  was  composed  entirely  of  men  of 
great  distinction  in  the  colony,  and  among  them  James  Smith  took 
his  scat  as  one  of  three  delegates  from  the  county  of  York,  and  was 
appointed  one  of  the  committee  to  prepare  and  bring  in  a  draught 
of  instructions. 

As  the  whole  tenor  of  the  "  instructions"  is  pacific  and  concilia- 
tory, there  is  no  mention  of  armed  resistance,  except  in  the  hint 
that  if  Britain  shall  continue  to  persevere  in  her  pretensions,  "either 
the  colonists  will  sink  from  the  rank  of  freemen  into  the  class  of 
slaves,  or  if  they  have  strength  and  virtue  enough  to  exert  them- 
selves in  striving  to  avoid  this  perdition,  they  must  be  involved  in 
an  opposition  dreadful  even  in  contemplation." 

It  may  be  inferred  that  Mr.  Smith  was  either  less  disposed  than 
a  majority  of  the  committee  to  entertain  "tender  and  brotherly 
affection"  for  his  fellow  subjects  in  England,  and  less  reluctant  to 
adopt  a  measure  implying  "  disrespect  to  his  majesty's  govern- 
ment," or  that  he  had  a  more  distinct  anticipation  of  a  resort  to 
the  logic  of  the  bayonet,  than  the  committee  were  willing  to  avow; 


478  JAMES    SMITH. 

since  he  employed  himself  on  his  return  to  York,  in  raising  and 
drilling  a  volunteer  company,  of  which  he  was  elected  the  captain. 

This  was  the  first  corps  of  volunteer  soldiers  organized  in  Penn- 
sylvania, with  a  view  to  oppose  the  armies  of  Great  Britain,  and 
Mr.  Smith  was  entitled  to  great  praise  for  this  practical  and  efficient 
exercise  of  patriotism,  by  which,  at  a  very  early  period  of  the  con- 
test, indeed  several  months  before  the  first  shedding  of  blood  at 
Lexington,  he  set  an  example  of  so  salutary  a  character. 

Neither  his  age,  nor  his  previous  studies  or  habits,  fitted  him  par- 
ticularly for  military  life;  his  object  was  gained  when  he  saw  corps 
after  corps  organized  in  emulation  of  his  own,  until  the  volunteer 
force  of  Pennsylvania  became  effective  and  respectable.  When  his 
company  had  increased  to  a  regiment,  he  accepted  the  honorary 
title  of  their  colonel,  leaving  to  younger  men  the  duty  and  honour 
of  the  actual  command. 

While  Mr.  Smith  was  thus  occupied  at  home,  the  first  congress 
was  held  at  Philadelphia ;  and  the  eloquent  remonstrances  which 
they  addressed  to  the  people  and  the  king  of  Great  Britain,  if  in- 
effectual as  to  their  professed  object,  were  yet  most  affecting  and 
powerful  appeals  to  the  hearts  of  the  Americans ;  and  if  they  did 
not  serve  to  weaken  the  general  attachment  to  the  royal  government 
and  British  nation,  they  at  least  confirmed  the  general  resolution  to 
sacrifice  all  selfish  considerations,  and  maintain  their  rights  even  at 
the  price  of  war. 

It  was  in  this  improved  tone  of  public  feeling,  that  the  "  conven- 
tion for  the  province  of  Pennsylvania"  met,  in  January,  1775. 

Of  this  convention  Mr.  Smith  was  a  member,  and  joined  in  the 
resolutions  approving  of  the  conduct  of  the  continental  congress, 
and  promising  to  aid  in  carrying  into  effect  the  non-importation 
agreement  entered  into  and  recommended  by  that  body.  It  may  be 
remarked  too,  as  an  indication  of  some  change  in  the  prevailing 
sentiment,  that  there  is  not  in  these  resolutions  any  profession  of 
attachment  to  the  king  or  royal  family. 

At  the  very  time  that  the  convention  at  Philadelphia  were  recom- 
mending the  resistance  of  force  by  force,  another  assembly  held  in 
the  same  town  and  possessing  perhaps  equal  influence,  was  engaged 
in  the  endeavour  to  counteract  their  schemes.  A  meeting  of  the 
people  called  Quakers,  residing  in  Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey, 
held  by  delegates  regularly  appointed  to  represent  them,  formed  this 
anti-revolutionary  congress,  which  met  in  the  month  of  January, 
1775 ;  and  the  Testimony  or  Address  which  they  published,  called 


JAMES   SMITH.  479 

upon  all  the  members  of  that  powerful  and  numerous  society,  in 
the  two  colonies,  to  unite  in  abhorrence  of  all  such  writings  and 
measures  as  evidenced  a  desire  or  design  to  break  off  the  happy 
connexion  of  the  colonies  with  the  mother  country,  or  to  interrupt 
their  just  subordination  to  the  king. 

It  is  impossible  to  say  what  effect  this  effort,  and  others  made  at 
the  same  time,  to  damp  the  patriotic  spirit  of  the  colonies,  might 
have  had  on  the  deliberations  of  the  new  congress,  which  assembled 
in  May  of  the  same  year,  if  the  sword  had  not  in  the  mean  time 
been  actually  drawn,  and  the  bloody  affair  at  Lexington  had  not  oc- 
curred just  in  season  to  rouse  the  indignation  of  even  the  peaceful 
Pennsylvanians,  and  loyal  inhabitants  of  New  York,  and  commit 
the  colonies  irretrievably  to  the  prosecution  of  hostilities. 

The  Quaker  Testimony  certainly  had  no  effect  on  Mr.  Smith  ;  he 
was  rising  at  this  time  in  the  military  line  and  had  attained  to  the 
dignity  of  colonel,  but  was  not  chosen  a  member  of  the  congress, 
the  appointments  for  which  had  been  made  before  the  skirmish  at 
Lexington  had  given  so  decided  and  warlike  a  character  to  the 
dispute. 

Indeed,  Colonel  Smith  was  at  this  time  an  ultra  in  whiggism  ;  re- 
publicanism had  not  then  begun  to  be  avowed.  He  was  half  a  year 
at  least  in  advance  of  the  greater  part  of  his  "  fellow  subjects"  of 
Pennsylvania,  and  not  at  all  the  sort  of  man  the  general  assembly 
were  disposed  to  intrust  with  the  important  and  delicate  task  of 
"establishing  that  union  and  harmony  between  Great.  Britain  and 
the  colonies,  which  is  indispensably  necessary  to  the  welfare  and 
happiness  of  both." 

Such  were  the  expressed  objects  of  the  assembly  in  appointing 
deputies  to  represent  the  colony  in  congress;  objects,  the  successful 
pursuit  of  which  seemed  to  require  the  exertions  of  the  most  mo- 
derate amongst  the  whigs,  aided  perhaps  by  the  counsels  of  the  most 
intelligent  among  the  tories. 

In  November,  1775,  the  general  assembly  made  a  re-appointment 
of  their  delegates,  with  the  addition  of  three  new  members  ;  instruct- 
ing them,  however,  that  "  though  the  oppressive  measures  of  the 
British  parliament  and  administration  have  compelled  us  to  resist 
their  violence  by  force  of  arms  ;  yet  we  strictly  enjoin  you,  that  you, 
in  behalf  of  this  colony,  dissent  from  and  utterly  reject  any  proposi- 
tion, should  such  be  made,  that  may  cause  or  lead  to  a  separation 
from  our  mother  country,  or  a  change  of  this  form  of  govern- 
ment." 

21 


480  JAMES    SMITH. 

This  decided  stand  against  independence,  assumed  by  so  respect- 
able an  assembly,  roused  its  friends  to  immediate  and  active  exer- 
tions;  and  among  them,  Colonel  Smith  was  not  the  least  zealous 
and  efficient.  The  general  assembly  was  assailed  with  petitions 
and  remonstrances,  calling  for  a  revocation  of  their  instructions, 
which  were  denounced  as  contrary  to  the  wishes  of  the  people,  and 
calculated  to  separate  Pennsylvania  from  the  other  colonies.  These 
applications  were  entirely  unavailing;  and  the  assembly — encou- 
raged, perhaps,  by  the  conduct  of  the  Maryland  convention,  who 
declared  early  in  December,  that  they  were  not  and  never  had  been 
desirous  of  independence — refused  positively  to  rescind  the  instruc- 
tions. 

It  was  plain  that  if  this  example  were  generally  adopted  by  the 
colonies,  and  the  delegates  in  congress  should  act  in  obedience  to 
these  views,  the  contest  must  become  at  once  hopeless,  and  entire 
submission  to  the  British  power  must  speedily  follow. 

The  advocates  of  independence  in  Pennsylvania  had  now  an  ar- 
duous task  to  perform,  but  they  persevered  against  every  discourage- 
ment. Early  in  the  year  1776,  the  Quaker  Testimony  was  renewed 
against  the  war,  and  the  assembly  of  South  Carolina  declared,  in 
an  address  to  Governor  Rutledge,  that  they  still  desired  an  accom- 
modation with  the  royal  government. 

The  attitudes  thus  assumed  by  the  colonies  of  South  Carolina, 
Maryland  and  Pennsylvania,  were  extremely  disheartening  to  the. 
friends  of  liberty;  but  Colonel  Smith  and  the  patriots  with  whom  he 
acted,  very  soon  had  the  satisfaction  to  learn  that  North  Carolina  had 
expressly  empowered  her  delegates  to  concur  in  a  declaration  of 
independence,  and  that  Massachusetts  had  resolved  that  the  inhabi- 
tants of  that  colony  would  support  with  their  lives  and  fortunes  such 
a  measure  if  congress  should  think  fit  to  adopt  it. 

Accordingly  congress  did  on  the  fifteenth  of  May,  adopt  a  reso- 
lution which  was  in  spirit,  though  not  in  terms,  a  declaration  of 
independence.  This  important  resolution,  after  reciting  the  acts 
of  tyranny  committed  and  meditated  by  "  his  Britannic  majesty,"  de- 
clares that  it  appeared  "  absolutely  irreconcilable  to  reason  and 
good  conscience,  for  the  people  of  these  colonies  now  to  take  the 
oaths  and  affirmations  necessary  for  the  support  of  any  government 
under  the  crown  of  Great  Britain. 

This  decisive  measure  removed  the  difficulties  which  had  embar- 
rassed the  course  of  the  whigs  in  Pennsylvania.  The  government 
of  the  colony  being  in  the  hands  of  the  general  assembly,  they  had 


JAMES    SMITH.  4SI 

been  left  with  no  other  resource  titan  to  excite  such  a  universal  en- 
thusiasm in  favour  of  liberty  as  might  induce  the  assembly  to  change 
their  vote,  and  in  the  mean  time  they  had  the  mortification  to  see 
the  conventions  of  North  Carolina  and  Massachusetts  outstripping, 
in  the  race  of  patriotism  and  courage,  the  very  colony  within  whose 
limits  the  congress  was  sitting,  and  that  colony  indeed  not  only  back- 
ward in  the  cause,  but  pledged  by  her  constituted  authorities  against 
emancipation. 

But  a  way  was  now  opened  for  them  to  proceed  unshackled  by 
such  pledge, — an  opportunity  was  given  for  creating  a  power  para- 
mount to  the  general  assembly,  competent  to  supersede  its  acts, 
and  to  place  Pennsylvania  in  the  attitude  which  it  behoved  her  to 
assume. 

Accordingly,  only  five  days  after,  a  large  meeting  of  the  citizens 
of  Philadelphia  was  held  in  front  of  the  very  building  in  which  con- 
gress was  deliberating  on  plans  of  resistance :  the  resolution  of  the 
fifteenth  of  May  was  read  and  approved  by  hearty  acclamations  ; 
the  instructions  of  the  general  assembly  to  the  delegates  in  congress 
were  also  read  and  as  loudly  condemned,  and  it  was  resolved  to  invite 
a  provincial  conference  to  meet  with  as  little  delay  as  was  possible, 
for  the  purpose  of  making  arrangements  for  establishing  a  new  go- 
vernment in  Pennsylvania. 

Of  this  conference  of  committees,  which  assembled  at  Carpenter's 
Hall  in  Philadelphia,  on  the  eighteenth  of  June,  Colonel  Smith  was 
an  active  and  distinguished  member. 

It  is  observable,  that  so  much  had  the  military  spirit  extended 
itself  by  this  time,  that  of  the  ninety-six  members,  generally  men 
of  professional  or  agricultural  pursuits,  more  than  half  bore  the  title 
of  colonel,  major,  or  captain. 

The  meeting  was  in  fact  composed  entirely  of  decided  whigs,  and 
their  proceedings  were  entirely  harmonious;  but  a  part  of  the  ne- 
cessity of  their  assembling  had  been  obviated  ;  the  general  assembly 
had  given  way  to  the  force  of  public  sentiment,  and  a  few  days  be- 
fore the  meeting  of  the  conference,  had  rescinded  their  obnoxious 
instructions.  This  vote  was  equivalent  to  an  instruction  or  request 
that  the  delegates  would  vote  for  independence,  and  seems  so  to 
have  been  considered  by  the  conference,  who,  in  consequence,  did 
not  take  any  further  step  in  that  particular  matter. 

The  resolution  in  favour  of  issuing  a  declaration  of  independence 
had  been  introduced  in  congress  by  Mr.  Lee,  of  Virginia,  on  the 
seventh  of  June  ;  it  encountered  more  serious  opposition  than  had 


482  JAMES    SMITH. 

been  anticipated.  The  objections  urged  were  not  applied  to  the 
principle  of  the  measure  itself,  but  to  its  expediency  just  at  that 
lime ;  many  of  the  members  who  were  fully  determined  that  such  a 
declaration  should  be  issued  at  a  proper  season,  were  still  of  opinion 
that  greater  preparations  for  war  should  first  be  made,  as  the  im- 
mediate effect  would  be  to  stimulate  the  British  government  to  more 
strenuous  hostility. 

Nor  was  this  prudence  confined  to  the  members  of  congress  ;  the 
Maryland  convention  had,  by  a  very  recent  vote,  on  the  fifteenth  of 
May,  adhered  to  their  resolution  of  the  preceding  December,  against 
a  separation  from  Great  Britain  ;  and  the  provincial  congress  of 
New  York  had  returned  a  very  cold  and  discouraging  answer  to  an 
address  of  a  committee  of  mechanics  that  had  ventured  to  suggest 
the  propriety  of  instructing  the  New  York  members  to  vote  for  in- 
dependence. 

In  this  state  of  things  it  was  thought  necessary  for  the  conference 
to  add  the  weight  of  their  influence,  and  on  the  afternoon  of  Sunday, 
the  twenty-third  day  of  June,  (for  Sunday  shone  no  Sabbath  day  to 
these  indefatigable  patriots,)  a  young  man  distinguished  for  his 
talents  and  his  zeal  in  the  cause  of  freedom,  and  who  subsequently 
became  one  of  the  most  distinguished  ornaments  of  the  American 
nation,  proposed  the  appointment  of  a  committee  to  draught  a  reso- 
lution "  declaring  the  sense  of  the  conference  with  respect  to  an 
independence  of  this  province  from  the  crown  and  parliament  of 
Great  Britain." 

The  mover  of  this  resolution  was  Dr.  Benjamin  Rush,  and  it  was 
seconded  by  Colonel  Smith,  who  were  appointed,  with  the  chairman, 
Thomas  M'Kean,  to  compose  the  committee. 

The  next  morning  the  committee  met  and  prepared  a  declaration 
which  was  reported  in  the  afternoon,  read  a  first  and  second  time 
by  special  order,  unanimously  approved,  signed  by  all  the  members, 
and  ordered  to  be  presented  to  congress  the  following  day. 

This  paper,  although  prepared  in  extreme  haste,  the  appointment 
of  the  committee  being  on  Sunday  afternoon,  and  the  report  being 
made  the  very  next  day,  comprises  nevertheless,  nearly  all  the 
topics  which  are  touched  with  more  polished  phraseology  in  the 
declaration  adopted  by  congress  on  the  fourth  of  July  ensuing,  of 
which  the  Pennsylvania  resolution  may  be  considered  as  the  rough 
draught. 

The  very  same  day  that  this  eloquent  and  manly  resolution  was 
reported  and   adopted,  another  and  not  less  important  task,  of  a 


JAMES   SMITH.  483 

similar  kind,  was  devolved  on  Colonel  Smith,  and  his  young  friend 
Dr.  Rush.  The  congress  had  passed  a  vote  recommending  the  for- 
mation of  an  army  of  four  thousand  five  hundred  men,  of  the  Penn- 
sylvania militia  for  the  protection  of  Philadelphia,  hut  the  general 
assembly'  had  suddenly  and  unexpectedly  broken  up,  finding  their 
functions  likely  to  be  very  shortly  taken  out  of  their  hands,  without 
having  made  any  provision  for  carrying  the  plan  into  effect.  It 
became  necessary,  therefore,  for  the  conference,  as  the  only  body 
of  men  that  could  be  considered  as  representing  the  people,  to  appeal 
to  the  patriotic  ardour  of  the  volunteers,  or  "  associators,"  as  they 
were  then  styled,  and  to  induce  them  to  organize  the  camp  without 
any  other  requisition  than  this  informal  call  of  their  country.  For 
this  duty  Colonel  Smith,  Dr.  Rush,  and  Colonel  Bayard  were 
selected,  and  the  day  following  their  appointment  they  reported  the 
"  address  to  the  associators"  which  was  adopted.  The  paper  thus 
prepared  was  of  course  intended  for  publication,  and  it  is  remarkable 
that  the  committee  at  this  time,  more  than  a  week  before  the  vote 
was  taken  in  congress,  chose  to  consider  the  question  of  indepen- 
dence as  decided,  and  all  possibility  of  reconciliation  with  the  royal 
government  as  entirely  at  an  end. 

The  number  of  "associators"  in  Pennsylvania  was  very  large — 
according  to  the  estimate  of  Mr.  Penn,  in  his  examination  before 
the  house  of  lords,  they  amounted  to  a  volunteer  force  of  twenty 
thousand  men.  To  the  creation  of  this  invaluable  spirit  which  filled 
the  province  with  citizen-soldiers,  Colonel  Smith  had  been,  as  we 
have  seen,  mainly  instrumental,  by  offering  the  earliest  example  of 
the  formation  of  volunteer  companies;  and  he  now  had  the  satis- 
faction to  witness  the  beneficial  consequences  of  his  efforts. 

After  the  adjournment  of  the  conference,  in  the  last  week  of  June, 
lie  returned  to  York,  and  had  a  short  interval  of  time  to  devote  to 
his  clients  and  his  iron  works,  both  of  which  had  been  necessarily 
neglected  while  his  attention  was  occupied  by  public  affairs.  It  was, 
however,  a  period  during  which  no  man  that  had  taken  so  active  an 
interest  in  the  great  contest,  could  be  much  at  ease,  or  very  capable 
of  attention  to  private  concerns. 

The  Declaration  of  Independence  was  known  to  have  been  pro- 
posed in  congress,  and  to  be  under  discussion  there  until  the  second 
day  of  July,  when  the  vote  was  taken,  and  the  measure  adopted. 
This  event,  although  so  momentous  in  its  character  and  consequences, 
was  received  with  remarkable  coolness  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia; 
it  in  fact  excited  no  surprise.  The  colonics  of  North  Carolina, 
51  2  i  2 


484  JAMES    SMITH. 

Virginia,  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  New  Jersey,  and  Massachusetts, 
had  already,  by  public  acts,  expressed  their  determination  on  the 
subject ;  and  the  question  was  known  to  be  merely  one  of  now  or 
hereafter — of  accelerating  or  delaying — the  Rubicon  was  reached, 
and  with  more  or  less  hesitancy  was  certainly  to  be  passed.  The 
Philadelphia  newspapers  of  third  of  July,  merely  announced,  in  a 
part  of  their  pages  that  is  by  no  means  conspicuous,  that  "yester- 
day the  continental  congress  declared  the  United  Colonics  free  and 
independent  states." 

In  York  county,  the  intelligence  of  this  event,  and  the  declaration 
itself,  which  followed  in  two  days  after,  were  received  just  in  time 
to  give  additional  interest,  but  more  complete  unanimity  to  their 
election  of  members  of  the  convention,  which  was  to  assemble  on 
the  fifteenth,  for  the  purpose  of  preparing  a  constitution  and  plan 
of  government  for  Pennsylvania. 

Colonel  Smith  was  elected  a  member  of  the  convention,  and 
attended  at  the  meeting  in  Philadelphia  on  the  fifteenth  day  of  July. 
The  first  resolution  adopted  by  them,  after  choosing  Dr.  Franklin 
for  their  president,  was  an  earnest  recommendation  to  the  committee 
of  safety  that  they  should  take  immediate  measures  for  procuring 
all  the  lead  used  in  spouts,  clock-weights,  ornaments  of  houses,  or 
other  form,  and  turning  it  into  bullets  without  delay. 

The  first  important  committee  that  they  appointed,  was  "to 
make  an  essay  for  a  declaration  of  rights  for  this  state;" — Colonel 
Smith  was  chosen  a  member:  and  before  the  committee  had  time 
to  perform  the  difficult  duties  of  their  appointment,  other  and  not 
less  important  responsibilities  were  devolved  on  him.  On  the 
twentieth  of  July,  the  convention  proceeded  to  ballot  for  nine  mem- 
bers of  congress,  and  Colonel  Smith  was  one  of  the  nine  elected  ; 
hut  he  did  not  on  that  account  abandon  his  seat  in  the  convention, 
nor  cease  to  take  an  active  participation  in  its  deliberations.  On 
the  twenty-third,  he  was  appointed  a  member  of  the  committee 
charged  with  the  delicate  task  of  preparing  an  ordinance,  declaring 
what  should  be  high  treason  and  misprision  of  treason  against  the 
state,  and  what  punishments  ought  to  be  inflicted  for  these  offences; 
and  also  an  ordinance  declaring  the  punishment  for  counterfeiting 
paper  bills  of  credit  issued  by  congress,  or  by  the  late  assembly  of 
Pennsylvania,  or  any  other  of  the  states,  and  how  far  such  bills  of 
credit  ought  to  be  a  legal  tender. 

The  very  next  day  this  committee  reported  on  all  these  subjects. 
The  proposed  ordinance  respecting  treason,  which  was  adopted  by 


JAMES    SMITH.  485 

the  convention,  is  remarkable  for  the  mildness  of  its  penal  in- 
flictions. 

A  few  days  after  this  the  "  Declaration  of  Rights"  was  submitted 
by  the  committee  to  the  convention.  The  frame  of  government, 
which  accompanied  the  Declaration  of  Rights,  and  was  adopted  with 
it,  did  not  receive  the  unqualified  approbation  of  Colonel  Smith,  but 
as  an  experiment,  it  could  do  no  harm,  and  the  people  were  at  all 
times  competent  to  change  it.  He  therefore  concurred  in  the  vote 
which  established  the  constitution. 

After  a  laborious  session  of  six  weeks  the  convention  dissolved 
itself,  having  enacted  several  very  important  ordinances,  besides 
preparing'  the  new  form  of  government  and  giving  constant  atten- 
tion to  the  part  which  Pennsylvania  could  contribute  towards  carry- 
ing on  the  war. 

Colonel  Smith  was  now  obliged  to  take  his  seat  in  the  national 
council.  The  convention,  in  electing  new  delegates  in  place  of  those 
who  had  voted  against  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  re- 
electing the  others,  had  given  instructions  touching  the  course  of 
conduct  that  they  expected  to  be  pursued  by  their  members  in 
future.  In  the  beginning  of  October,  and  with  these  instructions 
for  his  public  conduct,  and  a  patriotic  spirit  that  required  no 
prompting  or  encouragement,  he  commenced  his  regular  and 
punctual  attendance  in  congress.  On  the  twenty-third  of  Novem- 
ber, he  was  appointed,  with  Mr.  Wilson,  Mr.  Chase,  Mr.  Clymer, 
and  Mr.  Stockton,  a  sort  of  executive  committee,  who  were  charged 
with  full  powers  to  carry  on  the  whole  business  of  the  war,  that  is 
to  say,  "  to  devise  and  execute  measures  for  effectually  re-inforcing 
General  Washington,  and  obstructing  the  progress  of  General 
Howe's  army." 

This  measure  was  adopted  with  the  best  intentions,  but  was  per- 
haps not  in  itself  the  best  calculated  to  reach  the  desired  object. 
Much  inconvenience  and  disadvantage  had  been  found  to  result 
from  the  want  of  an  efficient  executive  power ;  and  the  necessity  of 
debating  every  military  movement  in  congress  before  the  com- 
mander-in-chief could  feel  himself  authorized  to  adopt  it,  had  al- 
ready occasioned  embarrassment  to  him,  and  detriment  to  the 
service. 

A  committee  of  five,  it  was  thought,  could  act  with  much  greater 
promptitude  and  efficiency  than  the  whole  congress;  but  the  remedy 
was  wholly  inadequate  to  the  amount  of  the  evil.  If  the  committee 
remained  at  Philadelphia,  the  necessity  of  communicating  with  an 


486  JAMES   SMITH. 

arm}  nearly  a  hundred  miles  distant,  would  still  be  a  serious  clog 
on  the  movements  of  the  commander-in-chief;  and  should  they  re- 
pair to  head-quarters,  what  could  they  do  there,  vested  with  this 
indefinite  authority,  but  advise  upon  matters  in  which  the  general 
himself  was  better  versed  than  they  could  be? 

Colonel  Smith,  however,  with  part  of  the  committee,  made  a  visit 
to  the  army  and  General  Washington,  but  returned  greatly  im- 
pressed with  the  insuperable  difficulty  of  their  task,  the  importance 
of  the  crisis,  and  the  abilities  and  virtues  of  the  commander-in- 
chief,  with  whom  alone  they  were  convinced  such  powers  could 
advantageously  be  placed. 

Washington  was  equally  impressed  with  the  expediency  of  an 
efficient  authority  being  vested  in  his  hands;  but  it  was  a  delicate 
subject  for  him  to  press  upon  the  attention  of  congress;  and  it  was 
not  till  after  they  had  divested  themselves  of  the  executive  func- 
tions, and  devolved  them  on  this  committee,  that  he  could  bring 
himself  to  ask  for  an  addition  to  his  power, — not  under  the  then 
existing  circumstances,  at  the  expense  of  the  powers  of  congress, 
but  of  a  committee  which  neither  desired  nor  in  fact  used  the  autho- 
rity with  which  they  had  been  clothed. 

Hinting  the  disadvantage  of  his  being  obliged  to  make  constant 
applications  to  congress  for  their  sanction  of  measures,  the  imme- 
diate adoption  of  which  was  essential  to  the  public  interests,  he  sug- 
gested the  idea  of  conferring  further  powers  on  himself.  "This 
might,"  he  said,  "  be  termed  an  application  for  powers  too  danger- 
ous to  be  intrusted."  He  coidd  only  answer,  "that  desperate  dis- 
eases require  desperate  remedies.  He  could  with  truth  declare,  that 
he  felt  no  lust  for  power;  but  wished,  with  as  much  fervency  as  any 
man  upon  the  wide  extended  continent,  for  an  opportunity  of  turn- 
ing the  sword  into  a  ploughshare;  but  his  feelings  as  an  officer,  anil 
as  a  man,  had  been  such  as  to  force  him  to  say,  that  no  person  ever 
had  a  greater  choice  of  difficulties  to  contend  with  than  himself." 
After  stating  several  measures  which  he  had  been  compelled  to 
adopt  without  the  sanction  of  congress,  he  added — 

"  It  may  be  thought  that  I  am  going  a  good  deal  out  of  the  line 
of  my  duty,  to  adopt  these  measures  or  advise  them  freely;  a  cha- 
racter to  lose,  an  estate  to  forfeit,  the  inestimable  blessing  of  liberty 
at  stake,  and  a  life  devoted,  must  be  my  excuse." 

Notwithstanding  the  irresistible  eloquence  of  this  appeal,  and  the 
decided  opinions  of  the  committee  in  accordance  with  it,  such  was 
the  republican  jealousy  of  arbitrary  power,  then  prevalent,  that  con- 


JAMES    SMITH.  487 

gress  hesitated  even  in  the  days  of  their  darkest  gloom,  to  confer 
powers  beyond  the  clearly  defined  lines  of  their  instructions. 

When,  however,  on  the  twelfth  of  December,  the  rapid  approach 
of  the  British  army  through  Jersey,  and  the  defenceless  condition 
of  Philadelphia  induced  them  to  remove  their  sittings  to  Baltimore, 
the  same  resolution  was  made  to  contain  a  clause  which  gave  to 
General  Washington  dictatorial  power;  the  congress  being  willing 
thus  to  adopt  the  most  important  measure  that  could  be  proposed, 
in  this  indirect  and  half-concealed  manner,  although  they  would  not 
openly  avow  the  whole  extent  of  the  alteration  they  were  making 
in  the  scheme  for  carrying  on  the  war,  nor  confess  that  they  con- 
sidered their  affairs  in  so  alarming  a  situation  as  to  require  this 
"  desperate  remedy." 

Colonel  Smith  did  not  participate  in  this  reluctance;  he  had  un- 
bounded confidence  in  Washington,  and  was  too  much  accustomed 
to  respect  and  approve  of  military  organization  not  to  think  it 
quite  right  that  the  commander-in-chief  should  be  allowed  really  to 
command. 

He  had  now  an  opportunity  of  a  brief  visit  to  his  family,  one  week 
being  allowed  between  the  adjournment  at  Philadelphia  and  the  re- 
assembling of  congress  at  Baltimore.  He  was  now  but  fifty  miles 
from  home,  and  during  the  continuance  of  the  session  at  Baltimore 
was  able  to  make  several  hasty  journeys  to  York. 

In  March  of  this  year,  the  Pennsylvania  assembly  had  to  make 
a  new  choice  of  delegates,  and  Colonel  Smith,  having  already  suf- 
fered severely  in  his  private  interests,  by  his  unremitted  attention 
to  public  affairs  for  so  long  a  period,  declined  a  re-election. 

He  returned  to  his  professional  occupations  with  renewed  energy, 
and  gave  his  attention  also  to  the  iron-works  which  he  possessed  on 
the  Codorus  creek.  This  establishment  furnished  him  with  the  occa- 
sion of  many  a  jest,  but  became  so  evidently  an  unprofitable  and 
even  ruinous  concern,  that,  he  determined  to  wind  up  the  business, 
and  get  rid  of  it  with  any  sacrifice. 

His  loss  by  the  iron-works  was  supposed  by  his  best  friends  to 
amount  to  about  five  thousand  pounds, — he  had  property  remaining, 
however,  that  was  sufficient  for  his  wants;  and  he  compensated 
himself  by  uttering  a  thousand  jokes  against  the  two  superinten- 
dents, under  whose  mismanagement  he  had  suffered  so  heavily,  de- 
signating one  of  them  as  a  knave  and  the  other  a  fool,  and  being 
on  all  occasions  particularly  exact  in  keeping  the  distinctive  epitlvel 
of  each  punctually  applied  to  him. 


488  JAMES    SMITH. 

This  was  not  a  season,  however,  for  a  man  like  Colonel  Smith  to 
retire  entirely  from  public  affairs.  He  had  entered  too  deeply  into 
the  interests  and  anxieties  of  the  conflict,  to  be  an  unconcerned  or 
quiet  spectator.  The  British  had  landed  at  the  head  of  Elk;  the 
battles  of  Brandywine  and  Germantown  had  been  fought ;  the  enemy 
were  in  possession  of  Philadelphia;  and  cabals,  dissensions,  and  dis- 
contents, had  appeared  in  the  army,  in  congress,  and  among  the 
public  at  large.  He  could  not,  therefore,  in  the  crisis  of  that  par- 
ticular period,  refuse  an  election  to  congress  in  December  of  the 
year  1777. 

Before  this  time,  the  near  approach  of  the  British  to  Philadelphia 
had  obliged  congress  to  remove  to  Lancaster,  and  they  soon  fixed 
their  sittings  at  York,  as  a  more  convenient  place,  and  at  least 
equally  safe.  It  was,  indeed,  no  excess  of  prudence  which  induced 
them  to  place  the  Susquehanna  between  themselves  and  their  foes. 
This  location  of  congress  was  agreeable  to  Colonel  Smith  in  many 
respects,  but  it  was  even  more  incompatible  with  his  attention  to 
professional  pursuits,  than  when  at  Philadelphia.  Besides  sitting  in 
congress  during  several  hours  of  the  morning  and  afternoon,  the 
evening  was  naturally,  and  with  his  social  disposition  unavoidably, 
given  to  the  delightful  duties  of  hospitality.  So  completely  was 
every  private  consideration  sacrificed  to  the  desire  of  contributing 
to  the  general  good,  that  his  office  was  closed  against  his  clients, 
and  given  up  to  the  occupation  of  the  board  of  war.  In  the  be- 
ginning of  the  next  summer,  however,  the  enemy  thought  proper  to 
evacuate  the  capital,  and  congress  resumed  their  session  at  Phila- 
delphia, on  the  second  of  July. 

Colonel  Smith  had  been  appointed  one  of  a  very  important  com- 
mittee, charged  with  the  duty  of  collecting  testimony  concerning  the 
barbarous  treatment  of  prisoners  by  the  enemy,  and  the  unjustifiable 
destruction  of  private  property  committed  by  the  British  armies. 
This  committee  had  made  a  report  after  he  had  vacated  his  seat 
in  the  year  1777,  but  to  which  he  had  contributed  more  than  his 
share  of  the  labour  necessary  for  its  preparation.  Great  part  of 
this  duty  remained  to  be  performed,  and  Colonel  Smith  absented 
himself  from  his  seat  in  congress  during  the  month  of  July  and 
part  of  August,  in  order  to  devote  his  attention  more  efficiently 
to  this  object. 

He  repaired  to  Philadelphia,  and  resumed  his  seat  on  the  eleventh 
of  August;  but  he  did  not  any  longer  feel  it  incumbent  on  him  to 
yield  himself  so  exclusively  to  public  affairs.    The  British  had  been 


JAMES    SMITH.  4g& 

chased  across  Jersey,  and  defeated  at  Monmouth;  the  French  alli- 
ance was  concluded,  and  the  French  fleet  actually  on  the  coast;  the 
articles  of  confederation,  after  being  debated  at  thirty-nine  differ- 
ent times; — in  those  days  of  prompt  despatch  and  short  speeches, 
a  prodigiously  lengthened  discussion, — had  been  ratified,  and  he  had 
had  the  satisfaction  of  signing  them,  as  the  authorized  agent  of 
Pennsylvania.  Every  thing  promised  a  fortunate  termination  of 
the  war,  and  strong  hopes  were  entertained  that  that  consummation 
was  not  far  distant.  Under  these  circumstances,  he  began  to  think 
of  giving  place  in  the  public  councils  to  younger  or  less  courageous 
men,  who  might  very  well  bring  the  ship  into  harbour  on  a  smooth 
sea,  although  they  could  not  have  been  so  safely  trusted  with  the 
helm  in  the  stormy  days  that  had  just  passed  away. 

After  passing  the  whole  of  the  year  1779  and  part  of  the  follow- 
ing year  in  an  uninterrupted  prosecution  of  his  professional  pur- 
suits, he  was  prevailed  on  again  to  perform  a  tour  of  public  duty, 
and  accepted  a  seat  in  the  assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  which  he  held 
during  one  session  only.  His  usual  activity  was  transferred  to  this 
new  scene  of  action,  and  we  find  him  appointed  on  almost  all  the 
most  important  and  responsible  committees. 

The  war  having  now  drawn  towards  a  close,  he  excused  himself 
from  any  further  public  duties  which  would  require  his  absence  from 
home.  The  practice  of  the  law  gave  him  full  occupation  and  com- 
petent remuneration,  and  his  excellent  spirits  and  humorous  dispo- 
sition made  the  labours  and  vexations  of  this  very  fatiguing  profes- 
sion sit  lightly  on  his  mental  and  corporeal  health.  Old  age  ad- 
vanced upon  him  with  a  lingering  step,  and  he  was  able  to  accept 
and  exercise  the  local  offices  of  chief-burgess  of  the  town  of  York  and 
trustee  of  the  academy,  at  a  time  of  life  when  most  of  his  co-evals 
had  survived  their  energy.  It  was  not  until  the  year  1800  that  he 
withdrew  from  the  bar,  after  having  been  a  practising  lawyer  for 
about  sixty  years. 

The  peculiarities  of  his  disposition  and  habits  continued  to  distin- 
guish him  to  the  very  last.  Social,  jocular,  and  friendly,  he  was  the 
life  of  all  conviviality  ;  and  the  powers  of  his  very  retentive  memory 
had,  in  so  long  an  exercise,  supplied  him  with  a  store  of  rich  and 
diverting  anecdote  that  was  inexhaustible  and  unequalled.  He  lived 
to  see  his  friend,  and  the  object  of  his  most  enthusiastic  admira- 
tion— Washington,  twice  elected  by  the  unanimous  suffrage  of  the 
nation  to  that  most  elevated  of  all  stations,  the  chief  magistracy  of 
a  free  people.     He  lived,  too,  which  seemed  to  him  a  much  more 


490  JAMES    SMITH. 

surprising  event,  to  find  himself  opposed  in  politics  to  his  old  friend 
and  co-patriot  of  1776,  Thomas  M'Kean;  and  he  had  again  the 
gratification  of  supporting  him  at  his  last  election  to  the  office  of 
governor  of  Pennsylvania. 

He  retained  his  veneration  for  religion  and  its  ministers,  as  well 
as  his  regular  attention  to  public  worship;  and  would  always  repress 
every  licentious  jest  at  the  expense  of  sacred  subjects,  as  he  would 
with  equal  promptitude  and  much  more  warmth  repel  and  reprobate 
every  word  or  insinuation  uttered  in  his  hearing  to  the  disparage- 
ment of  General  Washington.  He  was  a  member  of  the  federal 
party,  in  the  political  divisions  that  distracted  Pennsylvania  with 
even  more  bitterness  than  was  exhibited  in  other  states;  but,  with 
his  temperament  and  his  recollections,  it  was  impossible  for  him  to 
be  a  very  angry  or  implacable  partisan. 

He  continued  in  habits  of  epistolary  correspondence  with  Dr. 
Franklin,  Samuel  Adams,  and  many  others  of  the  patriots  of  the 
revolution,  during  their  lives,  hut  outlived  the  greater  part  of  his 
early  associates;  a  valuable  collection  of  letters  was  unfortunately 
lost  in  the  year  1805,  when  his  office,  with  all  its  contents,  was 
destroyed  by  fire. 

On  the  eleventh  day  of  July,  in  the  following  year,  he  was  gathered 
to  his  fathers. 

The  monument  erected  over  his  grave,  in  the  burial-ground  of 
the  English  Presbyterian  church,  at  York,  records  his  death  as  hav- 
ing occurred  in  the  ninety-third  year  of  his  age;  but  there  is  reason 
to  believe  he  was  not  so  old  by  several  years.  His  pertinacious 
refusal  to  give  any  information  on  the  subject  of  his  age  had  never 
been  overcome,  and  it  remains  a  matter  of  conjecture. 

He  had  three  sons  and  two  daughters,  of  whom  one  only  of  each 
survived  him.  In  his  domestic  relations  he  was  invariably  affection- 
ate and  kind ;  and  it  seems  to  have  been  his  almost  singular  hap- 
piness to  pass  through  a  period  of  extreme  agitation  and  distress, 
with  such  buoyant  cheerfulness  and  gamesome  humour,  as  effec- 
tually guarded  his  heart  and  health  from  the  corroding  effects  of 
those  anxieties  which  brought  the  seriousness  of  old  age  before  its 
time  upon  the  spirits  of  most  of  his  co-patriots,  and  drew  down 
many  of  them  to  an  early  grave. 


GEORGE   TAYLOR. 


Although  George  Taylor,  during  his  life  time,  took  a  promi 
nent  part  in  the  political  affairs  of  the  times,  and  was  a  man  much 
esteemed  and  honoured,  he  has  left  behind  him  scarce  a  trace,  by 
which  we  can  discover  his  sentiments  or  actions. 

Of  the  early  life  of  Mr.  Taylor,  we  have  been  able  to  discover 
almost  nothing.  He  was  born  in  the  year  1716.  He  was  an  Irish- 
man by  birth,  and  is  said  to  have  been  the  son  of  a  respectable  cler- 
gyman of  that  country,  who  gave  him  a  better  education  than  was 
usually  bestowed,  in  those  days,  on  youths  who  were  destined  to 
make  their  own  fortunes  in  the  world,  and  who  had  no  advancement 
to  hope  either  from  patronage  or  wealth.  He  was  quick,  active 
and  intelligent;  and  his  father,  thinking  his  talents  might  be  turned 
to  some  account,  determined  to  educate  him  for  the  profession  of 
medicine,  of  which  science  it  is  believed  he  actually  commenced  the 
study.  His  turn  of  mind,  however,  did  not  fit  him  for  the  labours 
which  such  pursuits  require;  he  was  soon  disgusted  with  the  slow 
progress  that  he  made,  and  determined  to  seek  his  fortune  in  a  life 
of  more  variety  and  adventure.  What  led  him  particularly  to  se- 
lect America,  as  the  scene  of  his  new  efforts,  we  know  not ;  but 
hearing  of  a  vessel  about  to  sail  for  Philadelphia  or  New  York,  he 
deserted  his  medical  studies,  and  without  sixpence  in  his  pocket, 
embarked  as  a  redemptioner  on  board  of  her. 

On  his  arrival  in  America,  he  bound  himself  for  a  term  of  years 
as  a  labourer  to  one  Savage,  who  paid  the  expenses  he  had  incurred 
in  his  passage  from  Ireland.  This  person  was  the  owner  or  occupier 
of  some  extensive  iron-works,  at  Durham,  a  village  on  the  river  De- 
laware, eight  or  ten  miles  below  Easton,  and  to  that  establishment 
Taylor  accompanied  him. 

Immediately  on  his  arrival,  he  was  set  to  work  as  a  "filler,"  that 

is,  a  workman  employed  to  throw  coal  into  the  furnace  when  in  blast. 

He  had  not  been  accustomed  to  such  rude  work,  and  this  was  soon 

discovered  from  the  blisters  on  his  hands.     The  fact  was  mentioned 

52  2  K  491 


492  GEORGE    TAYLOR. 

by  some  of  his  associates  to  Savage,  and  he,  taking  compassion  on 
the  lad,  whom  he  had  found  to  be  remarkably  intelligent  and  edu- 
cated beyond  his  present  situation,  asked  him  if  he  could  not  handle 
a  pen  better  than  a  shovel.  Taylor  agreed  joyfully  to  the  change, 
was  installed  as  a  clerk,  and  soon  made  himself,  in  this  situation,  a 
most  important  member  of  the  establishment.  He  retained  it  several 
years,  and  when  at  length  Savage  died,  married  his  widow,  and  be 
came  the  proprietor  of  the  whole  concern.  Here,  by  prudent  ma 
nagement  and  great  industry  he  contrived  to  amass  a  very  consider- 
able fortune,  but  either  allured  by  more  promising  prospects,  or 
tired  of  his  old  abode,  he  afterwards  purchased  a  considerable  es- 
tate on  the  shores  of  the  river  Lehigh,  in  the  count)'  of  Northampton, 
and  built  a  large  house  upon  it,  where  he  fixed  his  residence. 

Mr.  Taylor  had  not  been  long  an  inhabitant  of  Northampton, 
before  he  was  called  into  public  life.  In  the  provincial  assembly 
which  met  at  Philadelphia,  on  the  fifteenth  of  October,  1764,  we 
find  him  representing  that  county,  and  placed  immediately  on  the 
committee  of  aggrievances,  one  of  the  most  important  and  useful 
situations  at  that  time,  and  still  more  so  at  a  future  period.  He 
also  took  an  active  part  in  the  discussion  of  the  great  question  which 
then  agitated  the  province,  the  alteration  of  the  charter,  and  the 
reformation  of  the  proprietary  government,  into  which  many  serious 
abuses  had  crept. 

In  the  month  of  June,  1765,  the  speaker  of  assembly  had  re- 
ceived the  proposal  of  the  house  of  representatives  of  Massachu- 
setts Bay,  for  a  general  congress  of  delegates  at  New  York  in  the 
ensuing  autumn.  At  the  meeting  of  the  assembly  in  September,  he 
laid  the  communication  before  them,  and  on  the  same  day  the  mea- 
sure was  agreed  to  without  a  dissenting  voice.  The  speaker,  Mr. 
Fox,  Mr.  Dickenson,  Mr.  Bryan,  and  Mr.  Morton,  were  elected  as 
delegates,  and  a  committee  was  appointed  to  prepare  a  draught  of 
instructions  for  their  government.  On  this  committee  Mr.  Taylor 
was  appointed  ;  the  instructions  were  drawn  up,  and  on  the  following 
day,  presented  to  and  approved  by  the  house. 

In  the  month  of  October,  1765,  Mr.  Taylor  was  again  elected  as 
the  representative  of  Northampton  county  in  the  provincial  assem- 
bly, and  again  became  an  active  member  in  several  useful  commit- 
tees, and  a  participator  in  all  the  leading  measures  which  were 
introduced.  In  the  month  of  June  following,  we  find  him  one  of 
the  gentlemen  appointed  to  draw  up  an  address  of  thanks  to  the 
king,  on  the  repeal  of  the  stamp  act.    From  this  period  until  the  year 


GEORGE    TAYLOR.  493 

1770,  Mr.  Taylor  continued  to  take  his  seat  in  the  assembly,  and  was 
always  placed  on  the  several  standing  committees  of  which  he  had 
been  formerly  a  member,  as  well  as  named  on  many  others  of  im- 
portance. We  find  him  on  those  appointed  to  amend  the  judiciary 
establishment,  regulate  the  assessment  of  taxes,  investigate  the 
rights  of  the  house,  to  choose  the  printer  of  the  public  laws,  raise 
loans  on  bills  of  credit,  prepare  a  system  for  improving  the  naviga- 
tion of  the  great  rivers  of  the  province,  and  several  others. 

In  the  early  part  of  the  year  1768,  he  exerted  himself  strenuously 
in  bringing  to  justice  the  perpetrators  of  some  horrid  massacres  of 
the  savages  on  the  frontier,  which  had  nearly  involved  the  province 
in  an  Indian  war.  Thinking  that  the  governor  had  not  acted  with 
all  the  promptness  which  the  matter  demanded,  he  was  appointed 
by  the  assembly,  with  several  other  members,  to  draw  up  an  ad- 
dress urging  his  attention  to  it.  In  this  manly  address  they  call 
upon  him,  with  all  the  warmth  of  honourable  feeling,  to  exert  the 
powers  of  his  office  to  bring  the  offenders  to  justice,  to  avenge  the 
innocent  and  murdered  Indians,  and  to  save  the  province  from  the 
calamities  which  threatened  it. 

From  this  period  until  the  year  1775,  we  do  not  find  the  name  of 
Mr.  Taylor  in  the  journals  of  the  assembly.  He  was  actively  oc- 
cupied at  his  new  establishment,  in  carrying  on  some  iron-works 
which  ho  had  there  erected,  and  in  so  doing  had  associated  himself 
with  several  other  gentlemen,  engaged  in  the  same  pursuit.  Owing, 
however,  to  some  disadvantages  in  his  present  situation,  he  did  not 
meet  with  the  success  which  had  attended  his  former  efforts,  and 
after  some  time  vainly  spent  in  the  attempt,  and  the  loss  of  a  con- 
siderable part  of  his  fortune,  he  returned  to  Durham,  the  seat  of 
his  former  prosperity.  During  this  period,  the  only  public  offices 
which  he  held  were  those  of  a  judge  of  the  county  courts,  over  which 
he  presided,  and  of  colonel  of  militia,  from  which  he  derived  the 
title  that  he  was  usually  addressed  by. 

In  October,  1775,  he  was  again  elected  a  delegate  to  the  pro- 
vincial assembly,  and  took  his  seat  therein  on  the  fourteenth  of  that 
month.  He  resumed  at  once  his  useful  character  as  a  legislator, 
and  was  placed  on  several  important  committees,  such  as  those  on 
the  grants  of  the  crown,  the  settlement  of  the  Connecticut  claims, 
procuring  arms  for  the  public  service,  preparing  a  system  of  military 
discipline  for  the  province,  and  above  all,  the  committee  of  safety, 
which  was  now  in  fact  the  great  revolutionary  organ  of  the  govern- 
ment.    On  the  fourth  of  November,  1775,  the  legislature  proceeded 


494  GEORGE    TAYLOR. 

to  elect  the  delegates  to  the  succeeding  continental  congress ;  and 
shortly  after  they  had  chosen  them,  Mr.  Taylor  was  appointed,  with 
several  other  gentlemen,  to  prepare  and  report  to  the  assembly  a 
draught  of  instructions  by  which  their  conduct  was  to  be  governed. 

The  views  of  the  assembly  were  in  perfect  accordance  with  the 
wishes  of  the  people;  but  owing  to  the  strong  reluctance  which 
existed  among  many  of  the  members,  of  thus  making  a  breach 
which  could  never  be  repaired,  they  were  not  adopted  with  the 
unanimity  which  so  great  a  measure  required.  Indeed  it  had  be- 
come evident  that  an  essential  change  ought  to  be  made  in  the 
nature  of  the  government,  and  the  whole  energies  of  the  province 
should  be  exerted,  in  giving  weight  to  the  great  object  at  which 
congress  were  aiming.  The  regular  assembly  was,  therefore, 
allowed  gradually  to  cease  by  the  absence  of  its  members,  and  a 
temporary  body,  called  a  conference,  consisting  of  committees 
chosen  by  each  county,  met  at  Philadelphia,  and  assumed  by  de- 
grees a  large  portion  of  the  legislative  powers.  On  the  twenty- 
fourth  of  June,  they  took  up  the  subject  which  had  engaged  the 
attention  of  the  assembly ;  the  dissolution  of  allegiance  to  Greal 
Britain,  and  coinciding  in  the  views  which  we  have  seen  that  bod} 
adopt,  passed  a  resolution  unanimously,  as  the  deputies  of  the  people 
of  Pennsylvania,  in  which  they  expressed  their  willingness  to  concur 
in  a  vote  of  congress,  declaring  the  United  Colonies  free  and  inde- 
pendent states,  and  asserted  that  this  measure  did  not  originate  in 
ambition  or  in  impatience  of  lawful  authority,  but  that  they  were 
driven  to  it  in  obedience  to  the  first  principles  of  nature,  by  the 
oppressions  and  cruelties  of  the  king  and  parliament,  as  the  only 
measure  left  to  preserve  and  establish  their  liberties,  and  transmit 
them  inviolate  to  posterity. 

Emboldened  by  this  approbation  and  that  of  most  of  the  colonies, 
congress  proceeded  zealously  towards  the  great  end.  But  in  their 
body,  there  were  yet  many  who  looked  with  fearful  anticipation  on 
the  consequences.  Among  these  were  several  of  the  delegates 
from  Pennsylvania,  and  neither  the  instructions  of  the  assembly  noi 
the  resolutions  of  the  conference  had  yet  changed  their  sentiments. 
When  we  mention  among  these  the  name  of  that  great  and  good 
man  John  Dickinson,  we  give  sufficient  proof  that  the  cause  of  these 
sentiments  was  no  unmanly  fear.  It  was  a  reluctance  to  jeopardize 
the  future  prospects  of  the  country,  by  involving  them  in  a  war  with 
a  powerful  nation ;  it  was,  they  asserted,  changing  the  wholesome 
system  of  resistance  to  arbitrary  acts,  into  the  pursuit  of  ends  which 


GEORGE    TAVLOR.  495 

tlie  happiness  of  the  people  did  not  require.  It  was  relinquishing  the 
safe  ground  on  which  the  colonics  had  planted  themselves,  and 
rushing  into  a  war  which  in  its  course  must  bring  with  it  slaughter 
and  inexpressible  distress,  and  in  its  end  might  fix  a  severe  despo- 
tism on  the  ruins  of  liberties  that  had  been  rashly  hazarded. 

Fortunately  there  was  energy  enough  in  congress  to  resist  these 
plausible  but  delusive  opinions,  and  when  the  ultimate  question  was 
proposed,  an  approving  vote  by  all  the  colonies,  gave  to  the  measure 
of  resistance  that  unanimity  which  secured  its  eventual  success. 
Of  the  delegates  from  Pennsylvania,  however,  five  still  retained 
their  sentiments  in  opposition  to  the  majority.  The  approbation 
of  the  state  was  only  obtained  by  the  casting  vote  of  Mr.  Morton. 
Under  these  circumstances  a  new  choice  of  representatives  became 
necessary,  and  on  the  twentieth  of  July  the  convention  of  the  state 
proceeded  to  elect  them.  Mr.  Morton,  Dr.  Franklin,  Mr.  Morris, 
and  Mr.  Wilson  were  re-elected,  and  in  lieu  of  the  other  five  gen- 
tlemen were  substituted  Mr.  Taylor,  Mr.  Ross,  Mr.  Clymer,  Dr. 
Rush  and  Mr.  Smith.  On  the  same  day  Mr.  Taylor  took  his  seat 
in  congress. 

On  the  second  of  August  following  Mr.  Taylor  signed  the  Decla- 
ration of  Independence.  It  was  not  until  that  time,  that  any  dele- 
gate actually  affixed  his  signature  to  the  instrument ;  for  although  it 
was  passed  and  proclaimed  on  the  fourth  of  July  preceding,  the 
copy  engrossed  on  parchment,  was  not  prepared  until  nearly  a 
month  after.  These  circumstances  have  once  or  twice  given  rise 
to  errors,  but  they  are  fully  explained  in  a  letter  from  Mr.  M'Kean, 
one  of  the  delegates  from  Delaware,  which  will  be  found  inserted 
in  his  life.  The  acts  of  Mr.  Taylor  while  a  member  of  congress, 
are  involved  in  the  same  obscurity  which  surrounds  every  other  part 
of  his  life,  public  and  private.  The  journals  of  congress  do  not 
often  mention  him,  nor  have  we  any  means  of  forming  an  opinion 
of  the  peculiar  turn  of  talent  which  he  displayed,  or  line  of  services 
which  he  rendered.  He  was  engaged  for  some  time  in  a  negotia- 
tion, on  behalf  of  the  United  States,  with  several  of  the  Indian 
tribes  on  the  borders  of  the  Susquehanna,  and  appears  to  have 
formed  a  treaty  with  them  at  Easton,  where  he  had  now  taken  up 
his  residence. 

In  March,  1777,  he  retired  from  congress  and  never  after  engaged 

in  public  service.     Settled  at  Easton,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  his 

estates,  he  devoted  the  declining  years  of  his  life  to  increase  their 

value,  and  somewhat  to  recover  from  the  losses  he  had  sustained  by 

2k2 


496  GEORGE    TAYLOR. 

long  estrangement  from  his  domestic  affairs.  In  these  peaceful 
pursuits  four  years  slipped  quietly  away.  On  the  twenty-third  of 
February,  1781,  he  died,  being,  at  the  time,  sixty-five  years  of  age. 
He  has  no  legitimate  living  descendants. 

We  have  no  other  means  to  judge  of  the  peculiar  character  of 
Mr.  Taylor,  than  the  slight  incidents  we  have  recorded  in  this 
memoir.  From  these  we  may  fairly  conclude,  that  he  was  a  man 
of  strong  native  parts,  and  of  honourable  conduct,  industrious  and 
enterprising  in  his  habits,  and  useful  in  times  requiring  firmness 
and  strong  good  sense.  He  is  of  course  almost  forgotten,  even  in 
the  country  where  he  used  to  reside;  but  the  old  men  of  the  neigh- 
bourhood who  recollect  him,  when  asked  about  his  character  reply, 
that  "he  was  a  fine  man  and  a  furious  whig  " 


RES     OF    JAS    WILSON"FORT   WILSON 
STWTcoi  Thirl  -  Walnm    S«'tt,h,  1 


JAMES   WILSON 


Jame«  Wilson  was  born  in  the  Lowlands  of  Scotland.  His 
farailv  was  respectable,  but  not  wealthy,  and  resided  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  St.  Andrews,  formerly  the  metropolis  of  the  Pictish 
kingdom,  and  well  known  for  its  university,  founded  in  1411.  His 
father  was  a  reputable  farmer,  and  a  man  of  character:  that  he 
was  in  good  circumstances,  appears  probable,  from  the  education 
given  to  his  son;  but  he  is  said  to  have  injured  his  affairs  by  the 
same  passion  for  speculation  which  that  son  unfortunately  inherited. 
After  the  death  of  his  father,  his  mother  again  married,  and  must 
have  been  in  straitened  circumstances,  as  Mr.  Wilson  frequently 
sent  her  percuniary  aid  from  this  country,  even  when  he  was  him- 
self much  embarrassed. 

Mr.  Wilson  received  an  excellent  classical  education.  After 
leaving  the  grammar  school,  he  studied  at  Glasgow  and  Edinburgh, 
and  previously,  for  a  short  period,  at  St.  Andrews.  It  was  under 
the  tuition  of  the  famous  Dr.  Blair,  in  rhetoric,  and  of  the  not  less 
celebrated  Dr.  Watts,  in  rhetoric  and  logic,  that  he  laid  the  founda- 
tion of  the  celebrity  which  he  subsequently  acquired,  as  a  powerful 
orator,  and  almost  irresistible  logician.  His  youthful  character  was 
correct  and  praise-worthy. 

Soon  after  the  completion  of  his  education,  and  without  selecting 
or  embracing  any  profession,  he  resolved  to  emigrate  to  America, 
and  endeavour,  by  the  exercise  of  the  talents,  industry,  and  integ- 
rity, which  he  amply  possessed,  to  realize,  in  a  new  country,  that 
independence  which  his  own  could  not  afford.  He  arrived  at  New 
York  in  about  the  twenty-first  year  of  his  age,  bringing  with  him 
an  excellent  classical  and  scientific  education,  and  attainments  espe- 
cially conspicuous  in  history  and  natural  law.  In  the  beginning  of 
the  year  1766  he  reached  Philadelphia,  with  highly  recommendatory 
letters  to  gentlemen  of  that  city,  one  of  whom  was  Dr.  Richard 
Peters,  rector  of  Christ  and  St.  Peter's  churches,  by  whom  he  was 
particularly  patronised,  and  introduced  as  an  usher  into  the  Phila- 

499 


500  JAMES    WILSON. 

delphia  college  and  academy.  Dr.  Peters  had  been  the  secretary 
of  the  province,  and  during  forty  years,  the  confidential  friend  ami 
agent  of  the  proprietaries.  He  was  an  original  trustee  of  the  CO.- 
lege  and  academy,  and  being  a  man  of  learning,  and  zealous  in  its 
cause,  was  a  competent  judge  of  the  capacity  of  any  person  pre- 
senting himself  as  a  tutor,  or  professor.  Mr.  Wilson  was  con 
sidered  by  the  trustee,  before  whom  he  was  examined,  as  the  best 
classical  scholar  who  had  offered  as  a  tutor  in  the  Latin  department 
of  the  college. 

In  this  office  he  only  remained  a  few  months;  when,  through  the 
instrumentality  of  his  early,  familiar,  and  constant  friends,  Bishop 
White  and  Judge  Peters,  he  obtained  the  situation  of  student  of 
.aw,  in  the  office  of  Mr.  John  Dickinson.  The  funds  necessary 
to  accomplish  this  object,  and  for  maintenance  during  the  prosecu- 
tion of  his  studies,  consisted  of  money  taken  on  interest,  by  the 
mortgage  of  a  farm  which  he  purchased  from  his  relative,  Mr. 
Annan,  a  seceding  minister,  who,  it  is  said,  received  satisfaction  for 
the  property,  by  assurances  made  good  in  Scotland. 

After  two  years  ardent  application  to  the  study  of  his  profession, 
Mr.  Wilson  first  settled  in  Reading,  but  soon  removed  to  Carlisle, 
where  he  became  an  eminent  counsellor  at  law,  and  obtained  con- 
siderable practice,  previous  to  the  revolutionary  struggle.  He 
afterwards  went  to  Annapolis,  in  Maryland,  and  after  remaining 
there  one  year,  removed  to  Philadelphia,  in  1778,  where  he  contin- 
ued to  reside  during  the  remainder  of  his  life. 

At  a  time  when  universal  agitation  prevailed  amongst  all  classes 
of  society  with  respect  to  the  disputes  existing  between  Great 
Britain  and  her  North  American  colonies,  and  when  the  minds  of 
those  best  qualified,  by  nature  and  education,  to  enter  on  the  subject, 
were  intensely  excited  by  patriotic  resentments  and  gloomy  antici- 
pations, it  was  not  to  be  expected  that  Mr.  Wilson  would  remain 
an  idle  spectator  of  passing  events.  He  commenced  his  political 
career  as  soon  as  the  British  government  began  their  oppressions. 
He  wrote  and  published  many  able  and  luminous  essays  in  favour 
of  the  rights  of  America,  and  never  swerved  from  his  attachment  to 
our  cause. 

Mr.  Wilson  was  a  member  of  the  provincial  convention  of  Penn- 
sylvania, which  met  early  in  the  summer  of  1774,  a  few  months 
previous  to  the  meeting  of  the  first  general  congress.  During  its 
session,  his  talents  and  political  science  became  known  through- 
out  the   city   of    Philadelphia,   and   it   being   understood    that   the 


JAMES    WILSON.  501 

assembly,  at  its  first  meeting,  would  appoint  delegates  to  con- 
gress, the  convention  recommended  that  Mr.  Dickinson  and  Mr. 
Wilson  should  be  among  the  number.  This  recommendation  was 
rejected;  a  measure  ascribed  to  the  influence  of  the  speaker,  Mr. 
Galloway,  an  eminent  lawyer  of  Philadelphia,  who  joined  the  British 
when  they  took  possession  of  the  city,  who  had  been  long  at  enmity 
with  Mr.  Dickinson,  and  who  had  differed  from  both  of  them  in 
political  sentiments. 

When  military  movements  were  first  made,  Mr.  Wilson,  then 
resident  in  Carlisle,  was  chosen  colonel  of  a  regiment  of  militia, 
raised  in  the  county  of  Cumberland.  He  acted  in  that  capacity 
when  occasions  demanded  his  services,  and  the  public  stores  and 
magazines  in  Carlisle  were  committed  to  his  charge;  but  he  was 
never  in  active  service,  owing,  probably,  to  his  very  frequent  civil 
appointments.  He  was,  also,  a  commissioner  to  treat  with  the 
♦ndians,  a  duty  which  he  executed  successfully. 

Notwithstanding  the  opposition  which  Mr.  Wilson  had  encountered, 
when  proposed  as  a  delegate  to  the  first  continental  congress,  which 
met  in  September,  1774,  he  was,  on  the  sixth  of  May,  1775,  to- 
gether with  Benjamin  Franklin  and  Thomas  Willing,  added  to  the 
Pennsylvania  delegation,  by  the  unanimous  voice  of  the  assembly, 
and  accordingly  took  his  seat  in  the  second  congress,  which  met  at 
Philadelphia,  on  the  tenth  of  May,  1775.  To  this  honourable  and 
distinguished  station  he  was  successively  re-appointed,  on  the  third 
of  November,  1775,  the  twentieth  of  July,  1776,  and  the  tenth  of 
March,  1777. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  general  assembly,  held  on  the  fourteenth  of 
September,  1777,  the  house  resumed  the  consideration  of  the 
choosing  new  delegates  to  serve  the  state  in  congress,  when  it  was 
resolved,  that  new  delegates  "be  immediately  elected  instead  of 
Jonathan  B.  Smith,  esquire,  who  has  resigned,  and  of  James  Wil- 
son and  George  Cly  mer,  esquires,  who  are  hereby  superseded."  Their 
places  were  accordingly  supplied  by  Joseph  Reed,  William  Clingan, 
and  Dr.  Samuel  Duflield.  Thus  early  did  the  spirit  of  party  de- 
prive our  country  of  the  active  services  of  its  best  and  most  efficient 
advocates.  So  early  as  the  month  of  January  preceding,  Mr.  Wil- 
son was  apprized  by  his  friend,  Robert  Morris,  of  the  plan  in  agita- 
tion to  remove  him  from  office.  In  a  letter,  dated  the  thirty-first 
of  that  month,  Mr.  Morris  makes  the  following  remarks;  "I  am 
told  our  assembly  do  not  intend  you  shall  be  in  the  new  list  of 
delegates.  I  am  too  busy  to  attend,  or  I  would  contest  the  matter 
53 


502  JAMES    WILSON. 

warmly ;  although  I  well  know,  that  the  honesty,  merits,  and  ability 
which  you  possess  in  so  eminent  a  degree,  would  not  be  sufficient 
pleas  against  the  previous  determination  of  a  strong  party;  for  that, 
I  am  told,  is  the  case.  However,  you  will  enjoy  your  family  and 
friends  at  home,  if  you  are  deprived  of  the  opportunity  of  continuing 
those  services  to  your  country,  which  she  so  much  needs,  and  which, 
if  I  mistake  not,  she  will  feel  the  want  of,  until  better  men,  in  bet- 
ter times,  shall  call  you  forth  again."  Thus,  in  consequence  of  the 
ascendency  of  the  party  opposed  to  him,  Mr.  Wilson  retired,  for  a 
season,  from  public  life. 

But  his  talents  were  too  splendid  and  useful  to  be  permitted  long 
to  remain  in  political  obscurity;  and  in  the  year  1782,  he  received 
the  most  distinguished  evidences,  that  consistency  and  integrity  will 
finally  prevail  over  the  machinations  of  faction.  On  the  twelfth  of 
November,  of  that  year,  he  was  re-elected  to  congress,  and  took 
his  seat  in  that  body,  on  the  second  of  January,  1783.  In  the  pre* 
ceding  month  of  June,  he  was  appointed  by  the  president  and 
supreme  executive  council,  in  conjunction  with  William  Bradford 
junior,  Joseph  Reed,  and  Jonathan  D.  Sergeant,  a  counsellor  and 
agent  for  Pennsylvania,  in  the  controversy  subsisting  between  that 
state  and  Connecticut,  relative  to  the  settlement  at  Wyoming.  The 
court  of  commissioners  appointed  to  hear,  and  finally  determine 
this  important  dispute,  was  held  at  Trenton,  on  the  twelfth  of  No- 
vember, 1782,  and  on  the  thirtieth  of  December,  pronounced  their 
unanimous  opinion,  that  the  state  of  Connecticut  had  no  right  to 
the  lands  in  controversy,  and  that  the  jurisdiction  and  pre-emption 
of  all  the  territory  lying  within  the  charter  boundary  of  Pennsylvania, 
and  then  claimed  by  the  state  of  Connecticut,  did  of  right  belong  to 
the  state  of  Pennsylvania.  The  successful  result  of  this  cause, 
may,  in  some  degree,  be  attributed  to  the  luminous  and  learned 
argument  of  Mr.  Wilson,  the  delivery  of  which  occupied  several  days. 
He  was  again  appointed  a  delegate  to  congress,  on  the  seventh  of 
April,  1785,  and  attended  on  the  twenty-sixth  of  the  same  month ; 
and  finally,  on  the  eleventh  of  the  succeeding  month  of  November, 
resuming  his  honourable  station  on  the  twenty-second  of  March,  1786. 

During  the  period  of  his  absence  from  the  great  national  council, 
he  received  frequent  marks  of  the  unabated  confidence  reposed  in 
him,  by  those  who  were  elevated  above  the  influence  of  state  or 
party  feuds.  On  the  fifth  of  June,  1779,  M.  Gerard,  minister  pleni- 
potentiary of  France,  appointed  Mr.  Wilson  advocate-general  of  the 
French  nation,  in  the  United  States. 


JAMES    WILSON.  503 

The  attention  of  Mr.  Wilson  was,  for  some  time,  closely  directed 
to  the  arduous  duties  of  his  office,  and  in  forming  plans  relative  to 
the  commercial  connexions  of  the  United  States  with  France.  These 
duties  were  of  very  great  extent  and  importance;  and  attended  with 
no  small  degree  of  difficulty  and  delicacy.  By  the  treaty  of  com- 
merce between  France  and  the  United  States,  the  functions  of  con- 
suls, vice-consuls,  agents,  and  commissaries,  were  to  be  regulated 
by  a  particular  agreement;  and  it  became  the  duty  of  the  advocate- 
general  to  draw  the  sketch  of  a  plan  for  this  agreement,  on  the  part 
of  France.  In  other  countries,  usage,  and  rules  previously  esta- 
blished, greatly  assisted  in  ascertaining  the  functions,  powers,  and 
privileges  of  public  offices:  but,  in  the  United  States,  every  thing 
of  that  nature  was  new  and  unprecedented.  "I  fancy  myself,"  said 
Mr.  Wilson,  "  in  the  situation  of  a  planter,  who  undertakes  to  settle 
and  cultivate  a  farm  in  the  woods,  where  there  has  not  been  one 
tree  cut  down,  nor  a  single  improvement  made."  While  the  colonies 
were  dependent  on  the  crown  of  Great  Britain,  it  was  the  policy  of 
that  nation  to  confine  their  commerce  to  herself;  and  their  trade 
and  navigation  were  regulated  by  the  laws  of  England.  But  a  very 
different,  and  a  much  nobler  prospect,  unfolded  itself  to  the  view, 
when  Mr.  Wilson  entered  on  the  duties  of  his  office.  The  arrange- 
ments of  commerce  would  necessarily  expand  with  their  objects; 
and  those  respecting  the  trade  with  France  made  a  capital  figure  in 
the  general  system.  In  order  to  model  and  digest  them,  as  the 
magnitude  of  the  subject  required,  it  was  necessary  accurately  to 
know  and  to  compare  the  laws  of  nations,  the  laws  of  France,  and 
the  laws,  customs,  and  interior  police  of  the  United  States.  It  was 
stipulated  by  Mr.  Wilson  with  M.  Gerard,  on  his  acceptance  of  the 
office,  that  an  annual  salary  should  be  annexed  to  it;  and  upon  that 
principle,  the  nomination,  which  would  otherwise  have  been  refused, 
was  accepted.  This  contract  was  extremely  just,  as  an  equivalent 
for  the  necessary  abandonment  of  a  large  portion  of  his  lucrative 
practice.  But  the  Duke  De  Luzerne  informed  Mr.  Wilson,  in  April, 
1782,  that  the  king  did  not  intend  to  attach  an  annual  salary  to  the 
office  of  advocate-general  of  the  nation.  This  violation  of  the  origi- 
nal compact  decided  the  proper  course  to  be  pursued;  he  imme- 
diately addressed  a  letter  to  the  French  minister,  in  which  he  stated 
that  he  would  not  have  accepted  the  office,  but  upon  the  terms  that 
a  salary  should  be  annexed  to  it ;  that  as  it  was  determined  that 
such  should  not  be  the  case,  he  could  no  longer  divert  so  much 
of  his  study  and  attention  from  the  practice  of  the  law,  as  he  had 


504  JAMES    WILSON. 

done  for  a  considerable  time."  "But,  sir,"  he  continues,  "I  am  a 
citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  feel  what  I  owe  to  France.  While 
the  king  is  making'  such  generous  and  such  expensive  efforts  in 
behalf  of  my  country,  every  service,  of  which  my  situation  and  cir- 
cumstances will  admit,  is  due  to  him.  With  the  greatest  cheerful- 
ness, therefore,  I  will,  during  the  war,  give  my  best  advice  and 
assistance,  in  the  line  of  my  profession  and  practice,  concerning 
such  matters  as  the  ministers  and  consuls  of  France  will  do  me  the 
honour  of  laying  before  me."  Finally,  after  several  years  of  labour, 
Mr.  Wilson  received  from  his  most  Christian  majesty,  in  November, 
1783,  the  princely  remuneration  of — ten  thousand  livres. 

Congress  also  appointed  him,  on  the  thirty-first  of  December, 
1781,  during  his  absence  from  that  body,  one  of  the  directors  of  the 
Bank  of  North  America,  planned  by  Mr.  Morris  for  the  purpose  of 
supporting  the  finances  of  the  United  States. 

Whilst  Mr.  Wilson  was  in  congress,  he  was  considered  as  one  of 
its  ablest  members,  and  was,  perhaps,  more  engaged  in  the  business 
of  committees,  than  any  of  his  colleagues.  His  political  standing 
was  deservedly  high,  and  he  was  always  listened  to  with  respectful 
attention.  He  particularly  distinguished  himself  in  all  those  weighty 
questions,  which  were  agitated  in  that  important  crisis,  when  the 
settlement  of  our  affairs,  both  civil  and  military,  commanded  the 
most  serious  and  anxious  attention.  In  June,  1775,  he  was  of  the 
committee  which  prepared  an  eloquent  and  nervous  appeal  to  the 
assembly  of  Jamaica;  and  in  July  of  the  same  year,  when  the 
Indians  were  divided  into  three  departments,  the  northern,  middle, 
and  southern,  and  commissioners  appointed  by  congress  to  superin- 
tend Indian  affairs  in  behalf  of  the  colonies,  he  was  elected  a  com- 
missioner for  the  middle  department.  He  was  also  a  member  of 
the  several  committees,  to  take  into  consideration  the  state  of  the 
colonies,  and  report  what  number  of  forces  would  be  necessary  for 
their  defence;  to  prepare  a  letter  to  the  inhabitants  of  Canada;  to 
prepare  an  address  to  the  United  Colonies;  to  take  into  considera- 
tion the  state  of  the  Indians  in  the  middle  department;  to  consider 
on  the  most  speedy  and  effectual  means  for  supporting  the  Ameri- 
can cause  in  Canada  ;  to  confer  with  General  Washington,  and  con- 
cert a  plan  of  military  operations;  to  devise  ways  and  means  for 
supplying  the  treasury ;  to  form  an  effectual  plan  for  suppressing 
the  internal  enemies  of  America;  to  devise  and  execute  measures 
for  effectually  re-inforcing  General  Washington,  and  obstructing 
the  progress  of  General  Howe's  army;  to  take  into  consideration 


JAMES    WILSON.  505 

the  state  of  the  army ;  to  explain  to  the  several  states,  the  reasons 
which  induced  congress  to  enlarge  the  powers  of  General  Washing- 
ton; to  consider  what  steps  were  necessary  to  he  taken,  should  the 
enemy  attempt  to  penetrate  through  New  Jersey,  or  to  attack  Phi- 
ladelphia; to  devise  a  plan  for  encouraging  the  Hessians  and  other 
foreigners,  employed  hy  the  king  of  Great  Britain,  and  sent  to  Ame- 
rica for  the  purpose  of  subjecting  the  states,  to  quit  that  iniquitous 
service;  <fcc.  &c.  &c.  He  was  a  member  of  the  standing  committee 
for  Indian  affairs,  and  of  the  standing  committee  appointed  to  hear 
and  determine  upon  appeals  brought  against  sentences  passed  on 
libels  in  the  courts  of  admiralty  in  their  respective  states.  He  was 
also  attached  to  the  first  board  of  war.  In  fact,  no  member  was 
more  frequently  called  upon  to  exert  his  talents,  and  no  member 
exhibited  more  industry,  capacity,  and  perseverance,  in  obeying  the 
calls  of  duty,  than  James  Wilson. 

But,  notwithstanding  these  active  exertions  in  the  cause  of  this 
country,  Mr.  Wilson  became  much  involved  in  the  political  quarrels 
of  the  day.  The  principal  charge  on  which  those  who  opposed  him 
relied,  was  his  opposition  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  The 
injustice  of  this  accusation  will  be  apparent  from  the  following  tes- 
timony. Bishop  White,  in  answer  to  the  question,  "Whether  Mr. 
Wilson  was  opposed  to  independence?"  replied:  "Doubtless,  Mr. 
Wilson  voted  for  independence,  although  his  being  reconciled  to 
the  measure,  as  was  the  case  with  the  best  men  finally  favouring 
it,  was  gradual,  and  as  was  made  necessary  by  existing  circum- 
stances." "  I  do  not  hesitate  to  say,"  says  Judge  Peters,  "  that 
Mr.  Wilson  never  was  opposed  to  our  independence,  when,  like 
many  others  of  the  best  friends  to  our  country,  he  found  it  inevi- 
tably necessary.  The  time  and  manner  created  some  differences 
of  opinions,  but  the  measure,  when  adopted,  had  universal  appro- 
bation; I  mean  of  the  whigs,  however  divided  in  local  and  subor- 
dinate matters."  Governor  M'Kean,  in  a  letter  to  the  late  Alexander 
James  Dallas,  relative  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  observes, 
"  The  delegates  for  Pennsylvania,  who  voted  in  the  negative,  were 
John  Dickinson,  Robert  Morris,  Charles  Humphreys,  and  Thomas 
Willing;  those  in  the  affirmative,  were  John  Morton,  Benjamin 
Franklin,  and  James  Wilson."  Judge  Duncan  states  it  as  "an 
undoubted  fact,  that  on  the  first  question  concerning  independence, 
the  only  delegates  of  Pennsylvania  for  it,  were  Mr.  Wilson  and 
Mr.  Morton,  although  others  of  them  concurred  afterwards." 

Thus,  in  the  whole  course  of  the  proceedings  of  which  we  have 
2L 


50G  JAMES    WILSON. 

any  knowledge,  we  find  that  Mr.  Wilson  uniformly  voted  in  favour 
of  independence  ;  on  the  first  of  July,  in  opposition  to  the  majority 
of  his  colleagues,  and  on  the  fourth,  in  the  majority.  But  many 
sincere  whigs  considered  a  separation  from  the  mother  country,  at 
that  time,  as  one  of  the  greatest  evils  that  could  befall  us.  Of  this 
class  was  Mr.  John  Dickinson,  who  was  always  timid  and  hesitating, 
though  sincerely  attached  to  our  cause.  Mr.  Wilson,  who  was  bold 
and  decided,  could  only  have  been  coupled  with  him,  to  serve  party 
or  personal  purposes. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  year  1777,  a  combination  was  formed 
against  the  commander-in-chief,  in  which  several  members  of  con- 
gress, and  a  very  few  of  the  officers  of  the  army,  are  believed  to 
have  entered.  The  splendour  with  which  the  late  capitulation  of 
Saratoga  had  surrounded  the  military  reputation  of  General  Gates, 
acquired  some  advocates  for  the  opinion,  that  the  arms  of  America 
would  be  more  fortunate,  by  the  elevation  of  that  gentleman  to  the 
supreme  command;  and  some  parts  of  the  conduct  of  that  officer 
showed,  that  if  this  opinion  did  not  originate  with  him,  he  was  not 
among  the  last  to  adopt  it.  He  carried  on  a  correspondence  with 
General  Conway,  one  of  the  most  malignant  partisans  of  the  cabal, 
and  pronounced  by  Washington  to  have  been  "a  dangerous  incen- 
diary," in  which  the  French  officer  observed,  "  heaven  has  been 
determined  to  save  your  country,  or  a  weak  general,  and  bad  coun- 
sellors, would  have  ruined  it."  At  the  same  time,  the  legislature 
of  Pennsylvania,  chagrined  at  losing  its  capital,  remonstrated  against 
the  intentions  of  General  Washington  to  move  into  winter-quarters 
in  terms  very  intelligibly  manifesting  their  dissatisfaction  with  the 
commander-in-chief;  a  new  and  unfriendly  board  of  war  was  created, 
of  which  General  Gates,  his  rival,  (if  such  a  term  be  not  heretical,) 
was  appointed  the  president ;  his  calumniator,  General  Conway,  was 
made  inspector-general,  and  elevated  above  brigadiers  older  than 
himself,  to  the  rank  of  major-general ;  and  attempts  were  made,  by 
anonymous  communications,  to  alienate  the  affections  of  the  leading 
political  characters  in  the  states,  from  the  commander-in-chief.  But 
it  was  impossible  to  loosen  the  hold  which  he  had  taken,  of  the  af- 
fections and  confidence  of  the  army,  and  of  the  nation.  No  better 
evidence  of  its  strength  can  be  given,  than  the  indignation  with  which 
the  idea  of  such  a  change  was  received,  even  by  the  victorious  troops, 
who  had  fought  and  conquered  under  Gates.  Even  the  northern 
army  clung  to  Washington,  as  the  saviour  of  their  country ;  and 
fortunately  for  America,  the  only  effect  of  these  combinations  was 


JAMES    WILSON.  507 

to  excite  a  great  degree  of  resentment,  which  was  directed  entirely 
against  those  believed  to  be  engaged  in  them.  General  Gates  fell 
under  a  cloud,  whose  obscurity  was  heightened  by  the  disastrous 
battle  of  Camden  ;  and  Major-General  Conway,  after  having  ex- 
hibited conspicuous  proofs  of  bis  cowardice  at  the  battle  of  German- 
town,  by  seeking  refuge  in  a  farm-house,  and  refusing  to  join  bis 
brigade  which  was  engaged  with  the  enemy,  entertaining  no  hope 
of  being  called  on  to  exercise  the  functions  of  his  new  office  of  in- 
spector-general, and  finding  his  situation  in  the  army  as  uncomfort- 
able as  the  scorn  of  honourable  men  could  render  it,  tendered  the 
resignation  of  his  commission  to  congress,  on  the  twenty-eighth  of 
April,  1778,  which  was  accepted  with  the  dissenting  vote  of  Virginia 
alone.  After  bis  resignation  he  frequently  indulged  in  expressions, 
manifesting  the  hostility  of  his  temper  to  the  commander-in-chief; 
for  which  he  was  challenged  by  General  John  Cadwallader,  with 
whom  he  had  some  altercation;  received  a  wound,  for  some  time 
believed  to  be  mortal ;  and,  despairing  of  recovery,  and  considering 
himself  on  the  bed  of  death,  made  all  the  atonement  in  his  power 
to  the  great  man  whom  he  had  vainly  endeavoured  to  defame,  by  a 
solemn  recantation  of  his  former  opinions.  He,  however,  recovered, 
and  soon  after  went  to  France. 

From  the  commencement  of  the  revolution  to  the  termination  of 
his  life,  an  event  which  occurred  about  a  year  before  the  death  of 
General  Washington,  Mr.  Wilson  was  considered  by  all  those  who 
knew  him  best,  as  one  of  the  most  decided  friends,  and  enthusiastic 
admirers,  of  that  illustrious  man.  Great,  then,  was  the  astonishment 
of  his  surviving  relatives  and  friends,  and  of  all  those  who  had  been 
taught  to  form  a  different  opinion  of  the  political  character  of  Mr. 
Wilson,  to  find  from  the  following  paragraphs  in  the  "Life  of  Gene- 
ral Greene,"  published  in  1822,  the  first  intimation  that  lie  was 
attached  to  the  cabal  opposed  to  General  Washington,  in  1777  and 
1778.  "  Yet  certain  it  is,  that  at  that  time,  he  (Washington)  had 
enemies;  and  among  them  were  ranked  Samuel  Adams;  the  Lees 
of  Virginia;  Wilson  of  Pennsylvania,  and  some  minor  characters." 
(Vol.  i.  p.  154.)  "The  ascendency  of  such  men  as  Samuel  Adams 
and  Richard  Henry  Lee  could  not  but  be  felt ;  and  Mifflin  and  Wil- 
son, leading  men  in  Pennsylvania,  were  both  avoivedly  hostile  to  him." 
(Ibid.  p.  166.) 

This  charge  is  wholly  unfounded.  We  contemplate,  with  indigna- 
tion, all  attempts  to  affix  stains  on  the  reputation  of  the  worthy  men 
who,  in  the  several  capacities  in  which  they  were  engaged,  achieved 


508  JAMES    WILSON. 

the  great  event  on  which  are  founded  all  the  prosperity  and  happi- 
ness of  our  country.  Passions  and  prejudices,  both  personal  and 
local,  they  certainly  possessed, — for  they  were  men;  but  they  may 
be  safely  acquitted  of  any  charge  of  indulging  such  prejudices  or 
passions,  when  the  great  object  in  view  required  the  sacrifice  of 
private  disagreements,  or  personal  jealousies.  So  far  as  these  ob- 
servations apply  to  Mr.  Wilson,  he  was  as  much  exempted  from 
personal  animosities  as  any  of  his  co-agents  in  the  revolutionary 
struggle.  There  is  a  pernicious  vanity  in  some  historiographers, 
which  excites  them  to  rake  up  wonderful  discoveries,  both  in  relation 
to  persons  and  circumstances,  by  which  they  expect  to  distinguish 
themselves.  Mr.  Wilson  had  enemies,  as  well  as  many  others  who 
were  prominent  in  our  revolutionary  war.  By  some  of  these,  or 
from  documentary  misrepresentations,  the  false  imputation  on  his 
character,  adopted  by  Judge  Johnson,  (the  author  of  the  book)  was 
probably  promulgated.  Is  it  not  absurd  to  suppose  that  Mr.  Wilson 
could  have  been  "avowedly  hostile"  to  General  Washington,  and 
yet  that  this  should  be  unknown  even  to  his  most  intimate  friends  ? 
Can  we  attach  credit  to  the  charge,  when  those  friends,  without  ex- 
ception, always  believed  him  to  be  a  uniform  and  sincere  admirer 
of  the  general  ?  Besides,  Mr.  Wilson  was  not,  at  the  period  re- 
ferred to,  in  public  life,  but  pursuing  his  professional  duties  at  Car- 
lisle. Nor,  with  a  single  exception,  was  he  on  terms  of  intimacy 
with  those  supposed  to  be  engaged  in  the  combination  against  the 
commander-in-chief:  with  some  of  them,  indeed,  he  was  on  terms 
very  far  from  friendly  or  intimate.  "  I  know  the  charge,"  said  Mr. 
Richard  Peters,  "  to  be  groundless  and  utterly  false.  I  have  had 
numberless  conversations  with  him  on  our  public  men,  and  public 
measures,  in  all  the  stages  both  of  our  difficulties  and  triumphs.  He 
was  always  the  eulogist  and  admirer  of  General  Washington  ;  and 
indignantly  affected  when  any  thing  was  said  or  done,  to  sully  his 
character  or  conduct.  So  far  from  being  a  leader  of  malcontents 
on  this  subject,  I  know  he  sincerely  and  warmly  reprobated  the 
jealousies  and  discontents  of  some  who  disgraced  themselves  by  in- 
dulging them.  The  anti-Washingtonian  malignities  by  which  they 
exposed  themselves,  were  offensive  to  every  liberal  mind  ;  and  to 
none  more  than  to  Mr.  Wilson.  Strange  then,  that  he  should  be 
charged  with  being  a  leader  in  a  junto,  whose  sentiments  he  de- 
spised." If  General  Washington  entertained  an  opinion  that  he 
was  one  of  the  faction  which  laboured  to  injure  the  cause  by  de- 
priving him  of  his  rank,  would  he  have  created  him  one  of  the  first 


JAMES    WILSON.  509 

associate  judges  of  the  supreme  court,  appointed  under  the  federal 
constitution  ?  Or  would  he,  as  was  the  case,  have  unhesitatingly 
overruled  the  intention  expressed  by  his  nephew,  Bushrod  Wash- 
ington, of  not  entering  the  office  of  Mr.  Wilson  for  the  purpose  of 
prosecuting  his  legal  studies,  by  arguments  strongly  indicating  the 
high  opinion  he  entertained  of  him  ? 

We  have  entered  on  this  subject,  to  do  justice  to  one  who  stood 
high  in  the  councils  of  his  country,  and  in  the  esteem  and  confidence 
of  his  fellow  citizens  :  we  desired,  in  the  same  public  manner  in 
which  it  was  advanced,  to  clear  his  character  from  a  censure,  which 
was  entirely  unmerited.  We  cannot  believe  that  Judge  Johnson 
designedly  misrepresented  his  character  and  principles,  however  we 
may  regret  the  incorrect  information  on  which  his  statement  was 
founded  :  nor  is  it  to  be  forgotten  that  had  not  some  near,  and 
deeply  interested  relative  been  living,  the  imputation  might  have 
descended  to  posterity,  a  lasting  blemish  on  the  character  of  Mr. 
Wilson.  The  prompt  and  feeling  manner  in  which  the  author  ex- 
pressed his  regret  for  the  error  which  he  had  committed,  and  the 
immediate  means  which  he  employed  to  correct  it,  are  the  best  proof? 
of  his  desire  to  atone  for  the  inadvertency  into  which  he  was  led. 

In  the  year  1779,  the  lives  of  Mr.  Wilson  and  many  of  his  friends 
were  put  in  extreme  hazard  by  a  band  of  heated  partisans,  under 
the  pretext  of  his  holding  sentiments  inimical  to  popu'ar  institutions. 
By  that  time,  party  spirit  in  Pennsylvania  had  taken  a  consistency, 
and  the  politicians  were  divided  into  constitutionalists  and  repub- 
licans. The  first  rallied  round  the  constitution  already  formed, 
which  was  reprobated  by  the  others,  for  its  total  deficiency  in  checks, 
and  counterbalancing  powers,  thence  tending,  as  it  was  alleged,  to 
rash,  precipitate,  and  oppressive  proceedings:  the  term  republicans 
was  embraced,  as  recognising  the  principles  of  the  revolution,  and 
as  indicative,  perhaps,  of  tenets,  which  admitted  the  utility  of  modi- 
fications and  restraints,  in  a  system  resting  upon  the  broad  basis  of 
general  suffrage  and  popular  sovereignty.  Mr.  Wilson  was  one  of 
the  leading  men  of  the  republican  party,  who  agreed  that  they 
would  not  accept  of  any  office  or  appointment  under  the  constitu- 
tion, which,  in  that  case,  they  would  be  bound,  by  an  oath,  to  sup- 
port. This  circumstance  offended,  and  inflamed,  the  constitutional 
party,  and  with  other  exciting  causes,  however  unjust,  led  to  the 
outrage  which  we  are  about  to  record.  The  consequences  of  a 
rapidly  depreciating  currency  were  very  distressing  to  many,  who 
were  incapable  of  tracing  them  to  their  cause:  for  example,  every 
54  2  l  2 


510  JAMES    WILSON. 

tradesman  who  had  engaged  in  a  piece  of  work,  felt,  when  paid  for 
it,  that  he  did  not  receive,  except  in  name,  what  he  had  contracted 
for.  Artful  and  designing  incendiaries  had  the  address  to  persuade 
many  of  the  sufferers,  that  the  evil  was  owing  to  the  merchants, 
who  monopolized  the  goods ;  and  to  certain  lawyers,  who  rescued 
the  tories  from  punishment,  by  pleading  for  them  in  court.  Mr. 
Wilson  had  become  particularly  obnoxious.  Sydney  and  Russel 
were  uniformly  celebrated  as  patriots,  until  the  advocates  of  arbi- 
trary power  held  them  tip  as  pensioners  to  France.  He  was  chargetl, 
in  his  professional  character,  with  defending  and  patronizing  tories, 
and  befriending  the  foes  to  the  principles  on  which  the  opposition  to 
the  arbitrary  claims  of  the  British  administration  was  founded.  Yet 
he  was,  in  fact,  a  most  decided  friend  of  a  popular  government,  and 
mainly  assisted  in  every  measure  calculated  for  its  establishment. 
The  affair  of  "Fort  Wilson,"  as  his  house  was  thereafter  denomi- 
nated, flowed  from  this  mistaken  opinion,  of  which  those  who  concoct- 
ed that  disgraceful  transaction  took  advantage,  for  party  purposes. 

About  the  middle  of  September,  1779,  a  committee,  appointed 
at  a  town  meeting,  regulated  the  prices  of  rum,  salt,  sugar,  coffee, 
flour,  &c.  a  measure  which  was  strongly  opposed  by  the  importers. 
Robert  Morris,  Blair  M'Clenachan,  John  Willcocks,  and  a  number 
of  other  stanch  wings,  had  a  quantity  of  these  articles  in  their 
stores,  which  they  refused  to  dispose  of,  at  the  regulated  prices. 
About  the  last  of  the  month,  a  great  number  of  the  lower  class  from 
the  city  and  liberties,  collected  and  marched  through  the  city,  threat- 
ening to  break  open  the  stores,  distribute  the  goods,  and  punish  those 
who  refused  to  open  their  warehouses.  On  the  morning  of  the  fourth 
of  October,  placards  were  posted,  menacing  Robert  Morris,  Blair 
M'Clenachan,  and  many  others:  Mr.  AVilson  was  proscribed  by  the 
mobility,  for  having  exercised  his  professional  duty  as  a  lawyer,  in 
behalf  of  certain  persons  who  had  been  prosecuted  for  treason  ;  and 
the  punishment  decreed  for  this  crime,  was  banishment  to  the  enemy, 
yet  in  New  York.  But  this  was  not  the  real  cause  which  produced 
so  lamentable  an  instance  of  popular  delusion;  that  was  to  be  found 
in  the  superior  talents  and  respectability  of  the  republican  party. 

The  gentlemen  threatened,  determined  to  defend  themselves,  and 
with  a  number  of  their  friends,  to  the  amount  of  about  thirty  or 
forty,  took  post  at  the  south-west  corner  of  Walnut  and  Third 
streets,  in  a  house  belonging  to,  and  occupied  by  Mr.  Wilson:  it 
was  then  a  large,  old-fashioned,  brick  building,  with  an  extensive 
garden  on  Third,  and  on  Walnut  streets.    They  were  provided  with 


JAMES    WILSON.  511 

arms,  but  their  stock  of  ammunition  was  very  small.  While  the 
mob  was  marching  down,  General  Nichols  and  Daniel  Clymer  pro- 
ceeded hastily  to  the  arsenal,  at  Carpenter's  Hall,  and  filled  their 
pockets  with  cartridges:  this  constituted  their  whole  supply. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  mob  and  militia,  for  no  regular  troops  took 
part  in  the  riot,  assembled  on  the  commons,  while  a  meeting  of  the 
principal  citizens  took  place  at  the  coffee-house.  A  deputation  was 
sent  to  endeavour  to  prevail  on  them  to  disperse,  but  without  effect. 
The  first  troop  of  city  cavalry,  being  apprised  of  what  was  going 
forward,  and  anxious  for  the  safety  of  their  fellow  citizens,  assem- 
bled at  their  stables,  a  fixed  place  of  rendezvous,  and  agreed  to 
have  their  horses  saddled,  and  ready  to  mount,  at  a  moment's  warn- 
ing. Notice  was  to  be  given  to  as  many  members  as  could  be  found ; 
and  a  part  was  to  assemble  in  Dock,  below  Second  street,  and  join 
the  party  at  the  stables.  For  a  time,  a  deceitful  calm  prevailed  at 
the  hour  of  dinner;  the  members  of  the  troop  retired  to  their  re- 
spective homes,  and  the  rioters  seized  the  opportunity  to  march 
into  the  city.  The  armed  men  amounted  to  two  hundred,  and  were 
commanded  by  Mills,  a  North  Carolina  captain;  Faulkner,  a  ship- 
joiner;  Pickering,  a  tailor;  and  one  Bonham,  a  man  of  low  cha 
racter:  they  marched  to  Mr.  Wilson's  house,  with  drums  beating, 
and  two  pieces  of  cannon.  They  immediately  commenced  firing  on 
the  house,  which  was  warmly  returned  by  the  garrison.  Finding 
they  could  make  no  impression,  the  mob  procured  from  a  black- 
smith's shop  in  the  neighbourhood,  a  crow-bar  and  sledge,  and  pro- 
ceeded to  force  the  door.  At  the  critical  moment  when  the  door 
yielded  to  their  efforts,  the  troops  made  their  appearance:  the  cry 
of  "  the  horse!  the  horse!"  was  raised;  the  rioters,  ignorant  of  their 
numbers,  dispersed  in  every  direction;  but  not  before  two  other 
detachments  of  the  first  troop  had  reached  the  scene.  Many  of  them 
were  arrested,  delivered  to  the  civil  authority,  and  committed  to 
prison;  and  as  the  sword  was  very  freely  used,  a  considerable  num- 
ber was  severely  wounded.  One  man  and  one  boy  were  killed  in 
the  streets;  in  the  house,  Captain  Campbell  was  killed,  and  Mr. 
Mifflin  and  Mr.  Samuel  C.  Morris  were  wounded.  The  troop  pa- 
trolled the  streets  the  greater  part  of  the  night.  The  citizens  turned 
out  en  masse,  and  placed  a  guard  at  the  powder-magazine  and  the 
arsenal.  It  was  some  days  before  order  was  restored  ;  and  the 
troop,  from  the  part  they  had  taken,  found  it  necessary  to  keep 
much  together,  and  hold  themselves  in  readiness  to  act  in  support 
of  each   other.     Major  Lennox  was   particularly   marked   out   for 


512  JAMES    WILSON. 

destruction.  He  retired  to  his  house  at  Gormantown.  The  mob 
followed,  and  surrounded  it  during  the  night,  and  prepared  to  force 
an  entrance.  Anxious  to  gain  time,  lie  pledged  his  honour  that  he 
would  open  the  door  as  soon  as  day-light  appeared.  In  the  mean 
time,  he  contrived  to  despatch  an  intrepid  woman,  who  lived  in  his 
family,  to  the  city,  for  assistance;  and  a  party  of  the  first  troop 
arrived  in  season  to  protect  their  comrade:  but  he  was  compelled  to 
return  to  town  for  safety.  He  was,  for  a  number  of  years,  saluted, 
in  the  market,  by  the  title  of  "brother  butcher,"  owing,  in  part,  to 
his  having  been  without  a  coat  on  the  day  of  the  riot:  having  on  a 
long  coat,  he  was  obliged  to  cast  it  aside,  to  prevent  being  dragged 
from  his  horse. 

The  gentlemen  who  had  comprised  the  garrison,  were  advised  to 
leave  the  city,  where  their  lives  were  endangered.  General  Mifflin, 
and  about  thirty  others,  accordingly  met  at  Mr.  Gray's  house,  near 
the  lower  ferry  on  Schuylkill,  where  a  council  was  called,  and  it  was 
resolved  to  return  to  town,  without  any  appearance  of  intimidation. 
But  it  was  deemed  expedient  that  Mr.  Wilson  should  absent  him- 
self for  a  time:  the  others  continued  to  walk  as  usual  in  public,  and 
attended  the  funeral  of  the  unfortunate  Captain  Campbell. 

Thus  ended  this  disgraceful  affair.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  spirit- 
ed, prompt,  and  energetic  conduct  of  the  first  troop,  the  lives  of 
many  very  valuable  citizens,  and  genuine  whigs,  would  have  been 
sacrificed,  and  an  indelible  disgrace  entailed  upon  the  city  of  Phila- 
delphia. It  was  generally  believed,  at  that  time,  that  the  mob  had 
been  instigated  by  certain  secret  political  enemies  to  the  gentlemen 
in  the  house,  who  were  attached  to  the  republican  party.  Some 
alleged  that  individuals  high  in  office  excited  the  tumult;  but  this  is 
not  to  be  accredited.  Others  thought,  with  more  reason,  that  the 
disorder  was  suffered  to  proceed  to  a  certain  length,  under  the  belief 
that  a  seasonable  stop  could  be  put  to  it;  and  with  the  prospect  of 
being  applied  to  for  protection  by  the  gent'emen  in  danger,  who 
were  the  political  enemies  of  those  in  power:  whether  the  latter 
ought  to  have  interfered  without  application,  or  whether  the  former 
ought  to  have  made  it,  are  questions  which  it  is  now  needless  to 
decide  on.  It  appears  to  be  certain,  that  those  who  attacked  the 
house  belonged  to  the  constitutional  party;  and  the  constitutional 
society,  on  the  eighth  of  October,  made  a  collection  for  the  wounded, 
and  the  families  of  the  killed.  Prosecutions  commenced  on  both 
sides,  but  were  finally  quashed.  The  general  assembly,  or  what 
was  the  same  thing,  the  constitutional  party,  on  the  tenth  of  Octo- 


JAMES    WILSON.  513 

ber.  1770,  presented  the  thanks  of  the  house  to  his  excellency,  the 
president  of  the  state,  for  his  ;'  spirited  and  prudent  conduct  on 
that  unhappy  occasion;"  and  on  the  thirteenth  of  March,  1780, 
passed  an  act  of  oblivion,  granting  a  free  and  general  pardon  for 
the  offences  committed  on  the  fourth  of  October. 

On  the  twenty-fifth  of  May,  1787,  being  the  first  day  on  which  a 
sufficient  number  of  members  appeared  to  constitute  a  representation 
of  a  majority  of  the  states,  Mr.  Wilson  attended  as  a  delegate  from 
Pennsylvania,  to  the  convention  which  then  assembled  in  Philadel- 
phia, for  the  purpose  of  forming  the  constitution  of  the  United 
States.  A  surviving  member  of  that  body  observes,  that,  "  in  his 
opinion,  the  most  able  and  useful  members  of  it,  were  James  Wil- 
son and  James  Madison;  that  he  is  in  doubt  which  of  these  deserved 
the  preference,  but  was  inclined  to  give  it  to  the  former.  It  is  also 
said,  that  General  Washington  expressed  a  high  opinion  of  the 
merits  and  services  of  Mr.  Wilson  in  that  convention.  Being  a 
fluent  speaker,  and  possessing  deep  political  sagacity  and  foresight, 
he  entered  almost  daily,  during  the  long  deliberations  of  the  con- 
vention, into  the  arguments  which  arose  on  the  great  and  important 
points,  necessarily  involved  in  the  formation  of  a  new  and  adequate 
system  of  government.  He  particularly  insisted,  in  the  course  of 
the  debates,  that  the  national  legislature  ought  not  to  be  appointed 
by  the  state  legislatures ;  but  that  the  national  legislative  powers 
ought  to  flow  immediately  from  the  people,  so  as  to  contain  all  their 
understanding,  and  to  be  an  exact  transcript  of  their  minds;  that 
the  state  governments  ought  to  be  preserved,  because  the  freedom 
of  the  people,  and  their  internal  good  police,  depended  on  their  ex- 
istence in  full  vigour,  but  that  such  a  government  could  only  answer 
local  purposes,  and  that  it  was  impossible  that  a  general  govern- 
ment, as  despotic  as  even  that  of  the  Roman  emperors,  could  be 
adequate  to  the  government  of  the  whole,  without  this  distinction. 
To  the  argument  that  each  state,  according  to  a  confederation, 
ought  to  have  an  equal  vote,  Mr.  Wilson  was  decidedly  opposed. 
He  observed  that  a  majority,  nay,  even  a  minority  of  the  states, 
had  a  right  to  confederate  with  each  other,  and  the  rest  might  do 
as  they  thought  best.  He  considered  numbers  as  the  best  criterion 
to  determine  representation;  and  that  it  would  be  unjust  to  permit 
a  small  state  to  have  the  same  right  and  influence  in  the  councils 
of  the  nations  as  a  large  one.  I  never,  said  he,  will  confederate 
on  this  plan.  If  no  state  will  part  with  any  of  its  sovereignty,  it  is 
in  vain  to  talk  of  a  national  government.     The  state  which  has  five 


514  JAMES    WILSON. 

times  the  number  of  inhabitants,  ought,  nay,  must  have  the  same 
proportion  of  weight  in  the  representation.  If  there  was  a  pro- 
bability of  equalizing  the  states,  he  would  support  it.  But  we  have 
no  such  power.  If,  however,  we  depart  from  the  principle  of  repre- 
sentation in  proportion  to  numbers,  we  will  lose  the  object  of  our 
meeting.  Inequality  in  representation  poisons  every  government. 
The  English  courts  are  hitherto  pure,  just,  and  incorrupt,  while 
their  legislature  is  base  and  venal.  The  one  arises  from  unjust 
representation,  the  other  from  their  independence  of  the  legislature. 
Lord  Chesterfield  remarks,  that  one  of  the  states  of  the  United 
Netherlands  withheld  its  assent  to  a  proposition,  until  a  major  of 
their  state  was  provided  for:  he  needed  not  to  have  added,  (for  the 
conclusion  was  self-evident,)  that  it  was  one  of  the  lesser  states.  I 
mean  no  reflection ;  but  I  leave  it  to  gentlemen  to  consider  whether 
this  has  not  also  been  the  case  in  congress?  On  the  same  subject, 
he  remarked :  "  Confederations  are  usually  of  a  short  date.  The 
Ampbictyonic  council  was  instituted  in  the  infancy  of  the  Grecian 
republics ;  as  those  grew  in  strength,  the  council  lost  its  weight 
and  power.  The  Achaean  league  met  the  same  fate ;  Switzerland 
and  Holland  are  supported  in  their  confederation,  not  by  its  intrinsic 
merit,  but  the  incumbent  pressure  of  surrounding  bodies.  Germany 
is  kept  together  by  the  house  of  Austria.  True,  congress  carried 
us  through  the  war,  even  against  its  own  weakness.  That  powers 
were  wanting,  you,  Mr.  President,  (Washington,)  must  have  felt. 
To  other  causes,  not  to  congress,  must  the  success  be  ascribed. 
That  the  great  states  acceded  to  the  confederation,  and  that  they, 
in  the  hour  of  danger,  made  a  sacrifice  of  their  interest  to  the  lesser 
states,  is  true.  Like  the  wisdom  of  Solomon,  in  adjudging  the 
child  to  its  true  mother,  from  tenderness  to  it,  the  greater  states 
well  knew  that  the  loss  of  a  limb  was  fatal  to  the  confederation; 
they  too,  through  tenderness,  sacrificed  their  dearest  rights  to  pre- 
serve the  whole.  But  the  time  is  come  when  justice  will  be  done 
to  their  claims.  Situations  are  altered."  But  it  is  impracticable 
to  follow  Mr.  Wilson  through  the  long  and  varied  discussions,  pro- 
duced by  the  agitation  of  so  many  important  questions,  in  which  he 
generally  took  a  conspicuous  part.  On  the  twenty-third  of  July,  it 
was  resolved,  "  That  the  proceedings  of  the  convention  for  the 
establishment  of  a  national  government,  except  what  respects  the 
supreme  executive,  be  referred  to  a  committee  for  the  purpose  of 
reporting  a  constitution  conformably  to  the  proceedings  aforesaid;" 
and  on  the  next  day,  this  committee,  called,  in  the  journal,  "  the 


AMES    WILSON.  515 

committee  of  detail,"  was  appointed:  it  consisted  of  five  members, 
Messrs.  Wilson,  Rutledge,  Randolph,  Gorham,  and  Elsworth ;  who, 
accordingly,  oti  the  sixth  of  August,  1787,  reported  the  draught  of  a 
constitution. 

Mr.  Wilson  was  also  one  of  the  convention  which  ratified  the 
federal  constitution  in  behalf  of  the  state  of  Pennsylvania;  and  as 
he  was  the  only  member  of  the  general  convention  that  had  a  seat 
in  that  of  the  state,  he  considered  it  his  duty  to  prepare  the  way  for 
their  deliberations,  by  unfolding,  in  a  long,  learned,  and  powerful 
speech,  the  difficulties  which  the  federal  convention  had  to  encounter ; 
by  pointing  out  the  end  which  they  proposed  to  accomplish ;  and  by 
tracing  the  general  principles  which  they  had  adopted  for  the  accom- 
plishment of  that  end. 

On  the  sixth  of  October,  he  concluded  a  strong  argument  in 
favour  of  the.  ratification  of  the  constitution,  in  the  following  decisive 
and  energetic  manner :  "  It  is  neither  extraordinary  nor  unexpected, 
that  the  constitution  offered  to  your  consideration  should  meet  with 
opposition.  It  is  the  nature  of  man  to  pursue  his  own  interest,  in 
preference  to  the  public  good ;  and  I  do  not  mean  to  make  any  per- 
sonal reflection,  when  I  add,  that  it  is  the  interest  of  a  very  nume- 
rous, powerful,  and  respectable  body  to  counteract  and  destroy  the 
excellent  work  produced  by  the  late  convention.  All  the  officers 
of  government,  and  all  the  appointments  for  the  administration  of 
justice,  and  the  collection  of  the  public  revenue,  which  are  trans- 
ferred from  the  individual  to  the  aggregate  sovereignty  of  the  states, 
will  necessarily  turn  the  stream  of  influence  and  emolument  into  a 
new  channel.  Every  person,  therefore,  who  either  enjoys,  or  expects 
to  enjoy,  a  place  of  profit  under  the  present  establishment,  will  ob- 
ject to  the  proposed  innovation;  not,  in  truth,  because  it  is  injurious 
to  the  liberties  of  his  country,  but  because  it  affects  bis  schemes  of 
wealth  and  consequence.  I  will  confess,  indeed,  that  I  am  not  a 
blind  admirer  of  this  plan  of  government,  and  that  there  are  some 
parts  of  it  which,  if  my  wish  had  prevailed,  would  certainly  have 
been  altered.  But,  when  I  reflect  how  widely  men  differ  in  their 
opinions,  and  that  every  man  (and  the  observation  applies  likewise 
to  every  state,)  has  an  equal  pretension  to  assert  his  own,  I  am 
satisfied  that  anything  nearer  to  perfection  could  not  have  been 
accomplished.  If  there  are  errors,  it  should  be  remembered,  that 
the  seeds  of  reformation  are  sown  in  the  work  itself,  and  the  con- 
currence of  two-thirds  of  the  congress  may,  at  any  time,  introduce 
alterations  and  amendments.     Regarding  it,  then,  in  every  point 


516  JAMES    WILSON. 

of  view,  with  a  candid  and  disinterested  mind,  I  am  bold  to  assert, 
that  it  is  the  best  form  of  government  which  has  ever  been 

OFFERED  TO  THE  WORLD." 

On  the  fourth  of  July,  1788,  Mr.  Wilson  was  selected  to  deliver 
the  oration,  at  the  famous  procession  formed  at  Philadelphia,  to 
celebrate  the  adoption  of  the  constitution  of  the  United  States. 

By  the  ratification  of  the  federal  constitution,  the  constitutional 
party  of  Pennsylvania  was  laid  at  the  feet  of  the  republicans,  who, 
triumphing  under  the  appellation  of  federalists,  overwhelmed  their 
adversaries  with  the  short-lived  odium  of  anti-federalism.  A  con- 
vention was  now  called  for  altering  the  constitution  of  the  state  of 
Pennsylvania,  so  as  to  render  it  more  conformable  to  that  of  the 
United  States.  This  body  was  considered  highly  respectable  for  its 
abilities:  among  the  men  of  note  who  were  delegated  to  it,  were 
Messrs.  Wilson,  M'Kean,  Lewis,  Ross,  Addison,  Sitgreaves,  Pick- 
ering, Gallatin,  Smilie,  and  Findley. 

The  most  able  debaters  in  the  convention,  were  Wilson  and 
Lewis.  Ross,  Addison,  Sitgreaves,  and  Gallatin,  were  compara- 
tively young  statesmen;  though  the  three  first  acquitted  themselves 
in  a  handsome  manner,  the  latter  did  not  venture  beyond  an  isolated 
observation.  Wilson  was  truly  great,  but  enthusiastically  demo- 
cratic. The  symptoms  of  returning  reason,  evinced  in  the  adoption 
of  the  federal  constitution,  had  probably  put  him  in  good  humour 
with  the  people,  and  made  him  more  than  ever  in  love  with  "free 
and  independent  man."  By  an  animated  speech,  and  captivating 
theory,  in  favour  of  a  popular  vote,  he  defeated  the  plan  in  con- 
templation, to  choose  the  governor  by  electors,  or  some  distillation 
from  the  general  mass.  Such  facts  prove  the  injustice  of  charging 
him  with  anti-democratical  sentiments.  In  fine,  the  character  of 
his  eloquence,  the  weight  of  his  reasoning,  and  his  extensive  and 
accurate  knowledge  of  the  science  of  government,  made  him  one  of 
the  most  prominent  members  of  the  convention.  He  was  one  of  the 
committee  to  prepare  the  form  of  the  constitution;  and  the  task  of 
drawing  up  that  instrument  devolved  on  him. 

In  October,  1789,  Mr.  Wilson  was  appointed,  by  President 
Washington,  one  of  the  first  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States,  under  the  present  constitution.  In  the  selection  of 
persons  for  high  judicial  offices,  Washington  consulted  public  opi- 
nion, as  well  as  intrinsic  worth  ;  and  a  high  degree  of  character 
was  blended  with  real  talent.  In  a  letter,  written  on  the  occasion 
to  John  Rutledge,  he  makes  the  following  remarks :  "  Regarding 


JAMES    WILSON.  517 

the  due  administration  of  justice  as  the  strongest  cement  of  good 
government,  I  have  considered  the  first  organization  of  the  judicial 
department  as  essential  to  the  happiness  of  the  people,  and  to  the 
stability  of  the  political  system.  Under  this  impression,  it  has  been 
with  me  an  invariable  object  of  anxious  solicitude,  to  select  the 
fittest  characters  to  expound  the  laws,  and  to  dispense  justice."  At 
the  head  of  a  department,  deemed  by  himself  so  important,  he 
placed  Mr.  John  Jay;  and  nominated,  as  associate  justices,  James 
Wilson  of  Pennsylvania,  John  Rutlcdge  of  South  Carolina,  William 
dishing  of  Massachusetts,  Robert  Harrison  of  Maryland,  and  John 
Blair  of  Virginia.  Some  of  these  gentlemen  had  filled  the  highest 
law  offices  in  their  respective  states ;  and  all  of  them  had  received 
distinguished  marks  of  the  public  confidence.  In  this  office,  Mr. 
Wilson  continued  until  his  death,  when  he  was  succeeded  by  Bush- 
rod  Washington.  His  character  and  conduct  on  the  bench,  were 
very  highly  esteemed  for  integrity  and  ability,  and  his  deportment 
towards  the  bar,  and  the  parties,  was  dignified,  gentlemanly,  and 
conciliating. 

In  the  year  1790,  the  law  professorship  in  the  college  of  Phila- 
delphia was  established  ;  and  Mr.  Wilson  was  appointed  first  pro- 
fessor. The  extent  of  his  plan  of  lectures  rendered  it  impossible 
for  him  to  go  through  his  whole  subject  in  one  season  :  three  courses 
were  necessary  for  the  purpose.  His  first  course  was  delivered  in 
the  winter  of  1790-9],  and  his  second,  in  a  great  measure,  in  the 
following  winter.  In  April,  1792,  the  college  of  Philadelphia  and 
the  University  of  Pennsylvania  were,  by  an  act  of  assembly,  united 
into  one  institution,  under  the  latter  title.  A  law  professorship  was 
erected  in  the  new  seminary,  and  Mr.  Wilson  again  appointed  to 
fill  the  chair  :  but  no  lectures  were  delivered  after  the  union.  His 
lectures  on  law  are  included  in  his  works,  which  were  published  in 
1804,  in  three  volumes  octavo. 

In  March,  1791,  the  house  of  representatives  of  the  general  as- 
sembly of  Pennsylvania  resolved  to  appoint  a  person  to  revise  and 
digest  the  laws  of  the  commonwealth  ;  to  ascertain  and  determine, 
how  far  any  British  statutes  extended  to  it  ;  and  to  prepare  bills, 
containing  such  alteration,  additions,  and  improvements,  as  the  code 
of  laws,  and  the  principles  and  forms  of  the  constitution,  then  lately 
adopted,  might  require.  Mr.  Wilson  was  unanimously  appointed 
for  that  purpose  ;  and,  in  a  letter  to  the  speaker,  dated  the  twenty- 
fourth  of  August,  1791,  he  submitted  to  the  house  of  representatives, 
a  long,  able,  and  elaborate  plan,  formed  in  consequence  of  their  ap- 
55  2M 


518  JAMES    WILSON. 

pointment.  In  the  execution  of  it,  Mr.  Wilson  made  very  consider 
able  progress.  It  had  been  undertaken,  however,  under  the  autho 
rity  of  only  one  of  the  houses  of  the  assembly,  without  the  sanction 
of  the  other  ;  and  in  the  course  of  its  execution,  it  was  found,  that 
the  want  of  legislative  sanction,  and  of  a  provision  for  making  pe- 
cuniary compensation  to  persons  necessarily  employed  as  assistants 
in  a  work  of  so  much  labour  and  importance,  joined  with  the  diffi- 
culty of  obtaining  many  useful  and  necessary  books  connected  with 
the  subject,  had  retarded  its  progress,  and  thrown  considerable  im- 
pediments in  the  way  of  its  completion.  An  attempt  was  made  to 
remove  these  obstacles  ;  and  a  bill  was  passed  for  that  purpose  by 
the  house  of  representatives :  but  it  was  unfortunately  negatived  in 
the  senate.  The  design  of  framing  a  digest  under  the  authority 
of  the  legislature,  was,  of  course,  relinquished.  But  Mr.  Wilson 
still  contemplated  the  execution  of  a  similar  design,  as  a  private 
work,  and  supported  only  by  his  own  name.  This  occupied,  for  a 
long  time,  his  assiduous  attention  :  he  had,  in  a  great  degree,  pre- 
pared the  materials  ;  but  did  not  live  to  arrange  them,  and  to  com- 
pose the  proposed  work. 

Mr.  Wilson  was  the  acknowledged  head  of  the  Philadelphia  bar, 
and  engaged  in  almost  every  important  cause  ;  but  his  ability  as  a 
judge  is  said  not  to  have  equalled  his  eminence  as  a  lawyer.  He 
shone  more  conspicuously  at  the  bar  than  on  the  bench.  With 
sound  logic,  and  mature  judgment,  he  combined  a  graceful  delivery, 
and  ready  command  of  language,  which  captivated  all  around  him. 
When  he  appeared  before  the  assembly,  in  1778,  on  the  famous 
question  of  the  Chester  county  election  ;  a  year  or  two  after,  in  the 
great  proprietary  cause;  and  subsequently,  in  that  which  restored 
the  college  to  its  former  trustees ;  he  displayed  the  most  extensive 
erudition,  and  the  energy  of  his  mind  commanded  universal  admi- 
ration. There  was  something  singular  in  his  mode  of  arriving  at 
his  goal.  He  appeared  studiously  to  avoid  the  beaten  track  ;  but 
never  failed  to  throw  the  strongest  lights  on  his  subject  and  theme, 
rather  to  flash,  than  elicit  conviction  syllogistically.  "At  any  rate," 
says  Graydon,  "  he  produced  greater  orations  than  any  other  man 
I  have  heard  ;  and  I  doubt  much  whether  the  ablest  of  those  who 
sneer  at  his  occasional  simplicities,  and  'brilliant  conceits,'  would 
not  have  found  him  a  truly  formidable  antagonist." 

Mr.  Wilson  devoted  little  of  his  time  to  the  students  in  his  office, 
(among  whom  were  Judge  Washington  and  Samuel  Sitgreaves,)  and 
rarely  entered  it,  except  for  the  purpose  of  consulting  books.  Hence 


JAMES    WILSON.  519 

his  intercourse  with  them  was  rare,  distant,  and  reserved.  As  an 
instructor,  he  was  almost  useless  to  those  who  were  under  his  direc- 
tion. He  would  never  engage  with  them  in  professional  discussions  ; 
to  a  direct  question,  he  gave  the  shortest  possible  answer ;  and  a 
general  request  for  information  was  always  evaded.  He  soon  with- 
drew, almost  entirely,  from  the  common  law  courts,  in  which  he 
seldom  appeared,  and  not  always  to  advantage.  He  seemed  either 
to  have  forgotten,  or  to  have  become  incapable  of  descending  to  the 
numberless  technical  and  minute  details  of  form,  &c.  which  are  in- 
dispensable to  the  practising  lawyer  in  those  courts.  And  he  became 
so  frequently  entangled  in  these  "cobwebs,"  as  he  called  them,  wound 
around  him  by  men  of  inferior  capacities,  that  it  excited  in  him  an 
unconquerable  disgust,  which  he  could  not  conceal.  His  practice 
was  then  almost  exclusive  in  the  admiralty  courts,  and  particularly, 
in  the  court  of  appeals  established  by  the  old  congress. 

He  was,  in  truth,  a  learned  man,  and  a  profound  lawyer  ;  dis- 
tinguished for  his  scientific  attainments,  and  conspicuous  for  his 
political  talents.  Possessed  of  comprehensive  means,  he  had  closely 
devoted  himself  to  the  researches  which  afford  materials  for  the  con- 
struction of  republican  institutions  ;  and  which,  in  his  hands,  would 
have  been  absolutely  perfect,  if  political  data  admitted  of  mathema- 
tical results.  He  was  invested  with  the  diploma  of  doctor  of  laws. 
His  various  writings  indicate  a  vigorous  and  comprehensive  mind. 
He  wielded  his  pen,  at  an  early  date,  in  defence  of  American  rights, 
and  in  1774,  published  a  pamphlet  entitled  "  Considerations  on  the 
nature  and  extent  of  the  legislative  authority  of  the  British  parlia- 
ment," which  was  much  admired.  He  rested  his  arguments  on  a 
broader  base  than  any  writer  had  yet  done,  although  it  was  subse- 
quently adopted  ;  and  boldly  denied  in  every  instance,  the  authority 
of  parliament.  Before  this  time,  between  the  years  17C7  and  17C9, 
he  wrote  a  number  of  essays  conjointly  with  Bishop  White,  under 
the  title  of  "  The  Visitant."  His  "Considerations  on  the  bank  of 
North  America,"  published  in  1785,  evince  an  intimate  knowledge 
of  banking,  and  a  patriotic  desire  to  support  an  institution  which 
had  rendered  such  essential  services  to  the  country.  This  publica- 
tion was  occasioned  by  a  bill,  introduced  into  the  legislature  of  Penn- 
sylvania, to  repeal  an  act  of  assembly  passed  in  the  year  1782,  by 
which  a  charter  of  incorporation  had  been  granted  to  the  Bank  of 
North  America:  the  bill  was  passed  into  a  law,  in  September,  1785. 

Mr.  Wilson  was  more  a  man  of  books,  than  of  the  world  ;  and 
always  possessed  a  simplicity,  in  this  respect,  which  afforded  frequent 


5-20  JAMES    WILSON. 

cause  of  good-humoured  merriment  to  his  friends.  In  private  life, 
he  was  friendly,  interesting,  and  hospitable  ;  amiable  and  benevolent 
in  his  deportment ;  of  strict  truth  and  integrity;  and  affectionate 
and  indulgent  as  a  husband  and  a  father.  In  a  word,  his  domestic 
character  and  conduct  were  such,  as  uniformly  to  secure  the  reve- 
rence and  affection  of  his  family  and  friends. 

He  was  first  married,  about  the  year  1771  or  1772,  to  Miss  Ra- 
chael  Bird,  the  youngest  daughter  of  William  Bird,  of  Berks  county, 
proprietor  of  the  fine  seat  and  iron-works  on  the  Schuylkill,  called 
Birdsborough.  She  died  in  April,  1786.  By  this  marriage,  he  had 
six  children.  Mr.  Wilson's  second  wife  was  Miss  Hannah  Gray, 
an  amiable  young  lady  of  Boston,  and  second  daughter  of  Mr.  Ellis 
Gray,  a  merchant  of  that  city.  By  this  marriage  he  had  one  son, 
Henry,  who  died  in  infancy.  • 

Mr.  Wilson  was  about  six  feet  in  height ;  very  erect.  His  person 
was  dignified  and  respectable  ;  and  his  manner  a  little  constrained, 
but  not  ungraceful.  His  features  could  not  be  called  handsome, 
although  they  were  far  from  disagreeable  ;  and  they  sometimes  bore 
the  appearance  of  sternness,  owing  to  his  extreme  nearness  of  sight. 
His  voice  was  powerful,  but  its  cadence  perfectly  modulated. 

He  died  on  the  twenty-eighth  of  August,  1798,  in  the  house  of 
his  colleague,  Judge  Iredell,  at  Edenton,  North  Carolina,  in  about 
the  fifty-sixth  year  of  his  age,  while  on  a  circuit  in  his  judicial  cha- 
racter, and  was  interred  at  that  place. 


GEORGE   ROSS. 


George  Ross  of  Lancaster,  in  Pennsylvania,  one  of  the  delegates 
from  that  province  in  the  revolutionary  congress,  was  the  son  of  the 
Reverend  George  Ross,  pastor  of  the  Episcopal  church,  at  New 
Castle,  in  the  state  of  Delaware,  and  was  horn  in  that  town  in  the 
year  1730.  In  his  early  youth  he  displayed  a  cheerful  and  affable 
disposition,  and  gave  proof  of  promising  talents  ;  these  his  father 
attentively  cultivated,  and  made  him  especially  a  good  scholar  in 
the  ancient  languages.  At  the  age  of  eighteen  he  commenced  the 
study  of  the  law,  and  prosecuted  it  under  the  instructions  of  his 
elder  brother  John,  a  lawyer  of  good  standing  in  the  city  of  Phila- 
delphia ;  when  he  had  finished  the  regular  course  of  reading,  he  was 
called  to  the  bar.  Finding  the  ranks  of  the  profession  were  filled 
in  the  city,  he  determined  to  try  his  fortunes  in  the  interior  country, 
and  settled  at  Lancaster,  then  near  the  western  limits  of  civilization, 
about  the  year  1751.  He  had  not  been  long  a  resident  of  that  place 
before  he  married  Miss  Ann  Lawler,  a  lady  of  a  respectable  family  ; 
and  devoting  himself  zealously  to  his  profession,  obtained  a  lucrative 
and  increasing  practice,  with  the  honourable  office  of  prosecutor  for 
the  king. 

Actively  engaged  in  his  profession,  he  does  not  appear  to  have 
taken  any  part  in  politics  for  some  years,  so  that  the  first  public 
notice  we  obtain  of  him,  is  his  election  as  a  representative  in  the 
assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  in  which  he  took  his  seat  in  the  month 
of  October,  1768.  He  remained  a  member  of  the  same  body  until 
he  was  called  to  higher  offices  at  a  subsequent  period,  and  during 
the  whole  time  merited  and  obtained  the  utmost  confidence,  both 
from  his  colleagues  and  his  constituents.  Whilst  in  the  legislature, 
he  seems  to  have  paid  particular  attention  to  the  situation  of  our  in- 
tercourse with  the  various  Indian  tribes  settled  within  the  state,  or 
wandering  near  its  borders. 

But  Mr.  Ross  was  soon  destined  to  act  as  the  organ  of  the  assem- 
bly, in  more  important  affairs  than  the  quarrels  about  the  mainten 
2  m  2  523 


524  GEORGE    ROSS. 

since  of  a  potty  garrison,  or  the  aggression  of  a  few  Indian  tribes. 
He  had  looked  with  all  the  indignation  natural  to  a  freeman,  on 
the  arbitrary  proceedings  of  the  British  government,  and  had  been 
for  some  time  convinced,  that  a  general  co-operation  among  the 
several  provinces  was  necessary  to  secure  their  liberties.  He  hailed 
therefore  with  delight,  the  resolutions  of  Virginia  and  the  other 
states,  proposing  the  assembly  of  a  general  congress.  They  were 
not  received  in  the  assembly  of  Pennsylvania  until  it  was  on  the 
eve  of  dissolution,  and  it  was  therefore  thought  more  respectful  to 
the  people,  that  whatever  measures  might  be  adopted,  should  pro- 
ceed from  a  future  assembly,  who  would  meet  well  aware  of  the 
sentiments  of  their  constituents.  Mr.  Ross  was,  however,  appointed 
on  a  committee  to  draught  a  reply  to  the  speaker  of  the  house  of 
delegates  in  Virginia,  and  in  so  doing  took  care  to  express  the  cor- 
dial feelings  he  entertained.  "The  assembly  of  Pennsylvania,"  he 
says,  "assure  your  honourable  house,  that  they  esteem  it  a  matter 
of  the  greatest  importance  to  co-operate  with  the  representatives  of 
the  other  colonies,  in  every  wise  and  prudent  measure  which  may 
be  proposed,  for  the  preservation  and  security  of  their  general  rights 
and  liberties;  and  that  it  is  highly  expedient  and  necessary,  a  cor- 
respondence should  be  maintained  between  the  assemblies  of  the 
several  colonies.  But  as  the  present  assembly  must,  in  a  few  days, 
be  dissolved,  by  virtue  of  the  charter  of  the  province,  and  any  mea- 
sures they  might  adopt  at  this  time,  rendered  by  the  dissolution  in- 
effectual, they  have  earnestly  recommended  the  subject-matter  of 
the  letter  and  resolves  of  the  house  of  burgesses  of  Virginia,  to  the 
consideration  of  the  succeeding  assembly." 

In  the  month  of  July  following,  it  was  unanimously  resolved,  to 
appoint  a  committee  of  seven  members  on  the  part  of  the  province, 
to  meet  the  delegates  of  the  other  colonies  at  such  time  and  place 
as  might  be  generally  agreed  on  ;  and  Mr.  Ross  was  elected  one  of 
the  members  of  this  committee.  He  was  also  by  a  singular  coinci 
donee,  at  the  same  time  appointed  to  draw  up  the  instructions  under 
which  they,  and  himself  as  one  of  them,  were  to  act;  these  however 
are,  very  properly,  simple  and  general  in  their  terms;  leaving  in  a 
great  degree  the  course  to  be  adopted,  such  as  future  circumstances 
might  require.  Under  these  instructions  Mr.  Ross  took  his  seat  in 
congress,  on  the  fifth  of  September,  1774,  and  remained  a  member 
of  that  body  until  January,  1777,  when  he  obtained  leave  of  absence, 
on  account  of  indisposition,  and  retired. 

His  conduct  met  with  the  warm  thanks  and  approbation  of  his 


GEORGE    ROSS.  535 

constituents  ;  and  of  this  an  honourable  evidence  has  been  preserved, 
in  a  resolution  passed  by  the  county  of  Lancaster,  which  is  as  fol- 
lows :  "  Resolved,  that  the  sum  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  pounds  out 
of  the  county  stock,  be  forthwith  transmitted  to  George  Ross,  one 
of  the  members  of  assembly  for  this  county,  and  one  of  the  delegates 
for  this  colony  in  the  continental  congress  ;  and  that  he  be  requested 
to  accept  the  same,  as  a  testimony  from  this  county  of  their  sense 
of  his  attendance  on  the  public  business,  to  his  great  private  loss, 
and  of  their  approbation  of  his  conduct.  Resolved,  that  if  it  be 
more  agreeable,  Mr.  Ross  purchase  with  part  of  the  said  money  a 
genteel  piece  of  plate,  ornamented  as  he  thinks  proper,  to  remain 
with  him  as  a  testimony  of  the  esteem  this  county  has  for  him,  by 
reason  of  his  patriotic  conduct  in  the  great  struggle  for  American 
liberty."  Mr.  Ross,  however,  declined  accepting  this  liberal  and 
honourable  present  ;  stating  to  the  committee,  in  so  doing,  that  his 
services  were  overrated  by  his  fellow  citizens  ;  that  in  bestowing 
them  he  had  been  impelled  solely  by  his  sense  of  duty,  and  that 
every  man  should  contribute  all  his  energy  to  promote  at  such  a  pe- 
riod the  public  welfare,  without  expecting  pecuniary  rewards. 

The  occupations  of  congress  did  not  however  prevent  Mr.  Ross 
from  continuing  his  duties  as  a  member  of  the  provincial  legislature, 
where  we  constantly  find  his  name  recorded  among  the  zealous  po- 
litical leaders  of  the  time.  Early  in  the  year  1775,  Mr.  Penn,  the 
governor  and  proprietary  of  the  province,  sent  a  message  to  the  as- 
sembly referring  to  the  peculiar  situation  of  the  colony;  and  though 
couched  in  mild  and  conciliatory  language,  evidently  meant  to  repress, 
if  possible,  the  mode  of  proceeding  which  had  been  pursued,  by  the 
union  and  co-operation  of  all  the  colonies. 

It  was  the  universal  custom,  at  this  period,  for  the  assembly  to 
reply  at  once  to  the  messages  of  the  governor,  and  on  the  present 
occasion,  it  of  course  obliged  the  members  of  the  house  to  express 
their  opinions,  and  to  decide  at  once,  whether  the  plan  hitherto  pur- 
sued should  be  retracted,  or  whether  they  should  firmly  stand  by 
congress  and  support  its  measures.  The  talents  of  the  political 
leaders  of  the  day  were  called  out,  and  they  exerted  themselves,  in 
several  long  debates,  in  favour  of  their  several  opinions.  Mr.  Ross 
was  an  able  speaker,  and  urged  the  continuance  of  decisive  measures 
with  all  the  weight  of  his  talents,  character,  and  influence ;  and  he 
and  his  friends  so  far  succeeded,  as  to  obtain  the  appointment  of  a 
committee  coinciding  in  their  views,  and  of  which  he  was  a  member 
This  committee  presented,  as  their  report,  an  answer  to  the  goveT 


536  GEORGE    ROSS. 

nor's  address,  in  the  following  terms;  "We  are  sincerely  obliged 
to  your  honour  for  your  attention  to  the  true  interests  of  the  people 
over  whom  you  preside,  at  a  time  when  the  disputes  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  American  colonies  are  drawing  towards  an  alarming 
crisis  ;  and  we  agree  with  you,  '  that  in  all  cases  wisdom  dictates  the 
use  of  such  means  as  are  most  likely  to  obtain  the  end  proposed.' 
We  have,  with  deep  concern,  beheld  a  system  of  colony  administra- 
tion, pursued  since  the  year  1763,  destructive  to  the  rights  and 
liberties  of  his  majesty's  most  faithful  subjects  in  America,  and  have 
heretofore  adopted  such  measures  as  we  thought  were  most  likely 
to  restore  that  affection  and  harmony  between  the  parent  state  and 
the  colonies,  which  it  is  the  true  interest  of  both  countries  to  cultivate 
and  maintain,  and  which  we  most  sincerely  wish  to  see  restored. 
We  must  inform  your  honour,  that  a  most  humble,  dutiful  and  af- 
fectionate petition  from  the  delegates  of  all  the  colonies,  from  Nova 
Scotia  to  Georgia,  is  now  at  the  foot  of  the  throne,  and  we  trust  in 
the  paternal  affection  and  justice  of  our  most  gracious  sovereign, 
that  he  will  interpose  for  the  relief  of  his  greatly  distressed  and  ever 
faithful  subjects  in  America.  We  assure  your  honour,  that  this 
house  will  always  pursue  such  measures,  as  shall  appear  to  them 
necessary,  for  securing  the  liberties  of  America,  and  establishing 
peace,  confidence  and  harmony  between  Great  Britain  and  her  co- 
lonies." On  the  presentation  of  the  report,  another  violent  debate 
arose,  which  lasted  for  two  days,  when  it  was  carried  by  a  majority 
of  twenty-two  to  fifteen  voices. 

In  the  summer  of  1775,  the  legislature  found  that  measures  more 
vigorous  than  resolutions  were  necessary,  and  they  determined  at 
any  rate  to  make  preparation  to  meet  the  consequences  of  their  pre- 
vious measures,  whatever  they  might  be.  To  this  end  they  appointed 
Mr.  Ross,  and  several  of  the  leading  members  of  assembly,  a  com- 
mittee to  consider  of  and  report  such  measures  as  might  be  ex- 
pedient to  put  the  city  and  province  in  a  state  of  defence.  This 
committee,  after  deliberating  a  few  days,  brought  in  a  series  of 
resolutions,  approving  of  the  association  of  the  people  for  the  de- 
fence of  their  lives,  liberty,  and  property,  providing  for  the  pay  of 
such  of  them  as  should  be  engaged  in  repelling  any  hostile  invasion 
of  the  British  troops,  and  recommending  the  several  counties  of  the 
province  to  collect  stores  of  ammunition  and  arms.  To  carry  their 
plans  better  into  effect,  they  appointed  a  general  committee  of  public 
safety,  for  calling  forth  such  of  the  associators  into  actual  service, 
when  necessity  requires,  as  the  said  committee  should  judge  proper. 


GEORGE   ROSS.  527 

for  paying  and  supplying  them  with  necessaries,  while  in  actual  ser- 
vice, for  providing  for  the  defence  of  the  province  against  invasion 
and  insurrection,  and  for  encouraging  and  promoting  the  manufac- 
ture of  saltpetre  ;  which  said  committee  were  thereby  authorized 
and  empowered  to  draw  orders  on  the  treasurer  therein  after  ap- 
pointed for  the  several  purposes  above  mentioned.  Of  this  com- 
mittee, which  became  for  some  time,  as  it  were,  the  executive 
organ  of  the  government,  Mr.  Ross  was  a  leading  member,  as  he 
was  also  of  another  important  committee,  that  of  grievances.  Be- 
sides these  duties  relative  to  the  war,  he  was  appointed,  with  two 
other  gentlemen,  to  prepare  rules  and  regulations  for  the  govern- 
ment of  the  forces  of  the  province  which  might  be  raised. 

When  the  proprietary  government  was  dissolved,  and  the  gene- 
ral convention  substituted  for  the  previous  legislature,  Mr.  Ross 
took  his  seat  in  it  also,  as  a  representative  of  Lancaster  county.  He 
was,  within  a  few  days  after  its  organization,  appointed  on  a  com- 
mittee to  prepare  a  declaration  of  rights  on  behalf  of  the  state,  and 
chairman  of  two  others  of  much  importance — that  for  forming  regu- 
lations for  the  government  of  the  convention,  and  that  for  preparing 
an  ordinance  declaratory  of  what  should  be  high  treason  and  mis- 
prision of  treason  against  the  state,  and  what  punishment  should 
be  inflicted  for  those  offences. 

Indeed,  in  all  legal  matters,  Mr.  Ross  at  this  period  stood 'de- 
servedly high.  Before  the  revolution,  he  was  among  the  first  of  his 
profession;  and  in  the  change  which  that  event  had  produced  in  its 
component  parties,  as  well  as  its  forensic  character,  he  still  main- 
tained the  same  rank.  These  changes  were  indeed  very  considerable  : 
subjects  of  higher  importance  than  those  which  commonly  fall  to  the 
lot  of  provincial  judicatures  were  brought  forward;  motives  suffi- 
cient to  rouse  all  the  latent  energies  of  the  mind  were  constantly 
presenting  themselves.  The  bar  was  chiefly  composed  of  gentle- 
men of  aspiring  minds  and  industrious  habits;  and  Mr.  Ross  found 
himself  engaged  among  men,  with  whom  it  was  honourable  to  con- 
tend and  pleasant  to  associate.  Mr.  Wilson,  who  had  practised  with 
great  reputation  at  Carlisle;  Mr.  Biddle,  from  Reading;  Gouver- 
neur  Morris  occasionally,  and  occasionally  Mr.  Reed,  till  he  was 
chosen  a  member  of  the  chief  executive  council ;  Mr.  Sergeant,  who, 
in  1777,  was  appointed  attorney-general;  and  Mr.  Lewis,  of  Phila- 
delphia, in  conjunction  with  Mr.  Ross,  formed  an  assemblage  of 
powerful  and  splendid  talents,  which  might  have  coped  with  an  equal 
number  of  any  forum  in  America.  The  whole  faculties  of  this  bar 
56 


528  GEORGE    ROSS. 

were  soon  put  in  requisition,  by  the  prosecutions  which  were  com- 
menced against  some  of  those  accused  of  being  adherents  to  the 
British  cause.  The  popular  excitement  against  them  #as  high,  and 
their  defence  appeared  to  many  a  service  of  danger;  but  the  intre- 
pidity of  the  bar  did  not  allow  them  to  shrink  from  the  conflict,  and 
Mr.  Ross  and  Mr.  Wilson  especially,  embarked  all  their  talents, 
zeal,  and  professional  reputation  in  the  cause  of  those  who  were 
thus  accused. 

The  last  public  employment  in  which  Mr.  Ross  was  engaged,  was 
that  of  a  judge  of  the  court  of  admiralty  for  the  state  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, to  which  he  was  appointed  on  the  fourteenth  of  April,  1779; 
and  while  on  the  bench  he  was  esteemed  a  learned  and  impartial 
judge,  displaying  sound  legal  knowledge  and  abilities,  and  great 
promptness  in  his  decisions.  He  did  not,  however,  long  occupy  the 
station  he  was  so  well  calculated  to  fill,  as  he  died  suddenly  in  the 
month  of  July  following,  from  a  violent  attack  of  the  gout. 

Of  his  character  little  remains  to  be  said,  beyond  that  which  may 
be  collected  from  the  preceding  pages;  in  his  domestic  habits  he 
was  kind,  generous,  and  much  beloved;  in  his  professional  career 
zealous  and  honourable;  as  a  politician  always  active  and  patriotic; 
and  he  seems  to  have  well  deserved  the  praise  which  was  bestowed 
on  him  by  one  who  knew  him,  as  "  an  honest  man  and  upright 
judge." 


RES   OF    C/fcSAR     RODNEY 

Poplar  Gx-av*  Tteai  T  ■„,.      I    i  ,. 


CJ1SAR   RODNEY. 


CLesar  Rodney  was  born  at  Dover,  in  Delaware,  about  the  year 
1730.  At  his  father's  death  he  inherited  all  his  lands,  which  had 
been  entailed  upon  him  as  heir  male,  and  succeeded  also  to  that 
popularity  which  his  family  seem  always  to  have  enjoyed.  In  the 
year  1758,  he  was  chosen  high  sheriff  of  the  county  of  Kent,  and 
on  the  expiration  of  his  term  of  service  therein,  was  immediately 
made  a  justice  of  the  peace  and  a  judge  of  all  the  lower  courts.  At 
what  period  exactly  he  took  his  seat  in  the  provincial  legislature, 
we  have  no  means  of  ascertaining,  as  the  journals  of  that  body, 
previous  to  the  year  1762,  have  not  been  preserved.  Of  the  assem- 
bly, however,  which  met  at  Newcastle,  on  the  twentieth  October  in 
that  year,  he  was  a  member  from  the  county  of  Kent,  and  as  such 
took  his  seat  therein. 

It  is  probable,  however,  Mr.  Rodney  had  been  a  member  of  the 
legislature  before  this  period,  for  he  at  once  entered  with  great  ac- 
tivity into  the  prominent  measures  of  the  day.  He  was  of  a  com- 
mittee with  his  friend  Mr.  M'Kean,  to  draught  and  present  to  the 
governor  an  answer  to  his  message  at  the  opening  of  the  assembly, 
and  was  appointed  by  the  house  to  transact  other  business  with  that 
officer  on  their  behalf.  At  the  close  of  the  session,  he  was  autho- 
rized to  have  the  great  seal  affixed  to  the  several  laws  which  had 
been  passed,  after  which  the  legislature  adjourned  to  the  thirtieth 
of  the  following  September. 

In  the  mean  time,  however,  before  the  period  which  was  thus 
fixed  for  their  regular  meeting,  the  members  of  the  assembly  met 
together  to  consult  upon  an  important  suhject  which  had  arisen — 
the  impending  misfortunes  of  their  country,  occasioned  by  the  stamp 
act,  and  other  late  measures  of  the  British  government.  The  mem- 
bers who  were  present  being  the  full  and  only  representative  body 
of  the  freemen  of  the  province,  proceeded  to  appoint  a  committee 
to  meet  the  delegates  of  the  other  provinces  at  New  York,  in  a 

529 


530  CiESAR    RODNEY. 

general  congress ;  and  they  chose  on  that  honourable  service,  by  a 
unanimous  vote,  Mr.  Rodney,  with  Mr.  M'Kean  and  the  speaker  of 
the  assembly,  Mr.  Kollock.  In  their  instructions,  they  directed 
them  to  join  with  the  committees  sent  by  the  other  provinces,  in  one 
united  and  loyal  petition  to  his  majesty,  and  remonstrance  to  the 
honourable  house  of  commons  of  Great  Britain,  against  the  acts 
of  parliament,  and  therein  dutifully,  yet  most  firmly  to  assert  the 
colonies'  rights  of  exclusion  from  parliamentary  taxation,  and  pray 
that  they  might  not,  in  any  instance,  be  stripped  of  the  ancient  and 
most  valuable  privilege  of  a  trial  by  their  peers,  and  most  humbly 
to  implore  relief. 

When  the  assembly  met,  pursuant  to  a  subsequent  adjournment. 
on  the  twenty-sixth  of  May,  1766,  Mr.  Rodney  and  Mr.  M'Kean 
appeared  and  took  their  seats,  and  on  the  following  day  reported  to 
the  house  their  proceedings,  under  the  instructions  they  had  received 
These  proceedings,  it  will  be  recollected,  consisted  of  memorials, 
remonstrances,  and  petitions  to  the  British  government,  relative  to 
their  late  arbitrary  measures.  They  received  the  unanimous  thanks 
of  the  house  for  their  faithful  and  judicious  discharge  of  the  trust 
reposed  in  them,  and  a  liberal  compensation  therefor. 

On  the  repeal  of  the  stamp  act,  the  joy  throughout  America  was 
as  is  well  known,  universal.  Addresses  of  thanks  and  congratula- 
tion were  sent  from  all  parts  of  the  provinces,  and  all  endeavoured 
to  show  the  kind  feelings  with  which  they  were  animated  towards 
the  mother  country.  By  the  legislature  of  Delaware,  Mr.  Rodney 
was  appointed,  with  his  constant  friend  and  colleague  Mr.  M'Kean, 
and  Mr.  Read,  to  frame  an  address  to  the  king,  expressive  of  these 
sentiments;  and  its  tenor  is  in  some  respects  remarkable,  as  show- 
ing the  anxiety,  even  the  tenacity,  with  which  the  colonies  clung  to 
the  British  nation. 

During  the  years  1766,  1767,  and  1768,  Mr.  Rodney  continued  a 
zealous  and  active  member  of  the  legislature,  and  we  find  him  con- 
stantly engaged  in  various  subjects  of  public  interest.  Among  these, 
we  should  not  omit  to  mention  his  efforts,  at  so  early  a  period, 
against  the  increase  of  slavery.  A  bill  had  been  brought  in  by  a 
committee,  for  the  further  and  better  regulation  of  slaves  within  the 
government,  and  for  imposing  certain  duties  on  all  slaves  brought 
into  and  sold  in  the  same.  When  this  bill  was  submitted  to  the 
house,  an  amendment  was  brought  forward  and  warmly  supported 
by  Mr.  Rodney,  to  introduce  a  new  clause  totally  prohibiting  the 
importation  of  slaves  into  the  province;  the  amendment  was  indeed 


C^JSAR    RODNEY.  531 

lost,  lint  the  debate  was  productive  of  much  benefit,  and  the  majo- 
rity by  which  the  original  bill  passed  was  only  two  voices. 

When  the  new  aggressions  of  the  British  ministry  overthrew  the 
expectations  of  future  safety,  in  which  the  colonies  had  indulged, 
Mr.  Rodney  had  again  assigned  to  him,  with  the  same  colleagues, 
the  task  of  presenting  the  sentiments  of  the  freemen  of  Delaware 
to  their  sovereign.  In  so  doing,  the  assembly  did  not  fail  to  renew 
their  protestations  of  loyalty,  but  at  the  same  time  they  freely  ex- 
pressed their  regret  at  the  new  course  of  oppression  which  had  been 
adopted.  "  The  sense,"  they  say,  "  of  our  deplorable  condition 
will,  we  hope,  plead  with  your  majesty  in  our  behalf,  for  the  freedom 
we  take,  in  dutifully  remonstrating  against  the  proceedings  of  a 
British  parliament,  confessedly  the  wisest  and  greatest  assembly 
upon  earth.  But  if  our  fellow  subjects  of  Great  Britain,  who  derive 
no  authority  from  us,  who  cannot  in  our  humble  opinion  represent 
us,  and  to  whom  we  will  not  yield  in  loyalty  and  affection  to  your 
majesty,  can,  at  their  will  and  pleasure,  of  right  give  and  grant 
away  our  property;  if  they  enforce  an  implicit  obedience  to  every 
order  or  act  of  theirs  for  that  purpose,  and  deprive  all,  or  any  of 
the  assemblies  on  this  continent  of  the  power  of  legislation,  for  dif 
fering  with  them  in  opinion  in  matters  which  intimately  affect  their 
rights  and  interests,  and  every  thing  that  is  dear  and  valuable  to 
Englishmen,  we  cannot  imagine  a  case  more  miserable;  we  cannot 
think  that  we  shall  have  even  the  shadow  of  liberty  left.  We  con- 
ceive it  to  be  an  inherent  right  in  your  majesty's  subjects,  derived 
to  them  from  God  and  nature,  handed  down  from  their  ancestors, 
and  confirmed  by  your  royal  predecessors  and  the  constitution,  in 
person,  or  by  their  representatives,  to  give  and  grant  to  their  sove- 
reign, those  things  which  their  own  labours  and  their  own  cares 
have  acquired  and  saved,  and  in  such  proportions,  and  at  such  times, 
as  the  national  honour  and  interest  may  require.  Your  majesty's 
faithful  subjects  of  this  government  have  enjoyed  this  inestimable 
privilege  uninterrupted  from  its  first  existence,  till  of  late.  They 
have  at  all  times  cheerfully  contributed,  to  the  utmost  of  their  abili- 
ties, for  your  majesty's  service,  as  often  as  your  royal  requisitions 
were  made  known ;  and  they  cannot  now,  but  with  the  greatest 
uneasiness  and  distress  of  mind,  part  with  the  power  of  demon- 
strating their  loyalty  and  affection  to  their  beloved  king." 

This  address  was  immediately  followed  by  a  correspondence  with 
the  governor  of  Virginia,  in  which  their  views  were  set  forth  relative 
to  the  new  aggressions  of  Great  Britain,  and  a  hasty  intention 
2N 


532  CAESAR    RODNEY. 

declared  of  co-operating  with  the  other  colonies,  in  such  prudent 
measures  as  might  have  a  tendency  to  conciliate  the  affections  of 
the  mother  country,  and  restore  their  just  rights  and  liberties,  and 
for  that  end,  they  earnestly  desired  to  keep  up  a  correspondence 
with  them. 

About  this  period  the  health  of  Mr.  Rodney  was  seriously  affected, 
and  he  was  obliged  to  leave  his  public  duties  to  repair  to  Philadel- 
phia for  medical  aid.  He  had  been  for  some  time  afflicted  with  a 
cancer,  which  forming  on  his  nose,  ultimately  spread  over  the 
whole  of  one  side  of  his  face,  and  was  in  the  end  the  cause  of  his 
death.  The  letters  of  his  family  are  very  urgent,  that  he  should 
cross  over  to  England,  for  professional  advice,  if  the  physicians  of 
Philadelphia  proved  unable  to  cure  him.  He  seems  indeed  to  have 
entertained  some  serious  intentions  of  passing  the  Atlantic,  but  the 
temporary  relief  which  he  obtained,  and  the  increasing  interest  of 
political  events,  deterred  him  from  ever  carrying  them  into  effect. 

When  the  assembly  met  in  October,  1769,  Mr.  Rodney  was 
chosen  speaker,  an  office  which  he  retained  for  several  years.  He 
was  also  subsequently  elected  chairman  of  the  committee  of  corres- 
pondence and  communication  with  the  other  colonies.  In  this 
situation  he  maintained  a  constant  intercourse  with  leading  men  in 
different  parts  of  the  country ;  and  by  his  influence  at  home,  con- 
tributed to,  and  promoted  that  union  of  sentiment,  which  he  per- 
ceived was  becoming  every  day  more  and  more  necessary. 

At  length  he  was  called  on  to  make  a  more  direct  effort.  On  the 
twenty-ninth  of  June,  he  received  a  letter  from  his  friend,  George 
Read  of  New  Castle,  mentioning  to  him  that  a  public  meeting  had 
been  held  there  on  the  subject  of  British  aggressions.  This  was 
succeeded,  in  a  few  days,  by  a  letter  from  a  committee  of  the  same 
assembly,  in  which  they  requested  him,  as  speaker  of  the  legisla- 
ture, to  call  together  the  representatives  of  the  people,  on  the  first 
of  August  following.  To  this  Mr.  Rodney  immediately  replied , 
and  his  answer,  of  which  the  original  now  lies  before  us,  is  exprcs 
sive  at  once  of  his  zeal  in  the  cause,  and  his  anxiety  to  keep  up  the 
strictest  mutual  good  feeling  among  his  fellow  citizens.  "  I  shall," 
he  writes,  "do  every  thing  in  my  power  to  have  a  convention  of  the 
representatives,  on  the  first  day  of  August  next,  at  New  Castle." 

Mr.  Rodney  succeeded  in  his  endeavours;  for  on  the  first  of 
August,  1774,  a  great  number  of  delegates  from  all  the  three 
counties  assembled  at  New  Castle,  and  as  soon  as  they  had  organ- 
ized themselves,  he  was  elected  their  chairman  by  an  unanimous 


CJESAE    RODNEY.  533 

vote.  The  convention  then  proceeded  to  read  the  letters  which  had 
passed  between  the  several  committees  of  correspondence,  on  the 
subject  of  a  general  congress,  and  finally  adopted  a  resolution  de- 
claring their  opinion,  that  such  a  measure  was  in  accordance  with 
the  desires  of  their  constituents,  and  serviceable  to  the  general 
cause  of  America.  They  then  nominated  and  appointed  Csesar 
Rodney,  Thomas  M'Kean,  and  George  Read,  or  any  two  of  them, 
deputies  on  the  part  and  behalf  of  this  government,  at  a  general 
continental  congress,  proposed  to  be  held  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia, 
on  the  first  Monday  in  September  next,  or  at  any  other  time  and 
place  that  might  be  generally  agreed  on:  then  and  there  to  consult 
and  advise  with  the  deputies  from  the  other  colonies,  and  to  deter- 
mine upon  all  such  prudent  and  lawful  measures,  as  might  be  judged 
most  expedient  for  the  colonies  immediately  and  unitedly  to  adopt, 
in  order  to  obtain  relief  for  an  oppressed  people,  and  the  redress 
of  their  general  grievances. 

In  pursuance  of  this  appointment,  Mr.  Rodney  took  his  seat  in 
congress,  at  Philadelphia,  on  the  fifth  of  September,  1774,  and  on 
the  following  day  was  appointed  a  member  of  the  grand  committee 
who  were  instructed  to  state  the  rights  of  the  colonies  in  general, 
the  several  instances  in  which  those  rights  were  violated  or  infringed, 
and  the  means  most  proper  to  be  pursued  for  obtaining  a  restoration 
of  them.  On  the  meeting  of  the  provincial  assembly,  in  the  month 
of  March  following,  he  and  his  colleagues  laid  before  them  a  full 
statement  of  their  appointment  and  all  their  proceedings;  and  the 
house  immediately  passed  a  vote,  without  a  dissenting  voice,  ap- 
proving entirely  of  their  conduct.  As  a  further  testimony  of  their 
approbation,  they  proceeded  on  the  following  day  to  a  choice  of  re- 
presentatives for  the  succeeding  congress ;  and  the  result  was  the 
same  as  in  the  preceding  year,  Mr.  Rodney  being  returned  with 
bis  former  companions.  While  he  was  absent  at  Philadelphia, 
under  this  appointment,  the  office  of  brigadier-general  of  the  pro- 
vince was  also  conferred  upon  him. 

He  remained  in  Philadelphia  during  the  spring,  but  was  obliged 
to  keep  up  a  constant  and  active  intercourse  with  his  own  province. 
In  the  lower  counties  there  were  a  great  number  of  persons,  dis- 
affected to  the  congress,  and  being  scattered  through  the  country, 
it  was  more  difficult  to  convince  them  of  the  impropriety  of  their 
acts,  or  to  oppose  them  by  open  and  decisive,  but  just  measures. 
His  military  command,  too,  required  his  attention,  and,  during  this 
period,  his  letters  and  messages  on  that  subject  are  very  numerous; 


534  CjESAR    RODNEY. 

lie  is  constantly  urging,  both  on  the  legislature  and  on  his  subordi- 
nate officers,  the  necessity  of  augmenting  their  corps,  supplying 
them  thoroughly,  and  collecting  them  in  proper  places;  it  was  in  no 
small  degree  owing  to  this,  that  the  Delaware  line  became  so  dis- 
tinguished for  the  discipline,  constancy,  and  good  order  which  it 
signally  displayed  during  the  whole  war.  On  these  various  subjects 
his  correspondence  was  very  extensive;  though  but  few  of  his  own 
letters  or  those  he  received  have  been  preserved.  Among  those 
which  do  remain,  are  several  from  the  brave  and  noble  Colonel 
Haslet,  an  officer  who  was  cut  off  early  in  his  career;  he  fell  while 
leading  his  troops  to  the  charge,  with  uncommon  gallantry,  in  the 
battle  of  Princeton.  Mr.  Rodney  finding  that  much  discontent 
existed,  particularly  in  the  county  of  Sussex,  and  anxious  at  so 
critical  a  period  that  congress  should  have,  as  much  as  possible,  the 
general  voice  in  favour  of  the  decisive  measures  it  was  about  to 
pursue,  obtained  leave  of  absence  for  a  short  time,  and  returned  to 
Delaware  to  use  his  personal  influence  among  the  people.  He 
went  as  far  as  Lewes,  a  town  at  the  southern  extremity  of  the  state, 
and  succeeded  to  a  very  great  extent,  in  preparing  and  reconciling 
the  people  to  a  change  of  government,  as  well  as  in  organizing  the 
troops  which  had  been  raised. 

During  his  absence,  however,  the  important  question  of  inde- 
pendence came  up;  and  his  colleague,  Mr.  M'Kean,  well  acquainted 
with  his  views,  and  anxious  that  the  declaration  should  be  carried 
by  a  unanimous  vote  of  the  states,  looked  for  his  return  with  great 
anxiety;  as  the  day  appointed,  however,  approached,  Mr.  Rodney, 
who  was  unacquainted  exactly  with  it,  did  not  make  his  appearance, 
and  Mr.  M'Kean  sent  a  special  messenger  to  convey  the  intelligence 
to  him.  The  message  no  sooner  reached  him,  than,  laying  aside 
all  other  engagements,  he  hastened  to  Philadelphia,  where  he  arrived 
just  in  time  to  give  his  vote,  and  secure  the  unanimity  of  the  daring 
measure.  He  transmitted  an  account  of  it  to  Dover  on  the  same 
day;  and  his  friend,  Colonel  Haslet,  in  acknowledging  his  letter  on 
the  sixth  of  July,  thus  refers  to  it.  "I  congratulate  you,  sir,  on  the 
important  day  which  restores  to  every  American  his  birth-right;  a 
day  which  every  freeman  will  record  with  gratitude,  and  the  millions 
of  posterity  read  with  rapture."  At  the  time  Mr.  Rodney's  letter 
reached  Dover,  the  election  of  officers  of  a  new  battalion  was  going 
on ;  the  committee  of  safety,  however,  immediately  met,  and  after 
receiving  the  intelligence,  proceeded  in  a  body  to  the  court  house, 
where  (the  election  being  stopped)  the  president  read  the  declaration 


CjESAR    RODNEY.  535 

of  congress,  and  the  resolution  of  the  house  of  assembly  for  the  ap- 
pointment of  a  convention :  each  of  which  received  the  highest 
approbation  of  the  people,  in  three  huzzas.  The  committee  then 
went  in  a  body  back  to  their  room,  where  they  sent  for  a  picture 
of  the  king  of  Great  Britain,  and  made  the  drummer  of  the  infantry 
bear  it  before  the  president;  they  then  marched  two  and  two,  fol- 
lowed by  the  light  infantry  in  slow  time,  with  music,  round  the 
square,  then  forming  a  circle  about  a  fire  prepared  in  the  middle 
of  the  square  for  that  purpose,  the  president,  pronouncing  the  fol- 
lowing words,  committed  it  to  the  flames:  "Compelled  by  strong 
necessity,  thus  we  destroy  even  the  shadow  of  that  king  who  refused 
to  reign  over  a  free  people."  Three  loud  huzzas  were  given  by 
the  surrounding  crowd;  and  the  friends  of  liberty  gained  new 
courage,  to  support  the  cause  in  which  they  had  embarked. 

Notwithstanding  Mr.  Rodney's  services,  he  was  soon  however 
destined  to  experience  the  mutability  of  popular  feeling.  In  the 
autumn  of  this  year,  the  people  of  Delaware  determined  to  call  a 
convention,  for  the  purpose  of  framing  a  new  constitution,  and  to 
elect  delegates  for  the  succeeding  congress.  There  were,  as  we 
have  observed,  in  the  lower  counties,  a  great  number  of  persons 
who  were  decided  friends  of  the  royal  government;  and  even  still 
more  who  were  not  disposed,  while  they  adhered  to  the  new  order 
of  things,  to  push  the  war  beyond  the  bounds  of  what  they  con- 
sidered absolutely  necessary  and  prudent.  These  persons  uniting 
together,  and  adding  to  their  ranks  many  of  firmer  whig  principles, 
who  were  induced  to  join  them  from  personal  feeling  or  motives  of 
ambition,  contrived  to  obtain  a  majority  in  the  convention;  and 
one  of  their  earliest  acts  was  to  remove  from  congress  Mr.  Rodney 
and  Mr,  M'Kean,  two  delegates  who  had,  in  every  instance,  shown 
themselves  the  uncompromising  advocates  of  liberty. 

Mr.  Rodney,  however,  still  remained  a  member  of  the  council  of 
safety,  and  of  the  committee  of  inspection.  In  these  offices  he  con- 
tinued diligently  to  employ  himself;  collecting  from  all  quarters 
supplies  for  the  army,  and  increasing  by  every  means  in  his  power 
its  effective  force.  By  the  letters,  however,  which  he  received 
from  head-quarters,  he  thought,  especially  since  the  death  of  Colonel 
Haslet  at  Princeton,  that  his  presence  there  would  give  encourage- 
ment to  the  troops  of  the  state,  and  induce  them  to  bear  more 
cheerfully  the  hardships  to  which  they  were  exposed  by  their  rapid 
movements  and  the  inclemency  of  the  season. 

Mr.  Rodney  remained  with  the  army  for  nearly  two  months,  and 
57  2  n  2 


530  C^SAR    RODNEY. 

during  a  great  part  of  the  time  entered  into  the  most  active  and 
laborious  services,  which  his  station  as  brigadier-general  required. 
Even  after  the  period  for  which  the  troops  under  him  had  enlisted 
was  expired,  he  offered  to  remain  with  the  army,  and  perform  the 
duties  of  a  soldier,  wherever  the  commander-in-chief  might  think  he 
coidd  be  useful.  Sensible  of  the  patriotic  spirit  by  which  this  offer 
was  dictated,  General  Washington  wrote  him  the  following  highly 
flattering  letter,  the  original  of  which  now  lies  before  us,  dated  at. 
Morris-Town,  on  the  eighteenth  February,  1777. 

"  Sir — Lord  Stirling  did  me  the  favour  of  sending  to  me  your 
letter  of  the  eighth  instant  to  him,  mentioning  your  cheerfulness  to 
continue  in  service,  (though  your  brigade  had  returned  home,)  and 
waiting  my  determination  on  that  head.  The  readiness  with  which 
you  took  the  field  at  the  period  most  critical  to  our  affairs,  the  in- 
dustry you  used  in  bringing  out  the  militia  of  the  Delaware  state, 
and  the  alertness  observed  by  you  in  forwarding  on  the  troops  from 
Trenton,  reflect  the  highest  honour  on  your  character,  and  place 
your  attachment  to  the  cause  in  the  most  distinguished  point  of  view. 
They  claim  my  sinr.erest  thanks,  and  I  am  happy  in  this  opportunity 
of  giving  them  to  you.  Circumstanced  as  you  are,  I  see  no  neces- 
sity in  detaining  you  longer  from  your  family  and  affairs,  which  no 
doubt  demand  your  presence  and  attention.  You  have  therefore 
my  leave  to  return." 

With  this  honourable  testimony  of  his  services,  he  returned  to 
Delaware,  and  had  scarcely  reached  home  when  he  was  appointed 
one  of  the  judges  of  the  supreme  court,  which  had  just  been  orga- 
nized. The  appointment  however  he  declined,  preferring,  at  any 
rate  for  the  present,  to  retain  his  military  situation,  in  which  he 
thought  he  could  render  more  service  to  the  general  cause.  In  so 
doing  he  met  the  views  of  congress,  who,  through  the  board  of  war, 
expressed  the  approbation  they  thought  hiin  entitled  to  receive,  for 
his  activity  and  zeal.  In  the  state,  too,  those  who  had  lately  been, 
if  not  his  enemies,  yet  certainly  not  kindly  inclined  towards  him,  felt 
the  necessity  of  retaining  his  services,  and  calling  on  him,  when  in 
situations  of  embarrassment  and  difficulty.  An  insurrection  against 
the  government  having  arisen  in  Sussex  county,  they  immediately 
sought  his  influence  to  quell  it,  and  issued  orders  to  him  to  repair 
thither  with  a  body  of  men.  This  duty  he  cheerfully  accepted.  He 
succeeded  in  his  object,  and  restored  temporary  harmony  and  good 
order. 

But  he  was  soon  called  on  to  exercise  his  military  talents  on  a 


CjESAR    EODNEV.  537 

larger  scale.  The  British  army  having  landed  in  the  autumn  of  this 
year,  on  the  shore  of  the  Chesapeake,  were  pursuing  their  march 
rapidly  to  Philadelphia,  and  General  Washington  had  fixed  his  head- 
quarters in  the  northern  part  of  the  state  of  Delaware,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  opposing  them.  General  Rodney  hastened  immediately  to 
his  aid,  with  all  the  troops  he  could  collect  in  Kent,  and  endeavoured, 
though  with  but  partial  success,  to  increase  his  force  by  engaging 
the  militia  of  Newcastle  county.  By  the  directions  of  the  comman- 
der-in-chief, he  placed  himself  south  of  the  main  army,  so  as  to 
watch  the  enemy's  movements,  and  if  possible  get  between  them 
and  their  shipping.  During  this  period  a  correspondence  was  kept 
up  between  Mr.  Rodney  and  General  Washington,  who  were  inter- 
ested in  each  other,  not  merely  from  their  being  thus  thrown  together 
in  the  war,  but  from  a  long  friendship  founded  on  mutual  esteem. 
Several  of  their  letters  have  been  preserved,  but  as  they  relate  at 
this  time  chiefly  to  military  details,  to  insert  much  of  them  would 
be  out  of  character  with  the  simple  nature  of  this  sketch.  Some 
of  them,  however,  throw  a  light  on  the  personal  difficulties  with 
which  the  officers  of  the  army  had  to  struggle  during  the  war,  and 
may  afford  some  interest  by  their  insertion.  Mr.  Rodney  thus  writes 
to  the  general  on  the  ninth  of  September.  "I  am  here  in  a  disa- 
greeable situation,  unable  to  render  you  and  the  states  those  services 
[  both  wished  and  expected.  A  few  days  ago  I  moved  from  hence  to 
Middletown,  in  order  to  induce  the  militia  in  this  quarter,  who  had 
shown  great  backwardness,  to  turn  out;  especially  as  by  that  move 
most  of  their  farms  and  property  were  covered.  However,  all  this 
has  answered  no  purpose;  for  though  I  believe  most  of  their  officers 
have  been  vigilant,  but  very  few  have  come  in  at  all,  and  those  few 
who  made  their  appearance  in  the  morning,  took  the  liberty  of  re- 
turning, contrary  to  orders,  in  the  evening;  thus  increasing  the  duty 
of,  and  setting  so  bad  an  example  to,  the  troops  from  Kent,  about 
four  hundred  in  number,  and  the  only  troops  I  had  with  me,  brought 
about  so  general  discontent  and  uneasiness,  especially  as  they  were 
more  iirmdeiately  defending  the  property  of  those  people,  as  caused 
them  in  great  numbers  to  leave  me,  though  I  must  say  the  officers 
did  all  they  could  to  prevent  it.  Two  battalions  have  never  even 
assigned  me  a  reason  why  they  have  not  joined  me.  Under  these 
circumstances  I  removed  to  Noxontown,  where  the  camp  duty  on  tl  % 
few  I  have  with  me  is  less  severe,  until  the  other  troops  mentioned 
shall  be  ready  to  move  forward,  and  have  written  this  day  to  Colonel 
Gist  on  that  head.     Yesterday  evening  I  sent  a  party  of  my  light 


538  CyESAR    RODNEY. 

horse  to  take  a  view  of  the  enemy,  and  gain  intelligence.  The 
officer  with  his  men  returned  this  morning,  and  reports,  that  he  was 
in  Atkinson's  tavern-house,  passed  some  miles  through  the  late  en- 
campment of  the  enemy  round  about  that  place,  and  saw,  and  was 
among  the  fires  they  had  left  burning  ;  that  the  extreme  part  of 
their  right  wing  was  at  Cook's  Mill,  their  left  towards  Newark.  This 
intelligence  makes  me  the  more  anxious  to  collect  and  move  forward 
such  a  body,  as  would  be  able  to  render  you  signal  service,  by  fall- 
ing upon  and  harassing  their  right  wing  or  rear.  Be  assured  all  I 
can  do  shall  be  done;  but  he  that  can  deal  with  militia,  may  almost 

venture  to  deal  with  the .     As  soon  as  I  can  set  forward  I  shall 

advise  you.  God  send  you  a  complete  victory."  In  his  reply  to  this 
letter,  General  Washington  thus  remarks:  "The  conduct  of  the 
militia  is  much  to  be  regretted.  In  many  instances  they  are  not  to 
be  roused,  and  in  others  they  come  into  the  field  with  all  possible 
indifference,  and  to  all  appearance  entirely  unimpressed  with  the 
importance  of  the  cause  in  which  we  are  engaged.  Hence  proceeds 
a  total  inattention  to  order  and  discipline,  and  too  often  a  disgrace- 
ful departure  from  the  army,  at  the  instant  their  aid  is  most  wanted. 
I  am  inclined  to  think,  the  complaints  and  objections  offered  to  the 
militia  laws  are  but  too  well  founded.  The  interest  of  the  commu- 
nity has  not  been  well  consulted  in  their  formation,  and  generally 
speaking,  those  I  have  seen  are  unequal. 

"  I  wish  I  could  inform  you  that  our  affairs  were  in  a  happier 
train  than  they  now  are.  After  various  manoeuvres,  and  extending 
his  army  high  up  the  Schuylkill,  as  if  he  meant  to  turn  our  right 
flank,  General  Howe  made  a  sudden  countermarch  on  Monday  night, 
and  in  the  course  of  it,  and  yesterday  morning,  crossed  the  river, 
which  is  fordable  in  almost  every  part,  several  miles  below  us ;  he 
will  possess  himself  of  Philadelphia,  in  all  probability,  but  I  trust  be 
will  not  be  able  to  hold  it.  No  exertions  on  my  part  shall  be  wanting 
to  dispossess  him." 

On  the  seventeenth  of  December,  Mr.  Rodney  was  again  called 
on  to  take  his- seat  in  congress,  as  a  delegate  from  Delaware,  but 
he  determined  not  to  repair  to  Yorktown  until  the  following  spring. 
The  state  of  political  affairs  had  greatly  changed  in  Delaware,  but 
still  there  were  many  men  of  influence  who  did  not  unite  with  as 
much  energy  as  they  should  have  done,  in  supporting  the  plans  of 
the  general  government ;  Mr.  Rodney  therefore  determined  to  re- 
main until  the  legislature  had  closed  its  session. 

Mr.  Rodney,  however,  was  not  destined  to  appear  again  in  con 


CESAR   RODNEY.  539 

gress :  for  a  few  days  after  the  preceding  letter  was  written  he  was 
elected  president  of  the  state  of  Delaware.  The  office,  1  ongh 
honourable,  was  exceedingly  arduous,  and  during  the  whole  of  u  is 
year  he  was  constantly  harassed  with  difficulties  of  various  kinds. 
The  legislature  of  the  state,  though  well  disposed,  were  tardy  in 
their  movements  where  every  thing  demanded  energy  and  prompt- 
ness ;  the  disaffected  inhabitants  of  the  state  were  constantly  ex- 
citing petty  insurrections  :  the  British,  or  loyalists  in  league  witli 
them,  made  frequent  descents  all  along  the  extensive  shore  of  the 
state,  and  troops  could  not  be  collected  in  time  to  repel  them.  These 
and  various  other  circumstances  rendered  the  situation  of  Mr.  Rod- 
ney one  of  great  difficulty  and  embarrassment. 

Mr.  Rodney  retained  his  office  of  president  of  the  state  of  Dela 
ware  for  about  four  years;  and  during  that  time  his  chief  attention 
was  called  to  the  affairs  of  the  confederation.  As  the  war  increased 
and  the  resources  of  the  country  diminished,  the  demands  on  the 
separate  states  became  more  frequent,  and  were  urged  with  all  the 
zeal  which  the  dreadful  necessities  of  the  time  required.  At  this 
period  we  can  scarcely  believe  the  state  of  distress,  and  almost  des- 
peration, to  which  the  continental  army  was  reduced  ;  but  as  it  can- 
not be  uninteresting  to  their  descendants,  to  know  what  were  the 
sufferings  of  their  ancestors  in  the  cause  of  freedom,  we  shall  in- 
troduce an  extract  from  two  letters  of  General  Washington  to  Mr. 
Rodney,  in  the  winter  of  1779.  "The  situation  of  the  army,"  he 
says,  "  with  respect  to  supplies,  is  beyond  description  alarming.  It 
has  been  five  or  six  weeks  past  on  half  allowance,  and  we  have  not 
more  than  three  days'  bread,  at  a  third  allowance,  on  hand,  nor  any 
where  within  reach.  When  this  is  exhausted,  we  must  depend  on 
the  precarious  gleanings  of  the  neighbouring  country.  Our  maga- 
zines are  absolutely  empty  every  where,  and  our  commissaries  en- 
tirely destitute  of  money  or  credit  to  replenish  them.  We  have 
never  experienced  a  like  extremity  at  any  period  of  the  war.  We 
have  often  felt,  temporary  want  from  accidental  delay  in  forwarding 
supplies,  but  we  always  had  something  in  our  magazines,  and  the 
means  of  procuring  more.  Neither  one  nor  the  other  is  at  present 
the  case.  This  representation  is  the  result  of  a  minute  examination 
of  our  resources.  Unless  some  extraordinary  and  immediate  exer- 
tions be  made,  by  the  states  from  which  we  draw  our  supplies,  there 
is  every  appearance  that  the  army  will  infallibly  disband  in  a  fort- 
night. I  think  it  my  duty  to  lay  this  candid  view  of  our  situation 
before  your  excellency,  and  to  entreat  the  vigorous  interposition  of 


540  C/ESAR    RODNEY 

the  state  to  rescue  us  from  the  danger  of  an  event,  which  if  it  did 
not  i  rove  the  total  ruin  of  our  affairs,  would  at  least  give  them  a 
shock  they  would  not  easily  recover,  and  plunge  us  into  a  train  of 
new  and  still  more  perplexing  embarrassments,  than  any  we  have 
hitherto  felt." 

In  the  following  spring  General  Washington  wrote  another  letter 
to  Mr.  Rodney,  of  a  tenor  equally  painful.  "I  am  under  the  dis- 
agreeable necessity  of  informing  you,"  he  says,  "that  the  army  is 
again  reduced  to  an  extremity  of  distress,  for  want  of  provision. 
The  greater  part  of  it  has  been  without  meat  from  the  twenty-first 
to  the  twenty-sixth.  To  endeavour  to  obtain  some  relief,  I  moved 
down  to  this  place  with  a  view  of  stripping  the  lower  part  of  the 
country  of  the  remainder  of  its  cattle,  which  after  a  most  rigorous 
exaction,  is  found  to  afford  between  two  and  three  days'  supply  only, 
and  those  consisting  of  milch  cows,  and  calves  of  one  or  two  years 
old.  When  this  scanty  pittance  is  consumed,  I  know  not  what  will 
be  our  next  resource,  as  the  commissary  can  give  me  no  certain  in- 
formation of  more  than  one  hundred  and  twenty  head  of  cattle  ex- 
pected from  Pennsylvania,  and  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  from 
Massachusetts.  I  mean  in  time  to  supply  our  immediate  wants. 
Military  coercion  is  no  longer  of  any  avail,  as  nothing  further  can 
possibly  be  collected  from  the  country  in  which  we  are  obliged  to 
take  a  position,  without  depriving  the  inhabitants  of  the  last  morsel. 
This  mode  of  subsisting,  supposing  the  desired  end  could  be  an- 
swered by  it,  besides  being  in  the  highest  degree  distressing  to  in- 
dividuals, is  attended  with  ruin  to  the  morals  and  discipline  of  the 
army.  During  the  few  days  which  we  have  been  obliged  to  send 
out  small  parties  to  procure  provision  for  themselves,  the  most  enor- 
mous excesses  have  been  committed. 

"  It  has  been  no  inconsiderable  support  of  our  cause,  to  have  had 
it  in  our  power  to  contrast  the  conduct  of  our  army  with  that  of  the 
enemy,  and  to  convince  the  inhabitants  that  while  their  rights  were 
wantonly  violated  by  the  British  troops,  by  ours  they  were  re- 
spected. This  distinction  must  unhappily  now  cease,  and  we  must 
assume  the  odious  character  of  the  plunderers,  instead  of  the  pro- 
tectors of  the  people ;  the  direct  consequence  of  which  must  be,  to 
alienate  their  minds  from  the  army,  and  insensibly  from  the  cause. 
We  have  not,  indeed,  yet  been  absolutely  without  flour,  but  we  have 
this  day  but  one  day's  supply  in  camp,  and  I  am  not  certain  that 
there  is  a  single  barrel  between  this  place  and  Trenton.  I  shall  be 
obliged,  therefore,  to  draw  down  one  or  two  hundred   barrels  from 


C^SAR   RODNEY.  541 

a  small  magazine  which  I  had  endeavoured  to  establish  at  West 
Point,  for  the  security  of  the  garrison  in  case  of  a  sudden  investiture. 

"  From  the  above  state  of  facts  it  may  be  foreseen,  that  this  army 
cannot  possibly  remain  much  longer  together,  unless  very  vigorous 
and  immediate  measures  are  taken  by  the  states  to  comply  with  the 
requisitions  made  upon  them.  The  commissary-general  has  neither 
the  means  nor  the  power  of  procuring  supplies;  he  is  only  to  re- 
ceive them  from  the  several  agents.  Without  a  speedy  change  of 
circumstances,  this  dilemma  will  be  involved:  either  the  army  must 
disband,  or  what  is,  if  possible,  worse,  subsist  upon  the  plunder  of 
the  people.  I  would  fain  flatter  myself  that  a  knowledge  of  our 
situation  will  produce  the  desired  relief;  not  a  relief  of  a  few  days, 
as  has  generally  heretofore  been  the  case,  but  a  supply  equal  to  the 
establishment  of  magazines  for  the  winter.  If  these  are  not  formed 
before  the  roads  are  broken  up  by  the  weather,  we  shall  certainly 
experience  the  same  difficulties  and  distresses  the  ensuing  winter, 
which  we  did  the  last.  Although  t lie  troops  have,  upon  every  occa- 
sion hitherto,  borne  their  wants  with  unparalleled  patience,  it  will 
be  dangerous  to  trust  too  often  to  a  repetition  of  the  causes  of  dis- 
content." 

It  may  well  be  supposed  that  Mr.  Rodney  did  not  receive  these 
letters  without  feelings  of  the  deepest  distress.  Having  for  years 
taken  so  active  a  part  in  all  the  struggles  for  independence,  what- 
ever various  forms  they  had  assumed,  how  could  he  look  calmly  on, 
and  see  that  independence  endangered,  at  the  very  moment  when 
it  seemed  secure?  Having  served  as  a  soldier  himself  in  the  armies 
of  the  revolution,  how  could  he  bear  that  those  who  had  been  the 
partners  of  his  toils,  should  now  be  sinking,  neglected  and  forsaken, 
without  a  friendly  hand  being  extended  to  relieve  them?  He  there- 
fore adopted  every  expedient  he  could  devise,  to  increase  and  assist 
the  army.  He  brought  the  subject  repeatedly  before  the  legisla- 
ture; urged  the  persons  intrusted  with  the  levying  and  transmis- 
sion of  supplies ;  kept  up  a  constant  correspondence  ;  and  succeeded 
in  affording  immense  benefit. 

Such  was  the  zealous  and  honourable  course  pursued  by  Mr.  Rod- 
ney, as  long  as  he  held  the  office  of  president  of  the  state  of  Dela- 
ware. By  his  firm  and  liberal  conduct  he  secured  the  universal 
esteem  of  every  portion  of  the  people;  and  by  the  decided  tone  of 
his  measures  he  increased  the  strength  and  augmented  the  resources 
of  the  general  government.  At  length,  however,  fatigued  with  the 
arduousness  of  his  duties,  he  determined  to  retire  from  office,  and 


542  CJESAR    RODNEY. 

in  the  year  1782,  declined  a  re-election.  His  constituents,  however, 
would  not  permit  him  to  retire  from  public  life,  for  he  was  imme- 
diately chosen  a  delegate  to  congress,  as  he  also  was  in  the  suc- 
ceeding year. 

It  does  not  appear  that  Mr.  Rodney  ever  took  his  seat  by  virtue 
of  these  elections.  Though  not  very  far  advanced  in  years,  his 
health  had  become  exceedingly  infirm.  He  had  been  afflicted  from 
nis  youth  with  a  cancer,  which,  as  we  have  mentioned,  gradually 
spread  over  one  side  of  his  face,  until  it  was  so  disfigured  as  to  oblige 
him  to  wear  a  green  silk  screen  over  it;  and  he  did  so  for  many 
years  before  his  death.  The  exact  period  of  that  melancholy  event, 
we  have  no  means  of  accurately  ascertaining;  it  would  appear, 
however,  to  have  been  in  the  early  part  of  the  year  1783,  and  was 
certainly  occasioned  by  the  complaint  of  which  we  have  spoken. 

Of  the  personal  character  of  Mr.  Rodney,  we  have  few  opportu- 
nities of  obtaining  information,  beyond  the  materials  which  have 
formed  the  subject  of  this  notice.  As  a  politician,  he  displayed  at 
all  times  great  integrity  and  high-mindedness,  never  yielding  his 
deliberate  opinions  to  the  prevailing  sentiments  of  the  day,  and 
sacrificing  his  present  interest  to  his  sense  of  honour  and  justice. 
This  course,  in  a  few  instances,  was  for  a  time  injurious  to  his  poli- 
tical aims,  but  it  eventually  gained  for  him,  what  an  honourable 
course  always  gains  for  a  statesman  in  the  end,  the  unbounded  con- 
fidence and  esteem  of  his  countrymen.  Though  he  was,  as  the  tenor 
of  his  life  has  shown,  a  firm  whig  in  all  his  principles  and  conduct, 
warmly  devoted  to  the  liberties  of  the  states,  and  opposing  alike  the 
open  warfare  and  secret  attacks  of  their  enemies,  he  blended  with 
all  his  actions  the  feelings  of  an  amiable  man.  The  number  of 
loyalists  or  refugees  was,  as  we  have  observed,  very  numerous  in 
that  part  of  the  state  where  he  resided,  and  the  friends  of  freedom 
were  kept  constantly  on  the  alert,  to  oppose  and  overthrow  secret 
insurrections  which  were  springing  up,  every  day  and  in  every  direc- 
tion. As  is  always  the  case  in  this  species  of  unnatural  warfare,  the 
feelings  of  the  contending  parties  assumed  a  personal  ferociousness 
of  character,  which  is  not  often  seen  in  the  conflicts  of  general 
enemies.  The  ties  of  vicinage,  often  of  consanguinity,  increased 
rather  than  allayed  the  bitterness  of  their  hatred ;  and  the  success- 
ful party  triumphed  over  the  conquered  foe,  with  more  than  the 
satisfaction  of  ordinary  war.  To  appease  these  feelings,  and  to 
obviate  their  consequences,  was  the  continued  and  often  the  success- 
ful effort  of  Mr.  Rodney.     The  advantages  of  his  popularity,  his 


C^SAR    RODNEY.  543 

well-known  patriotism,  and  his  public  station,  gave  him  an  influence 
which  he  never  failed  to  exert  in  so  generous  a  cause. 

The  private  character  of  Mr.  Rodney  is  chiefly  remarkable  for 
its  good-humour  and  vivacity.  He  was  fond  of  society,  and  not 
averse  to  the  pleasures  of  the  table,  never  exceeding,  however,  the 
boundaries  of  propriety  and  good  manners.  He  was  particularly 
fond  of  associating  with  persons  younger  than  himself,  to  whom  his 
easy  manners,  long  knowledge  of  the  world,  and  fund  of  wit  and 
anecdote,  afforded  a  never-failing  pleasure.  From  constitutional 
feelings,  he  always  avoided  scenes  of  sorrow;  and  never  approached 
the  death-bed,  even  of  his  most  intimate  friends.  The  vivacity  of 
his  domestic  manners  was  carried  into  his  public  life,  and  those 
whose  memory  is  stored  with  reminiscences  of  the  old  congress  and 
the  revolutionary  war,  have  many  a  tale,  to  illustrate  the  gaiety  and 
humour  of  Cresar  Rodney.  Among  others,  the  following  one  may 
be  recorded,  from  an  authentic  source.  The  delegates  from  the 
southern  states,  but  especially  from  Virginia,  were  remarkable, 
during  the  early  periods  of  the  revolution,  for  indulging  a  sectional 
prepossession,  not  indeed  maliciously,  but  often  sarcastically.  When 
it  broke  out  in  high-wrought  eulogies  and  preferences  to  Virginia, 
over  all  the  other  members  of  the  confederacy,  it  was  termed  dotni- 
nionism.  Among  the  representatives  of  that  ancient  and  really 
noble  state,  there  was  no  one  who  more  delighted  or  oftener  indulged 
in  this  complacent  but  somewhat  mortifying  species  of  gratulation, 
than  Mr.  Harrison ;  he  was,  however,  completely  cured  of  it  by  an 
incident  which  occurred,  when  his  state  was  threatened  with  an  in- 
vasion by  the  enemy.  He  had  frequently  displayed  the  "  abundant 
and  powerful  resources  of  that  meritorious  member  of  our  Union;" 
and  although  he  had  painted  them  in  colours  brighter  than  was  cor- 
rect, he  no  doubt  believed  them  to  be  just.  When,  however,  the 
danger  was  approaching,  the  picture  was  found  too  glaring.  He  in- 
troduced a  demand  for  supplies  of  arms,  munitions  of  war  of  every 
species,  troops,  and  assistance  of  every  kind;  and  declared  the  state 
destitute  in  every  point  and  circumstance.  When  h<?  sat  down  there 
was  a  momentary  silence,  all  being  surprised  that  such  a  develop- 
ment should  come  from  him.  Mr.  Rodney  rose  from  his  seat,  in  a 
style  peculiar  to  him.  He  was,  at  that  time,  an  animated  skeleton; 
decorated  with  a  bandage,  from  which  was  suspended  the  green  silk 
covering  over  one  eye,  to  hide  the  ravages  of  his  cancer — he  was 
indeed  all  spirit,  without  corporeal  tegument.  He  was  thin,  ema- 
ciated, and  every  way  the  antithesis  of  his  friend  Harrison ;  who 
58  2  0 


544  CjESAR    RODNEY. 

was  portly,  inclining  to  corpulency,  and  of  a  mien  commanding, 
though  without  fierte.  Both  of  the  members  were  really  represen- 
tatives of  their  respective  states.  Rodney,  who  was  endowed,  as 
have  mentioned,  with  a  natural  and  highly  amusing  vein  of  humour, 
began,  with  a  crocodile  sympathy,  to  deplore  the  melancholy  and 
prostrate  condition  of  his  neighbouring,  extensive,  and  heretofore 
"  powerful"  state  of  Virginia!  "  But,"  said  he,  in  a  voice  elevated 
an  octave  higher  than  concert  pitch;  "let  her  be  of  good  cheer; 
she  has  a  friend  in  need ;  Delaware  will  take  her  under  its  protec- 
tion, and  insure  her  safety."  Harrison  was  astounded;  but  joined 
(for  he  relished  a  good  hit,  for  or  against  him)  in  the  Inno-h-  and 
the  subject  lay  over  to  another  day. 


/IANSION    OF    THE   HONOURABLE   GEORGE    READ. 

New  Castle,  DelawaTe.  , 


GEORGE   READ. 

BY   QEN.    JOHN    MEREDITH   READ,    JR. 


George  Eead  was  one  of  the  six  signers  of  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  who  were  also  framers  and  signers  of  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States.1 

He  was  descended  from  an  ancient  family,  which  had  long  flourished 
both  in  England  and  Ireland.  His  grandfather  was  a  gentleman  of 
fortune  residing  in  the  city  of  Dublin,  where  his  father,  John  Head, 
Esquire,  was  born  in  the  last  year  of  the  reign  of  King  James  the 
Second,  A.  D.  1688.  Possessing  a  self-reliant  character  and  an  adven- 
turous spirit,  John  Head,  although  sincerely  religious,  was  induced  to 
visit  the  New  "World  when  quite  young,  in  the  face  of  much  parental 
opposition.  Having  purchased  lands  from  his  fellow-countryman, 
Lord  Baltimore,  he  married  Miss  Mary  Howell,  an  aunt  of  the  late 
Governor  Howell,2  of  New  Jersey,  and  established  himself  on  a  large 
plantation  in  Cecil  county,  in  the  province  of  Maryland.  Here  his 
eldest  son,  George  Head,  the  signer,  was  born  on  the  18th  September, 

1  These  six  were  George  Clymer,  Benjamin  Franklin,  Robert  Morris,  George 
Read,  Roger  Sherman,  and  James  Wilson. 

Abraham  Clark  and  George  "Walton  were  appointed  delegates  to  the  Convention 
which  framed  the  Constitution,  but  they  did  not  attend.  Elbridge  Gerry  and  George 
"Wythe  attended,  but  did  not  sign  the  Constitution. 

!  His  Excellency  Richard  Howell  was  born  in  Delaware  in  1755,  and  commanded 
a  New  Jersey  regiment  during  the  Revolution.  After  the  war  he  was  chosen 
governor  of  the  latter  state,  and  was  eight  successive  times  elected  to  that  office. 
He  was  the  author  of  the  ode  sung  by  the  ladies  at  the  reception  of  General 
"Washington  at  Trenton  in  1789.  An  account  of  the  ceremonies  attending  his 
reception  of  Washington  in  the  following  year  is  given  in  Custis's  Recollections. 


516  GEORGE    EEAD. 

1783.  Shortly  after  this  event  Mr.  Bead  removed  to  an  estate  which 
he  owned  in  Newcastle  county,  in  the  province  of  Delaware,  still 
retaining,  however,  his  original  property  in  Maryland,  where  he  occa- 
sionally resided.  It  was  in  this  hospitable  mansion,  which  has  long 
since  disappeared,  that  Col,  Washington  was  entertained  in  the  spring 
of  1755,  the  year  previous  to  Mr.  Bead's  death.  It  is  worthy  of  men- 
tion in  this  connection,  that  nearly  half  a  century  later  Mr.  Bead's 
grandson,  John  Bead,  Jr./   married    Miss  Martha  Meredith,  whose 

1  John  Read,  son  of  George  Read,  the  signer,  was  born  at  the  family  mansion  at 
New  Castle,  in  Delaware,  on  the  7th  July,  1769.  He  entered  the  Junior  Class  in 
Princeton  College  in  the  year  1785,  and  graduated  in  17S7,  under  the  Presidency  of 
his  father's  intimate  friend,  Dr.  Witherspoon.  Mr.  Read  studied  law  with  his  father, 
and  after  his  admission  to  the  bar  removed  to  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  where  he 
practised  with  ability  and  success  for  many  years.  In  1797  he  was  appointed  Agent- 
General  of  the  United  States  to  carry  into  effect  the  sixth  article  of  Jay's  treaty. 
He  was  for  several  years  a  member  of  the  City  Councils.  In  1815  he  was  elected 
to  the  Legislature  of  Pennsylvania,  and  was  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Roads 
and  Inland  Navigation,  composed  at  that  day  of  thirty-four  members.  In  1816  he 
was  re-elected.  Shortly  afterwards  he  was  elected  to  the  senate  to  succeed  Nich- 
olas Biddle.  In  1819  he  accepted  the  Presidency  of  the  Philadelphia  Bank.  He 
resigned  in  1841,  and  died  on  the  13th  July,  1854,  aged  eighty-five.  Mr.  Read 
married,  in  1796,  Martha  Meredith,  eldest  daughter  of  Samuel  Meredith,  who  was 
a  member  of  the  Continental  Congress,  and  the  first  Treasurer  of  the  United  States. 
His  father,  Reese  Meredith,  son  of  Reese  Meredith,  Esq.,  of  Landoglen,  in  the 
county  of  Radnor,  was  born  in  Wales  in  1705,  removed  to  Philadelphia  in  1727, 
and  married  the  granddaughter  of  Samuel  Carpenter,  who  was  the  partner  of  Wil- 
liam Penn,  and  one  of  the  executors  of  his  will.  Mrs.  Read's  mother  was  the 
daughter  of  Dr.  Thomas  Cadwalader,  and  sister  of  General  John  Cadwalader  and 
Colonel  Lambert  Cadwalader.  Her  brother-in-law,  General  Philemon  Dickinson, 
of  Trenton,  commanded  at  the  Millstone,  and  also  the  Jersey  militia  at  the  battle 
of  Monmouth,  and  her  cousin,  John  Dickinson,  was  the  author  of  the  celebrated 
"Farmers'  Letters."  George  Clymer,  the  signer,  was  Mrs.  Read's  uncle  by  mar- 
riage. John  Read  left  one  son,  John  M.  Read,  of  Philadelphia,  Who  was  born  in 
that  city  July  21st,  1797,  graduated  at  the  University  of  Pennsylvania  at  the  early 
age  of  fifteen,  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1818.  In  1823  he  was  elected  a 
member  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  Pennsylvania.  He  was  re-elected  in 
1824.  Soon  after  he  was  appointed  City  Solicitor.  Having  been  elected  a  member 
of  the  City  Select  Council,  "  he  presented,  in  a  forcible  and  luminous  speech,  the 


GEORGE    READ.  547 

grandfather,  Reese  Meredith,  was  the  first  private  gentleman  of  whose 
hospitalities  Washington  partook  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia. 

George  Bead  gave  early  indications  of  a  vigorous  intellect,  and  was 
sent  to  a  seminary  at  Chester,  in  the  province  of  Pennsylvania,  where 
he  was  thoroughly  grounded  in  the  rudiments  of  the  learned  languages. 
From  this  school  he  was  removed  to  New  London,  in  the  same  pro- 
vince, and  "was  placed  under  the  care  of  that  celebrated  teacher,  the 
Eeverend  Doctor  Francis  Alison,  a  graduate  of  the  University  of 
Glasgow,  and  reputed  to  be  the  best  classical  scholar  in  America. 

first  connected  view  ever  given  to  the  public  r.f  the  operations  of  the  financial 
department  of  the  city  government."  He  also  prepared  an  Address  to  the  people 
of  Pennsylvania  on  the  subject  of  the  Amendment  of  the  Constitution,  which  was 
adopted  at  a  town  meeting  held  in  Philadelphia,  and  having  been  circulated  through- 
out the  state,  furnished  the  basis  of  the  scheme  of  reform,  which  was  afterwards 
ratified  by  the  people.  Soon  after  the  election  of  Mr.  Yan  Buren,  Mr.  Read  was 
appointed  United  States  District  Attorney  for  the  Eastern  District  of  Pennsylva- 
nia, and  held  the  office  till  the  3d  March,  1841.  While  District  Attorney,  he  was 
appointed  by  the  Secretary  of  War,  Judge  Advocate  of  the  Court  of  Enquiry  upon 
Commodore  Elliott.  In  1845,  he  was  nominated  to  the  Senate  as  a  Judge  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States.  In  1846,  Mr.  Read  was  appointed  Attorney- 
General  of  Pennsylvania,  but  resigned  the  following  year.  In  1851  he  was  engaged 
in  the  celebrated  trial  of  The  United  States  vs.  Hanway,  for  treason.  "His  speech 
was  never  fully  reported.  If  it  had  been,  says  a  competent  authority,  it  would  have 
settled  the  law  of  treason  in  the  United  States  for  the  present  century."  In  1858 
he  was  elected  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Pennsylvania.  An  extended  bio- 
graphy of  Judge  Read  may  be  found  in  Savage's  "  Representative  Men,"  containing 
''memoirs  of  those  who  were  prominently  suggested  for  the  Presidency  of  the 
United  States  in  1860." 

William  Read,  brother  of  John  Read,  was  born  in  Delaware,  Oct.  10,  1767,  and 
was  Consul  for  Italy  and  Sicily,  resident  in  Philadelphia.  He  married,  22d  Sept., 
1796,  Ann  McCall,  daughter  of  Archibald  McCall  and  his  wife  Judith  Kemble,  of 
Mt.  Kemble,  N.  J.  His  son,  George  Read,  for  many  years  Consul  at  Malaga, 
resides  in  Philadelphia,  and  is  unmarried. 

Wm.  T.  Read,  of  New  Castle,  Delaware,  is  the  son  of  the  Hon.  George  Read,  2d. 
Like  his  distinguished  father,  he  is  a  gentleman  of  cultivated  tastes,  and  scholarly 
habits.  He  has  served  in  both  branches  of  the  Delaware  Legislature,  was  early  in 
life  Secretary  of  Legation  to  Caesar  A.  Rodney,  and  is  now  Vice-President  of  the 
Delaware  Historical  Society. 


548  GEORGE    READ. 

Among  the  fellow  pupils  of  Mr.  Read  were  Charles  Thompson,  the 
first  Secretary  of  Congress,  Ilugh  Williamson,  a  member  of  that  body 
from  North  Carolina,  and  Doctor  Ewing,  Provost  of  the  University 
of  Pennsylvania,  eminent  as  a  mathematician  and  astronomer. 

At  the  close  of  his  seventeenth  year,  having  completed  with  great 
credit  the  course  of  studies  under  Dr.  Alison,  Mr.  Read,  with  his  inti- 
mate friend  and  connection,  John  Dickinson,  author  of  the  "  Farmer's 
Letters,"  commenced  the  study  of  the  law  in  the  office  of  John  Moland, 
Esq.,  a  distinguished  lawyer  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia.  It  required 
more  intense  application  at  that  period  than  at  present  to  qualify  a 
young  man  for  admission  at  the  bar,  and  Mr.  Read  addressed  himself 
with  ardor  to  the  study  of  his  profession.  The  student  was  not  then 
assisted  by  digests,  abridgments,  and  excellent  elementary  treatises 
on  every  ramification  of  the  law.  The  excessive  toil  which,  at  that 
day,  was  requisite  for  the  attainment  of  legal  knowledge,  was  well 
calculated  to  form  habits  on  which  were  founded  the  most  certain 
presages  of  eminence  at  the  bar,  and  erudition  on  the  bench.  Hence 
Mr.  Read  was  conspicuous  in  after  life  for  research  and  accuracy; 
and  the  margins  of  almost  every  book  in  the  extensive  library  which 
he  possessed  are  covered  with  his  notes.  The  confidence  reposed  by 
Mr.  Moland  in  the  abilities  of  his  young  student  was  so  great,  that 
Jong  before  the  term  of  his  studies  had  expired,  he  intrusted  to  him 
his  docket,  and  confided  to  him  all  his  attorney's  business.  Indeed, 
the  talents,  industry,  and  zeal  of  Mr.  Read,  while  in  the  office  of  Mr. 
Moland,  generated  an  attachment  towards  his  pupil  stronger  and  more 
permanent  than  the  relation  of  lawyer  and  student  usually  produces.1 

In  the  year  1753  Mr.  Read  was  admitted  to  the  bar,  at  the  early 
age  of  nineteen  years.  By  the  then  existing  laws  of  Maryland,  and 
the  three  lower  counties  on  Delaware,  he  was,  as  eldest  son,  entitled 
to  two  shares  of  his  father's  property.  His  first  act,  after  his  admis- 
sion to  the  bar,  was  to  relinquish  by  deed  all  claim  upon  his  father's 
estate,  generously  assigning  as  the  reason  for  this  relinquishment,  that 
he  had  received  his  full  portion  in  the  expenses  incurred  by  his  edu- 

1  Mr.  Moland's  daughter  married  an  English  nobleman.  Several  of  her  letters, 
still  in  existence,  reveal  the  high  regard  in  which  Mr.  Read  was  held  both  by  herself 
and  her  family.  On  a  map  of  Philadelphia  by  N.  Scull  and  G.  Heap,  published  in 
1750,  Mr.  Moland's  country-seat  is  shown  five  miles  distant  from  the  State  House, 
on  the  old  "Frankfurt"  Road. 


GEORGE    READ.  549 

cation,  and  that  it  'would  be  a  fraud  upon  his  brothers  not  to  renounce 
his  legal  right. 

In  the  year  1754,  he  settled  in  Newcastle,  and  commenced  the 
practice  of  the  law,  in  the  then  three  lower  counties  on  Delaware,  and 
the  adjacent  ones  of  Maryland.  He  found  himself  in  the  midst  of 
powerful  competitors  —  men  of  great  talents,  and  consummate  law- 
yers— among,  whom  were  John  Ross,  then  attorney-general,  Benjamin 
Chew,  George  Ross,  John  Dickinson,  and  Thomas  M'Kean.  To  have 
rapidly  obtained  full  practice  among  such  competitors  is,  of  itself, 
sufficient  praise.  On  the  30th  of  April,  1768,  he  succeeded  John  Ross 
as  attorney-general  for  the  three  lower  counties  on  Delaware.  He 
was  the  first  attorney-general  expressly  appointed  for  these  counties; 
as,  before  this  period,  the  attorney-general  of  Pennsylvania  was  the 
prosecuting  officer  in  Delaware.  Mr.  Read  held  this  office  until  he 
was  elected  a  delegate  to  the  congress  of  1775;  he  then  resigned  it, 
declaring  that  he  would  not  enter  upon  the  duties  of  a  representative 
in  that  august  body,  trammelled  with  an  office  held  from  His  Britan- 
nic Majesty. 

Mr.  Read's  wide  reputation  as  a  lawyer  of  great  abilities  and  re- 
search, led  to  his 'being  retained  as  counsel  quite  frequently  by  the 
representatives  of  government  in  the  other  colonies ;  while  his  un- 
swerving integrity,  his  profound  legal  knowledge,  his  solidity  of 
judgment,  and  his  habits  of  close  and  clear  reasoning,  gave  him  an 
unrivalled  influence  with  juries  and  judges. 

His  attainments  outside  of  his  profession  were  varied  and  exten- 
sive. His  refined  and  cultivated  tastes  were  evinced  by  his  intimate 
acquaintance  with  artistic  and  scientific  subjects,  as  well  as  by  the 
thorough  knowledge  which  he  possessed  of  classical  and  miscellaneous 
literature. 

On  the  11th  of  January,  1763,  Mr.  Read  married  a  daughter  of  the 
Rev.  George  Ross,1  who  had  been,  during  fifty  years,  rector  of  Im- 
manuel  Church,  in  the  town  of  Newcastle.  It  was  one  of  his  favorite 
maxims,  that  men  ambitious  of  arriving  at  the  acme  of  their  profes- 

1  John  Ross,  attorney-general  of  Pennsylvania,  George  Ross,  the  signer,  and 
the  Rev.  iEneas  Ross,  were  Mrs.  Read's  brothers.  One  of  her  sisters  married  Ed- 
ward Biddle,  who  was  Speaker  of  the  Pennsylvania  legislative  body  in  1774,  and  a 
member  of  congress  in  the  following  year;  another  sister  married  General  William 
Thompson,  the  distinguished  revolutionary  officer. 


550  GEORGE    READ. 

sions,  should  never  marry;  but  his  good  sense  tauglit  him  that  the 
sacrifice  of  domestic  enjoyment  would  be  inadequately  compensated 
by  the  highest  honors.  The  understanding  of  Mrs.  Read,  naturally 
strong,  was  carefully  cultivated  by  her  father,  who  bestowed  more 
attention  upon  her  instruction  than  it  was  the  common  lot  of  females, 
at  that  period,  to  receive.  Iler  person  was  beautiful,  her  manners 
elegant,  and  her  piety  exemplary.  During  the  revolutionary  struggle, 
her  trials  were  many  and  severe.  The  enemy,  constantly  on  the  mari- 
time border  of  Delaware,  kept  the  state  in  perpetual  alarm  by  preda- 
tory incursions:  the  British  army,  at  different  periods,  occupied  parts 
of  her  territory,  or  marched  through  it.  Frequent  change  of  habita- 
tion was  not  one  of  the  least  evils  which  accompanied  the  war  of  the 
revolution.  Mrs.  Head  was  almost  always  separated  from  her  hus- 
band, who  was  unremittingly  engaged  in  the  public  service.  She  was 
often  compelled  to  fly  from  her  abode,  at  a  moment's  warning,  with  a 
large  and  infant  family.  But  she  never  was  dejected;  instead  of 
increasing  the  heavy  burden  of  a  statesman's  care  by  her  complaints, 
she  animated  his  fortitude  by  her  firmness. 

The  domestic  enjoyments  of  Mr.  Read  were  soon  interrupted  by  the 
contest  which,  in  1765,  commenced  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
colonies.  As  Mr.  Read  held  an  office  under  the  British  government, 
and  possessed  great  and  acknowledged  influence,  his  adherence  to  the 
English  ministers  would,  no  doubt,  have  insured  him  a  share  in  the 
preferments  and  pecuniary  rewards  lavishly  bestowed  upon  those  who 
supported  the  schemes  of  oppression  which  they  had  planned;  but 
his  patriotism  and  integrity  induced  him  to  take  a  decided  part  with 
those  who  opposed  the  aggressions  of  parliament,  as  soon  as  the  dis- 
putes between  the  colonies  and  the  mother  country  commenced.  It 
was  not  vanity,  but  a  proper  estimate  of  his  own  abilities,  and  the 
knowledge  that  they  were  duly  appreciated  by  his  fellow-citizens, 
which  assured  him  that  he  would  be  called  upon  to  act  an  important 
part  in  the  momentous  drama,  as  soon  as  his  sentiments  became  known. 
He  well  knew  that  the  post  of  leader,  whether  civil  or  military,  was 
at  once  the  post  of  danger  and  the  place  of  honor.  Success  was  prob- 
lematical, and  he  could  not  doubt  that  the  British  ministers,  embittered 
by  opposition,  and  flushed  by  victory,  would  single  out  as  victims, 
those  who  had  been  most  active  and  influential  in  opposing  their 
designs.  Clemency  was  little  to  be  expected  where  vengeance  could 
be  exercised  under  the  guise  of  policy.     But  neither  interest  nor  fear 


GEORGE    READ.  551 

could  divert  him  from  taking  the  course  "which  he  believed  to  be  right, 
and  once  taken,  "inflexible  in  faith,"  he  never  swerved  from  it. 

In  October,  1765,  he  took  his  seat  in  the  general  assembly  of  Del- 
aware, as  one  of  the  representatives  from  Newcastle  county,  which 
station  he  continued  to  occupy  during  the  twelve  ensuing  years.  Mr. 
Read  was  one  of  the  committees  which  reported  the  numerous  ad- 
dresses made  to  George  the  Third  by  the  Delaware  legislature,  on 
behalf  of  their  constituents,  and  which  merit  the  encomiums  so  de- 
servedly bestowed  upon  our  revolutionary  state  papers.  He  was  also 
active  and  prominent  in  urging  the  non-importation  agreement;  and, 
as  chairman  of  the  general  committee  for  its  enforcement,  rendered 
valuable  services  to  the  cause. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  inhabitants  of  Newcastle  county,  on  the  twenty- 
ninth  of  June,  1774,  Mr.  Read  was  appointed,  with  twelve  other  per- 
sons, to  conduct  a  subscription  for  the  relief  of  the  poor  inhabitants 
of  Boston,  who  were  deprived  of  the  usual  means  of  subsistence  by 
the  act  of  parliament  commonly  called  the  Boston  port  bill.  The 
people  eagerly  adopted  this  mode  of  manifesting  their  abhorrence  of 
a  cruel  and  ineffectual  act  of  despotism,  and  their  sympathy  with 
those  whom  it  reduced  to  want.  In  February,  1775,  Mr.  Eead  remit- 
ted nine  hundred  dollars  to  the  Boston  committee,  being  the  amount 
of  subscriptions  in  Newcastle  county. 

On  the  first  of  August,  1774,  Mr.  Bead  was  elected  by  the  general 
assembly  of  Delaware,  together  with  Coesar  Rodney,  and  Thomas 
M'Kean,  to  represent  that  state  in  the  American  congress,  which  met 
in  the  month  of  September  in  Philadelphia.  Mr.  Read  represented 
the  state  of  Delaware  in  congress  during  the  whole  revolutionary 
war,  with  the  exception  of  a  short  interval,  when  by  virtue  of  his 
office  of  vice-president,  he  acted  as  her  chief  magistrate,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  capture  of  President  M'Kiuley  immediately  after  the 
battle  of  Brandywine. 

In  the  year  1775,  the  decisive  appeal  to  arms  was  made.  "While 
Mr.  Read,  in  conjunction  with  the  sages  of  congress,  was  giving  tone 
and  direction  to  the  ardour  of  our  armies,  three  of  his  family  were 
asserting  the  liberty  of  their  country  in  the  field ;  'Commodore  Thomas 

1  Com.  Thomas  Read,  a  brother  of  George  Read,  was  bom  on  the  family  estate 
in  Delaware  in  the  year  1740.  On  the  10th  October,  177G,  he  stood  eighth  on  the 
Continental  Navy  List,  and  was  assigned  to  the  command  of  the  "  George  Wash- 

59 


552  GEORGE    READ. 

Bead,  of  the  continental  navy,  Colonel  Read,'  a  brave  and  experi- 
enced officer,  and  Colonel,  afterwards  General  Thompson,  who  had 
married  the  sister  of  Mrs.  Read. 

The  momentous  subject  of  independence,  which  occupied  the  atten 
tion  of  congress  early  in  1776,  did  not  prevent  Mr.  Read  from  taking 
an  active  part  in  the  affairs  of  his  state.  Whenever  it  was  practicable 
to  leave,  with  propriety,  his  post  in  congress,  he  repaired  to  Delaware, 
not  to  enjoy  in  the  bosom  of  his  family  the  repose  he  so  much  needed, 
and  a  respite  from  his  patriotic  toils,  but  to  employ  his  talents  and 
his  influence  wherever  they  could  prove  most  serviceable  to  the  state. 
The  American  senator  did  not  disdain  the  duties  of  a  member  of  the 
committee  of  safety,  and,  in  the  year  1775,  he  shouldered  his  musket 
in  the  ranks  of  the  militia,  refusing  the  highest  commission,  which  he 
was  urged  to  accept. 

In  the  month  of  May,  1776,  Mr.  Read  was  among  the  multitude  of 
his  fellow-citizens  who  witnessed  the  attack  made  by  the  row-galleys 
upon  the  Roebuck  and  Liverpool  frigates,  off  the  mouth  of  Christiana 
creek.  In  the  heat  of  the  engagement,  the  attention  of  many  among 
the  innumerable  spectators  who  lined  the  shores  of  the  Delaware,  was 
diverted  from  the  novel  spectacle  of  a  naval  combat,  by  a  militia 
major,  who  rode  at  full  speed  among  them,  threw  himself  from  his 
horse,  which  he  let  loose  among  the  crowd,  and  entreated  to  be  put 
on  board  of  one  of  the  galleys.  With  much  difficulty,  he  persuaded 
two  men  to  put  off  in  a  boat  with  him.     He  steered  directly  for  the 

ington,"  32  gun  frigate,  one  of  the  six  largest  vessels  in  the  service.  In  the  early 
part  of  the  revolutionary  war,  when  by  reason  of  the  ice  he  was  unable  to  get  to 
sea,  he  served  with  the  army  in  New  Jersey  on  shore.  He  was  present  at  the  bat- 
tle of  Trenton,  and  commanded  the  guns  which  raked  the  stone  bridge  across  the 
Assanpink.  After  the  war  he  commanded  the  frigate  "Alliance,"  and  in  1787,  with 
her,  he  effected,  for  the  first  time,  the  out-of-season  passage  to  China.  Com.  Read 
resided  at  Whitehill,  near  Bordentown,  N.  J.,  and  his  mansion  was  for  many  years 
the  seat  of  much  elegant  hospitality.  Com.  Read  was  a  member  of  the  Society  of 
the  Cincinnati.  He  died  in  1789,  leaving  no  descendants.  His  portrait  represents 
him  as  a  handsome  man,  with  a  refined  expression. 

1  Col.  James  Read,  also  a  brother  of  George  Read,  was  born  in  1743.  He  served 
with  great  credit  at  the  battles  of  Trenton.  Princeton,  Brandywinc,  and  German- 
town.  He  was  with  Gen.  "Washington  when  he  crossed  the  Delaware  ou  Christmas 
night,  1776.  He  was  for  many  years  a  member  of  the  Supreme  Executive  Council 
of  Pennsylvania. 


GEORGE    READ.  553 

galley  nearest  the  enemy,  and,  as  soon  as  he  reached  her  deck,  sta- 
tioned himself  at  a  gun.  The  cartridges  failed:  cartridge  paper  was 
called  for  to  make  a  supply,  but  it  was  all  expended:  the  gallant 
major  instantly  pulled  off  his  boots,  out  off  their  feet,  filled  them  with 
powder,  and  rammed  them  into  his  gun.  When  he  returned  home, 
he  boasted  that  he  had  not  only  been  in  the  engagement,  but  had  fired 
his  boots  at  the  enemy. 

When  the  Virginia  motion  of  June  the  7th,  1776,  to  declare  inde- 
pendence, was  in  debate  in  the  committee  of  the  whole,  Mr.  Read 
was  not  in  favor  of  the  immediate  passage  of  the  resolution.  This 
arose  from  no  dislike  to  the  measure  itself,  but  had  its  origin  in  his 
sincere  belief  that  it  was  at  that  particular  moment  premature. 
When,  however,  the  resolution  had  received  the  sanction  of  congress, 
he  firmly  and  zealously  supported  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
and  heartily  joined  the  other  delegates  in  signing  that  immortal 
document.  Having  pledged  his  life,  his  fortune,  and  his  sacred 
honor  in  support  of  its  principles,  George  Read  never  swerved  a 
hair's  breadth  from  the  path  of  duty,  nor  faltered  for  an  instant  in  his 
devotion  to  the  liberties  of  his  country. 

Soon  after  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  Joseph  Galloway  ob- 
served to  Mr.  Eead  that  he  had  signed  it  with  a  halter  about  his 
neck;  Mr.  Eead  replied  that  it  was  a  measure  demanded  by  the 
crisis,  and  he  was  prepared  to  meet  any  consequences  which  might 
ensue. 

In  September,  1776,  he  was  president  of  the  convention  which 
formed  the  first  constitution  of  Delaware.  In  the  autumn  of  1777, 
he  was  compelled  to  assume  the  arduous  and  responsible  duties  of* 
chief  magistrate  of  the  state,  in  consequence  of  the  capture  of 
President  M'Kinley  by  a  detachment,  of  British  troops,  immediately 
after  the  battle  of  Brandywine.  The  first  presidency  of  the  State 
had  been  offered  for  his  acceptance,  but  he  declined  the  honor. 

At  the  time  of  Mr.  M'Kinley's  capture,  Mr.  Eead  was  at  Phila- 
delphia, assisting  in  the  deliberations  of  Congress.  He  left  that  city 
as  the  British  army  entered  it,  and  while  returning  to  Delaware 
for  the  purpose  of  assuming  the  presidency,  thus  forced  upon  him, 
he  narrowly  escaped  the  misfortune  which  had  befallen  President 
M'Kinley.  It  was  impracticable  to  pass  from  Philadelphia  to  Dela- 
ware on  the  western  side  of  the  river,  as  the  British  occupied  the 
whole  pass  into  the  peninsula.     Necessity,  therefore,  compelled  him 


554  GEORGE    READ. 

to  proceed  along  the  Jersey  shore  of  the  river,  and  brave  the  risk 
of  crossing  it,  although  almost  covered  with  the  ships  of  the  enemy. 
On  the  thirteenth  of  October,  1777,  Mr.  Read  arrived  at  Salem,  in 
New  Jersey,  and  procured  a  boat  to  convey  himself  and  family 
across  the  Delaware,  there  about  five  miles  wide.  At  this  time, 
there  were  several  British  men  of  war  lying  at  anchor  off  New- 
castle. When  the  boat  had  almost  attained  the  Delaware  shore, 
she  was  descried  by  the  enemy,  who  immediately  despatched  an 
armed  barge  in  pursuit  of  her.  The  tide  being,  unfortunately,  low, 
the  boat  grounded  so  far  from  the  beach  that  it  was  impossible  for 
Mr.  Read  to  land  with  his  family  before  their  pursuers  arrived. 
There  was  only  time  to  efface  every  mark  on  the  baggage  which 
could  excite  any  suspicion  that  Mr.  Read  was  not,  as  he  repre- 
sented himself,  a  country  gentleman,  returning  to  his  home.  The 
officer  who  commanded  the  boat  was  of  no  higher  rank  than  that  of 
boatswain ;  and  the  presence  of  Mr.  Read's  mother,  wife,  and 
infant  children,  gave  sufficient  probability  to  his  story  to  deceive 
sailors,  who  like  all  thoughtless  persons,  are  little  prone  to  suspect 
deception.  The  honest-hearted  fellows  assisted  with  great  good 
humour  in  landing  the  baggage,  and  carrying  the  ladies  and 
children  on  shore. 

The  nice  balance  of  political  power  which  our  constitution  has  so 
admirably  adjusted  between  the  general  and  state  governments, was 
not,  in  the  day  of  revolution,  regarded:  hence  Mr.  Read  was,  at 
that  time,  a  delegate  in  congress,  as  well  as  vice  president  of  the 
state  of  Delaware. 

The  duty  which  the  subject  of  our  memoir  was  now  called  upon 
to  perform,  was  most  arduous.  The  situation  of  affairs,  in  general, 
was  gloomy.  These  were,  indeed,  in  the  classic  language  of  the 
revolution,  the  times  that  tried  men's  souls:  the  battle  of  Brandy- 
wine  had  been  lost;  the  British  had  entered  Philadelphia;  the 
battle  of  Germantown  followed;  the  fathers  of  our  country  were  at 
York;  and  our  brave  countrymen  in  arms,  naked  and  houseless, 
were  exposed  to  the  storms  of  winter  at  the  Valley  Forge.  No 
consolation  could  be  derived  by  Mr.  Read,  from  a  view  of  the  state 
of  things  in  his  more  peculiar  department:  Sussex  county  was  but 
slowly  recovering  from  the  intestine  war  which  foreign  emissaries 
had  kindled  among  her  deluded  inhabitants,  and  obstinate  men  of 
opposite  opinions  as  to  the  expediency  of  laws,  chose  to  obey  such 
only  as  they  thought  proper.  Yet,  under  these  discouraging  cir- 
cumstances, the  firmness  of  Mr.  Read  remained  unshaken,  and   he 


GEORGE    READ.  555 

employed  every  moans  which  his  abilities  and  influence  afforded,  to 
conciliate  or  destroy  the  discordant  opinions  that  threatened  to  be- 
come so  inimical  to  the  welfare  of  the  state. 

On  the  third  of  February,  1779,  Mr.  M'lvean  laid  before  congress 
sundry  resolutions  adopted  by  the  council  of  Delaware  in  the  pre- 
ceding month  of  January,  relative  to  the  articles  of  confederation 
and  perpetual  union,  and  concurred  in  by  the  house  of  assembly, 
previously  to  the  passage  of  a  law  empowering  their  delegates  to 
sign  and  ratify  them.  Mr.  Read,  one  of  the  committee  appointed 
to  take  these  articles  into  consideration,  prepared  the  resolutions  : 
their  insertion  at  this  time,  therefore,  will  not  only  afford  an 
example  of  the  political  style  of  Mr.  Read,  but  the  able  opinion 
of  a  sound  lawyer  upon  a  matter  of  deep  interest. 

"  '  The  committee,  to  whom  were  referred  the  articles  of  confeder- 
ation proposed  by  congress  for  a  union  of  the  states  of  America,  do 
report  thereon  as  follows  : 

'"That  having  duly  considered  the  said  articles,  they  generally  ap- 
prove of  the  same,  but  that  there  arc  particular  parts  of  the  eighth 
and  ninth  articles  liable  to  just  and  strong  objections;  and,  should 
they  continue  unaltered,  will,  in  the  opinion  of  your  committee,  prove 
prejudicial  in  their  effects  not  only  to  this  state,  but  to  the  general 
confederacy. 

"  '  That  part  of  the  eighth  article  objected  to,  and  disapproved  of, 
by  your  committee,  is  the  manner  prescribed  for  the  supply  of  a 
common  treasury  by  the  several  states; — to  wit:  "in  proportion  to 
the  value  of  land  within  each  state  granted  to  or  surveyed  for 
any  person,  as  such  land,  and  the  buildings  and  improvements  there- 
on, shall  be  estimated,  according  to  such  mode  as  the  United  States, 
in  congress  assembfed  shall  from  time  to  time  direct  and  appoint." 
Such  valuation,  in  any  mode  that  we  can  suppose  to  produce  equality, 
appears  to  your  committee  an  impracticable  thing  ;  but  if  not,  it  will 
be  attended  with  so  great  expense  of  money  and  time,  and  that  to 
be  frequently  repeated  from  the  sudden  alterations  in  the  value  of 
such  property,  that  your  committee  think  the  establishing  the  propor- 
tion of  each  state  by  the  number  of  its  inhabitants,  of  every  age,  sex, 
and  quality,  would  prove  a  more  equal  and  less  expensive  mode  of 
ascertaining  such  proportion. 

"  '  Your  committee  also  consider  the  confining  such  valuation  to  the 
granted  or  surveyed  lands  as  inequitable,  as  they  conceive  the  lands 
not  yet  granted  have  a  value,  and,  if  so,  they  ought  to  contribute 
pro  rata  towards   the  discharge  of  the  great   debt   created   by  the 


556  GEORGE    READ. 

states,  tinder  their  past  united  efforts  in  the  protection  of  that  species 
of  property  in  common  with  others:  unless  all  the  ungranted  lands 
shall  be  considered  as  jointly  to  belong  to  the  United  States,  as  con- 
quered at  the  common  expense  of  blood  and  treasure,  and  which 
your  committee  consider  they  ought  to  be,  on  every  principle  of  jus- 
tice and  sound  policy,  and  that  joint  right  expressed  in  the  articles 
in  as  clear  and  precise  terms,  as  that  the  'bills  of  credit  emitted, 
money  borrowed,  and  debts  contracted,  by  or  under  the  authority 
of  congress,  shall  be  deemed  and  considered  as  a  charge  against 
the  United  States.'  But  this  joint  right,  your  committee  apprehend, 
may  hereafter  be  said  to  be  resigned  to  each  state  wherein  such 
lands  lie,  by  certain  parts  of,  and  expressions  in,  the  ninth  article 
disapproved  of  by  your  committee;  to  wit  :  by  the  words  'provided 
also,  that  no  state  shall  be  deprived  of  territory  for  the  benefit  of  the 
United  States,'  at  the  latter  end  of  the  second  section;  and  those 
words  in  the  fourth  section,  which  prescribes  the  powers  of  congress  ; 
viz  :  'regulating  the  trade,  and  managing  all  affairs  with  the  In- 
dians, not  members  of  any  of  the  states,  provided  that  the  legislative 
right  of  any  state  within  its  own  limits  be  not  infringed  or  violated.' 
"'From  the  vague  and  extravagant  descriptions  of  some  of  the 
states,  in  the  first  grants  or  charters  for  government,  their  claims 
for  western  limits  have  been  to  the  southern  ocean,  including  coun- 
tries partially  possessed  by  the  kings  of  France  and  Spain.  The 
provisional  expressions  in  the  article  above  mentioned,  your  com- 
mittee apprehend,  may  and  will  be  insisted  to  mean  an  admission 
of  the  extent  of  their  respective  limits,  westward  to  the  said  sea, 
and  all  the  ungranted  lands  within  those  limits,  state  territory,  and 
solely  in  the  disposition  of  the  states  claiming  those  limits,  though, 
heretofore,  considered  as  belonging  to  the  crown  of  Great  Britain, 
and  occasionally  granted  under  that  authority,  with  reservation  of 
rents  to  a  great  amount.  Such  admission,  your  committee  appre- 
hend ought  not  to  be;  for  that  it  will  appropriate  that  to  individual 
states,  which  hath  been,  or  may  be,  acquired  by  the  arms  of  the 
states-general,  and  will  furnish  such  individual  state  with  a  fund  of 
wealth  and  strength,  which  may  prompt  them  to  subdue  their  weaker 
neighbours,  and  eventually  destroy  the  fabric  we  are  now  raising.  To 
prevent  which  consequences,  your  committee  are  of  opinion  that  not 
only  the  joint  right  in  the  ungranted  land  should  be  expressed  as 
before  mentioned,  but  that  a  moderate  extent  of  limits  beyond  the 
present  settlements  in  each  of  those  states,  should  be  provided  for 
ir  the  said  articles. 


GEORGE    READ.  557 

"  'Your  committee  also  object  to,  and  disapprove  of,  the  whole  of 
the  second  edition  of  the  ninth  article  aforesaid,  as  destroying  and 
taking  away  that  legal  jurisdiction  of  the  courts  of  law  established 
within  this  state  for  determining  controversies  concerning  private 
rights  in  lands  within  the  same,  without  fixing  with  precision  another 
jurisdiction  for  the  purpose.'" 

Mr.  Read  also  prepared  the  act  of  assembly  which  empowered 
the  delegates  from  Delaware  to  ratify  the  articles  of  confederation. 

On  the  eighteenth  of  August,  1779,  he  was  compelled,  from  ill- 
health,  to  resign  his  seat  in  the  legislature  :  in  his  address  to  the 
freeholders  of  Newcastle  county,  he  observes  that  "he  had  served 
them  in  their  general  assembly  for  the  twelve  preceding  years,  with- 
out any  solicitation  on  his  part ;"  that  "  he  was  in  earnest  in  de- 
clining, and  did  not  wish  to  be  courted  to  continue  in  their  service, 
having  no  sinister  ends  or  views  to  answer  by  this  step,  which  ha  1 
been  suspected  to  have  been  the  case  of  some  who  had  given  notices 
of  the  like  kind  heretofore."  In  1780,  however,  he  again  devoted 
his  services  to  the  state  in  the  legislature  of  Delaware. 

On  the  fifth  of  December,  1782,  Mr.  Read  was  appointed  one 
of  the  judges  of  the  court  of  appeals  in  admiralty  cases.  This  ap- 
pointment was  announced  to  him  in  the  most  flattering  manner,  by 
Mr.  Buudinot,  then  president  of  congress,  and  afterwards  the  vene- 
rable president  of  the  Bible  society.  This  office  was  filled  by  Mr. 
Read  until  the  abolition  of  the  court. 

In  January,  1785,  he  was  appointed,  by  congress,  one  of  the 
commissioners,  who  constituted  a  federal  court  created  by  that  body, 
conformably  with  the  petitions  of  the  states  of  New  York  and  Mas- 
sachusetts, for  the  purpose  of  determining  a  controversy  which  had 
arisen  in  relation  to  territory.  In  1786,  he  was  nominated,  by  the 
legislature  of  Delaware,  as  one  of  their  delegates  to  Annapolis,  to 
consult  with  commissioners  from  the  other  states,  relative  to  the 
formation  of  a  system  of  commercial  regulations  for  the  union.  In 
1787,  he  was  a  member  of  the  convention  which  framed  the  con- 
stitution of  the  United  States.  Immediately  after  the  adoption  of 
the  constitution,  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  senate  of  the  United 
States. 

In  1792,  the  sentiments  of  Mr.  Read  in  relation  to  the  abilities 
and  integrity  of  John  Adams,  of  whom  he  entertained  a  high 
opinion,  were  fully  developed  in  the  following  communication 
addressed  to  Gunning  Bedford,  who  married  the  only  sister  of 
Mr.  Read,  and  was  subsequently  governor  of  the    state  of  Dela- 


558  GEORGE    READ. 

ware :  it  is  dated  at  Philadelphia,  on  the  thirtieth  of  Novem- 
ber, 1792. 

"Dear  sir — Recollecting  that  on  Wednesday  next  you  meet  your 
I  wo  colleagues  as  electors  of  president  and  vice  president  of  the 
United  States,  I  have  supposed  that  you  would  expect  some  infor- 
mation from  me  respecting  Mr.  Adams,  the  present  vice  president, 
as  to  his  conduct  in  the  chair  of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States, 
since  so  much  pains  have  been  taken  in  the  public  prints  of  the 
present  year,  to  raise  a  general  prejudice  against  him,  in  expectation 
of  preventing  his  re-election. 

"  It  is  but  a  piece  of  justice,  due  to  Mr.  Adams,  for  me  to  say 
that  as  chairman  of  the  house  of  congress,  of  which  I  am  a  member 
from  the  Delaware  state,  his  conduct  at  all  times  since  his  being 
placed  there,  hath  appeared  to  me  attentive,  upright,  fair,  and  un- 
exceptionable, and  his  attendance  at  the  daily  meetings  of  the  se- 
nate, uncommonly  exact.  As  to  his  having  abilities  equal  to  that 
station,  none  of  his  detractors  insinuate  a  want  thereof,  and  any 
thing  on  that  head  from  me  must  be  unnecessary.  His  various  po- 
litical publications  sufficiently  evidence  such  ability. 

"With  respect  to  the  objections  to  him,  which  I  have  heard  or 
seen  on  paper,  they  principally  existed  previously  to  his  former 
election,  at  which,  you  well  know,  his  popularity  was  such  as  to  in- 
duce a  portion  of  electors  in  each  state  of  the  union  to  throw  away 
their  votes,  (but  not  to  be  done  now  by  those  who  wish  his  re-elec- 
tion,) by  applying  them  to  names  not  with  a  view  to  their  return, 
but  in  order  to  secure  the  presidency  to  General  Washington.  The 
present  change  of  sentiment,  therefore,  with  respect  to  Mr.  Adams, 
is  not  easy  to  be  accounted  for  at  a  distance  from  the  central  scene. 
I  have  supposed  the  clamour  raised  against  Mr.  Adams,  to  have 
proceeded  from  a  personal  dislike  of  an  individual,  contracted,  per- 
haps, before  the  adoption  of  the  present  federal  system  ;  as  well  as 
from  the  general  jealousy  that  such  of  the  southern  states  as  are 
most  interested  in  the  future  seat  of  the  federal  government,  enter- 
tain of  the  possibility,  or  probability,  of  its  being  changed  through 
the  influence  of  an  eastern  character,  in  high  station. 

"  Some  pretend  an  opinion  that  a  rotation  in  office  is  a  salutary 
thing  in  republican  governments  ;  but  this  has  always  appeared  tc 
me  an  insincere  reason  urged  by  those  who  use  it ;  but  this,  per- 
haps, because  my  sentiments  have,  at  all  times,  been  uniformly  other- 
wise: to  wit ;  that  when  a  fit  character  hath  been  selected  for  office, 
either  by  the  people  or  by  their  executive  authority,  and  he  discovers 


GEORGE     READ.  5-39 

such  fitness  by  au  able  discharge  of  duty  for  a  time,  such  person 
hath  a  reasonable  claim  to  an  after-continuance  in  office ;  and  I 
consider  it  as  conducing  to  the  interests  of  the  community,  for 
whom  such  officer  acts,  by  means  of  the  improved  knowledge  of 
the  duties  of  office  which  he  acquires. 

"You  may  be  assured  that  what  I  have  before  said  as  to  Mr. 
Adams,  hath  not  proceeded  from  any  intimacy  subsisting  between 
us ;  for  in  the  three  past  years,  I  have  not  been  so  many  times  in 
his  residence,  exclusive  of  the  complimentary  visit  at  the  com- 
mencement of  each  session." 

Mr.  Read  continued  in  the  senate  of  the  United  States  until  Sep- 
tember, 1793,  when  he  was  appointed  chief  justice  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  state  of  Delaware.  He  performed  the  duties  of  this 
distinguished  office  with  extraordinary  ability  and  integrity,  until 
the  autumn  of  1798,  when  his  long  life  of  public  usefulness  was 
suddenly  terminated  by  a  brief  illness. 

The  perplexity  and  confusion  which  followed  the  close  of  the 
revolution,  imperiously  demanded  the  services  of  a  judge  posses- 
sing the  peculiar  qualifications  of  Mr.  Read.  His  dispassionate 
habits  of  reasoning,  his  patience  in  hearing,  his  deliberation  in 
deciding,  and  the  essential  requisites  of  profound  legal  knowledge 
which  he  possessed,  enabled  him  to  discharge  the  duties  of  his 
office  with  honor  to  himself,  and  advantage  to  the  community. 
The  courts  of  justice  at  that  period  were,  in  a  manner,  closed, 
and  the  master-spirits  of  the  age  were  to  be  found  in  the  cabinet 
or  the  camp.  Laws  were  silent  amid  the  din  of  arms.  The  duty 
of  the  judge  was  little  less  than  the  reorganization  of  a  legal 
system  out  of  chaos.  This  arduous  task  was  performed  by  Mr. 
Read  with  his  usual  ability,  and  his  decisions  are  still  reverenced 
in  the  state  of  Delaware  as  the  great  landmarks  of  the  judiciary 
and  of  the  profession. 

We  have  now  seen  this  eminent  individual  distinguishing  himself 
at  the  bar  as  a  lawyer ;  animating  his  fellow-citizens  against  op- 
pression as  a  patriot ;  taking  his  seat  in  the  national  council  as  a 
sage ;  and  presiding  on  the  bench  as  one  of  the  judges  of  the  land. 
In  all  these  lofty  stations,  exposed  to  that  strict  and  merciless  scru- 
tiny, to  which,  we  trust,  republicans  will  eversubject  men  in  office, 
no  blemish  was  discovered  in  his  conduct.  Applause  at  the  bar 
did  not,  in  him,  generate  vanity ;  success  in  political  life,  ambition  ; 
nor  the  dignity  of  the  bench,  dogmatism.  As  a  lawyer,  a  patriot, 
a  senator,  and  a  judge,  he  was  alike  unpretending,  consistent,  dig- 
59* 


560  GEORGE     READ. 

nified,  and  impartial.  His  other  peculiar  characteristics  were  an 
inflexible  integrity  of  motive  ;  a  cool  determination  of  purpose ; 
and  an  invincible  perseverance  in  the  conclusions  of  his  judg- 
ment. 

Similar  traits  were  prominent  in  the  course  of  his  private  life, 
softened,  however,  by  those  social  amenities  which  so  delightfully 
relieve  the  sterner  features  of  the  patriot  and  the  statesman.  His 
manners  were  dignified,  and  his  dignity  may  sometimes  have  bor- 
dered upon  austerity.  He  avoided  trifling  occupations,  disliked 
familiarity,  and  could  not  tolerate  the  slightest  violation  of  good 
manners,  for  which  he  was  himself  distinguished.  A  strict  and 
consistent  moralist,  he  granted  no  indulgence  to  laxity  of  prin- 
ciple in  others  ;  and  he  was  remarkably  adverse  to  that  crualified 
dependence  which  an  obligation  necessarily  produces.  .Notwith- 
standing an  exact  attention  to  his  expenditure,  which  he  never 
permitted  to  exceed  his  income,  his  pecuniary  liberality  was  very 
extensive. 

Mr.  Read  was  above  the  middle  size,  erect,  and  dignified  in  his 
demeanour;  and  he  was  remarkable  for  attention  to  personal  ar- 
rangements. 

In  fine,  he  was  an  excellent  husband,  a  good  father,  an  indul- 
gent master,  an  upright  judge,  a  just  man,  and  a  fearless  patriot. 


NOTE. 

The  mansion  of  George  Read,  at  New  Castle,  was  situated  on  the  bank  of  the 
river  Delaware,  of  which  it  commanded  an  uninterrupted  view,  and  in  the  midst 
of  extensive  gardens,  running  back  to  the  grounds  where  were  the  offices  and 
stables.  It  was  a  large  old-fashioned  house,  built  of  stone,  with  a  spacious  hall  in 
the  centre,  on  one  side  of  which  wTas  a  very  large  drawing-room  ;  and  on  the 
other,  the  library  and  dining-room;  and  still  further  in  the  rear,  the  roomy 
kitchens.  Above  were  the  sleeping  apartments.  About  the  house  bloomed  a 
profusion  of  flowers,  among  which  the  tulips  were  particularly  conspicuous  on 
account  of  their  great  variety  and  beauty.  Here  Mr.  Read  resided  for  many 
years  in  the  style  of  the  colonial  gentry,  who  maintained  a  state  and  etiquette 
which  have  long  since  disappeared. 


DUCHES   HOUSE  '  RES.  OF    GOV.  THOMAS    M    KEAN 

3  Tlui'a  St,  -ct  Phtlad»lP]„a" 


THOMAS   M'KEAN. 


The  lives  of  most  men  pass  away  unobserved,  unheeded  and 
unknown,  out  of  the  particular  family  circle  to  which  they  are  at- 
tached. Those  who  emerge  from  the  general  obscurity,  and  become 
eminent  for  their  talents  and  virtues,  are  characters  peculiarly 
adapted  for  the  delineation  of  the  historical  pencil,  because  their 
example  may  prove  useful  to  others. 

Few  of  the  splendid  luminaries  which  have  adorned  the  political 
firmament  of  the  republic,  possess  stronger  claims  to  this  distinc- 
tion than  Thomas  M'Kean.  Living  in  turbulent  and  tempestuous 
times,  beset  with  trials  and  difficulties,  frequently  assailed  by  the 
ambition,  the  envy,  and  the  malice,  of  powerful  individuals,  and  the 
flattery  or  hatred  of  different  parties,  he  served  in  public  stations 
of  government  for  the  long  term  of  fifty  years,  during  which,  he 
uniformly  retained  his  fortitude  and  integrity,  and  the  well-merited 
confidence  of  his  fellow  citizens. 

Thomas  M'Kean  was  born  on  the  nineteenth  of  March,  1734,  in 
the  township  of  New  London,  county  of  Chester,  and  the  province 
of  Pennsylvania.  His  father,  William  M'Kean,  was  a  native  of 
Ireland,  and  was  united  in  marriage,  in  this  country,  to  Laetitia  Fin- 
ney, of  the  same  nation. 

After  the  customary  elementary  education,  he  was  placed  under 
the  tuition  of  the  Rev.  Francis  Allison,  D.  D.  When  he  had  com- 
pleted the  regular  course  of  instruction  adopted  in  the  celebrated 
institution  of  Dr.  Allison,  he  went  to  Newcastle,  in  Delaware,  and 
entered  the  office  of  his  relative,  David  Finney,  as  a  student  at  law. 
In  about  two  years  from  this  time,  his  assiduity  and  good  conduct 
procured  him  the  appointment  of  deputy  prothonotary,  and  register 
for  probate  of  wills,  &c.  for  the  county  of  Newcastle,  which  he 
retained  until  he  was  twenty  years  of  age. 

Before  Mr.  M'Kean  had  attained  the  age  of  twenty-one  years,  he 
was  admitted  an  attorney  at  law.  He  soon  obtained  a  considerable 
share  of  business;  and,  in  1756,  was  admitted  to  practise,  in  the 

561 


562  THOMAS    M'KEAN. 

court  of  his  native  county  of  Chester,  and  soon  afterwards,  in  the 
city  and  county  of  Philadelphia.  In  1756,  the  attorney-general, 
who  resided  in  Philadelphia,  appointed  him  his  deputy,  to  prosecute 
the  pleas  of  the  crown  in  the  county  of  Sussex:  he  resigned  this 
office,  after  having  for  two  years  performed  its  duties  with  judgment 
and  ability.  In  1757,  he  was  admitted  to  the  bar  of  the  Supreme 
court  of  the  province  of  Pennsylvania.  In  the  same  year,  he  was 
elected  clerk  of  the  house  of  assembly;  and  in  1758,  he  was  again 
appointed  to  the  same  station,  but  after  that  period,  he  declined  a 
re-election.  In  1762,  he  was  selected  by  the  legislature,  together 
with  Caesar  Rodney,  to  revise  and  print  the  laws  passed  subsequently 
to  the  year  1752,  a  duty  satisfactorily  executed. 

In  the  same  year,  Mr.  M'Kean  first  embarked  on  the  stormy  sea 
of  politics,  which  he  afterwards  braved  for  nearly  half  a  century.  In 
October,  1762,  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  assembly  from  the 
county  of  Newcastle,  and  was  annually  returned  for  seventeen  suc- 
cessive years,  although,  during  the  last  six  years  of  that  period,  he 
resided  in  Philadelphia,  and  had  frequently,  through  the  medium  of 
the  public  papers,  communicated  to  his  constituents  his  desire  to 
decline  the  honour  of  a  re-election.  At  length,  in  1779,  he  declined 
re-election;  when  a  committee  waited  upon  him  at  Newcastle,  to 
request  that  he  would  designate  seven  persons  in  whom  they  might 
confide,  as  representatives  of  that  county.  To  this  flattering  request 
he  was  reluctantly  obliged  to  comply,  and  his  nominees  were  elected 
by  a  large  majority. 

In  1764,  he  was  appointed,  by  an  act  of  the  legislature,  one  of 
the  three  trustees  of  the  loan-office  for  Newcastle  county,  (an  in- 
stitution for  the  encouragement  of  industry  and  the  improvement 
of  lands,)  for  four  years ;  which  trust  was  renewed  in  the  years  1768 
and  1772. 

When  the  attempt  of  the  mother  country  to  tax  the  colonies 
aroused  the  provinces  to  united  opposition,  it  was  proposed  that  the 
legislative  assemblies  should  appoint  delegates  to  a  general  congress. 
This  illustrious  body,  of  which  Mr.  M'Kean  was  a  member  from 
the  counties  of  Newcastle,  Kent,  and  Sussex,  on  Delaware,  assem- 
bled at  New  York,  in  October,  1765.  Their  proceedings  discover 
a  spirit  of  decision  and  firmness,  totally  irreconcilable  with  a  state 
of  servitude,  and  ready  to  adopt  every  expedient  for  relief,  which 
prudence  could  suggest,  or  fortitude  achieve.  Before  the  com- 
mencement of  the  proceedings,  it  was  made  a  sine  qua  non  on  the 
part  of  Mr.  M'Kean,  and  resolved  accordingly,  that  the  committee 


THOMAS    M'KEAN.  563 

of  each  colony  should  have  one  voice  only,  in  determining  any  ques- 
tions that  should  arise  in  the  congress.*  He  was  appointed,  with 
Mr.  Lynch  and  Mr.  Otis,  to  prepare  an  address  to  the  house  of 
commons;  and  displayed,  on  every  occasion,  that  unbending  firm- 
ness and  energy  which  characterized  his  subsequent  public  conduct. 
The  Stamp-act  Congress,  as  it  was  called,  having  framed  a  decla- 
ration of  rights  and  grievances,  together  with  an  address  to  his 
majesty,  and  memorials  to  the  lords  and  commons,  was  dissolved 
on  the  twenty-fourth  of  October,  1765.  A  few  members  of  this 
body  were  either  suspected  of  being  inimical  to  its  designs,  or  acted 
in  such  a  manner  as  if  they  were  more  desirous  of  ingratiating 
themselves  with  the  British  ministry,  than  serving  their  country. 
When  the  business  was  concluded,  and  on  the  last  day  of  the  ses- 
sion, the  president,  and  some  timid  members,  refused  to  sign  the 
proceedings.  Mr.  M'Kean  then  rose,  and  addressing  himself  per- 
sonally to  the  president,  remarked,  that  as  he  had  not  made  a  soli- 
tary objection  to  any  of  the  measures  which  had  been  finally  adopted, 
nor  a  Single  observation  indicative  of  disapprobation,  he  requested 
that  he  would  now  assign  his  reasons  for  refusing  to  sign  the  peti- 
tions. To  this  demand,  the  president  replied,  that  he  did  not  con- 
ceive himself  bound  to  state  the  cause  of  his  objections.  Mr.  M'Kean 
rejoined,  with  great  severity,  and  urged  the  president  to  assign  the 
reasons  of  a  course  so  inconsistent  and  uncourteous.  Thus  pressed 
to  an  explanation,  the  president,  after  a  long  pause,  observed,  that 
"  it  was  against  his  conscience.'1'1  Mr.  M'Kean  now  rung  the  changes 
on  the  word  conscience  so  long  and  loud,  that  a  plain  challenge  was 
given  and  accepted,  in  the  presence  of  the  whole  congress;  but  the 
president  departed  from  New  York  the  next  morning  before  the 
dawn  of  day.  Mr.  Robert  Ogden,  then  speaker  of  the  house  of 
assembly  of  New  Jersey,  also  refused  to  sign  the  petitions,  although 
warmly  solicited  by  Mr.  M'Kean  in  private,  as  well  as  by  his  col- 
league, Colonel  Borden.  The  great  mass  of  the  people  were,  at 
this  time,  zealous  in  the  cause  of  America.  Hence,  Mr.  Ogden 
was  desirous  of  concealing,  for  some  time,  the  adverse  part  which 
he  had  taken  in  the  proceedings  of  the  congress.  He  accordingly 
requested  Colonel  Borden  not  to  mention  the  circumstance  among 
his  more  immediate  constituents,  and  to  use  his  influence  with  Mr. 

*  In  this  movement,  we  may  perhaps  discover  the  original  of  the  federative  cha- 
racter of  our  present  senate ;  a  principle,  by  which  the  interests  gf  each  community 
in  the  national  family  is  protected,  without  essentially  impairing  the  general  repub- 
lican features  of  the  constitution. 

60  2p2 


5(U  THOMAS    M'KEAN. 

M'Kean,  liis  son-in-law,  to  prevail  on  him  to  pursue  the  same 
course:  but  the  latter  did  mention  it,  and  the  speaker  was  burn- 
ed in  effigy,  and  removed  from  office:  the  consequences  to  Mr. 
M'Kean  were  menaces  of  another  challenge,  not  more  fatal  than 
the  former. 

On  his  return  to  Newcastle,  he,  with  his  colleague  Mr.  Rodney, 
reported  their  proceedings  to  the  assembly  of  Delaware,  and  re- 
ceived the  unanimous  thanks  of  that  house,  for  the  energy  and 
ability  with  which  they  had  discharged  their  duties  in  the  congress. 

Mr.  M'Kean  continued  to  be  engaged  in  various  public  employ- 
ments. On  the  tenth  of  July,  1765,  he  was  appointed  by  the  go- 
vernor sole  notary,  and  tabellion  public,  for  the  lower  counties  on 
Delaware;  and,  in  the  same  year,  received  the  commission  of  a  jus- 
tice of  the  peace,  and  of  the  court  of  common  pleas  and  quarter 
sessions,  and  of  the  orphan's  court,  for  the  county  of  Newcastle.  In 
November  term,  1765,  and  February  term,  1766,  he  sat  on  the 
bench  which  ordered  all  the  officers  of  the  court  to  proceed  in  their 
several  duties,  as  usual,  on  unstamped  paper :  this  was  accordingly 
done;  and  it  is  believed  that  this  was  the  first  court  in  the  colonies 
that  established  such  an  order.  In  1771,  he  was  appointed  by  the 
commissioners  of  his  majesty's  customs,  collector  of  the  port  of 
Newcastle ;  and  in  October,  1772,  he  was  chosen  speaker  of  the 
house  of  representatives. 

Owing  to  a  change  of  ministers  in  the  British  cabinet,  the  stamp 
act  was  repealed ;  but  two  years  had  not  elapsed  from  this  period, 
before  the  government,  resolved  to  test  this  right,  and  derive  a  reve- 
nue from  their  colonies,  imposed  a  duty  on  the  importation  of  teas, 
paper,  painters'  colours,  and  glass,  which  were  prohibited  from  any 
other  place  than  Great  Britain.  But  there  were  patriots  in  the  colo- 
nies who  were  fully  aware  that  it  would  be  established  as  a  pre- 
cedent. A  correspondence  accordingly  took  place  among  leading 
characters  throughout  the  continent;  a  powerful  opposition  was 
organized,  and  measures  concerted  to  render  it  effectual.  Public 
meetings  were  held  in  the  principal  commercial  towns,  and  it  was 
finally  agreed,  that  the  colonies  should  appoint  delegates  from 
their  respective  houses  of  assembly,  to  meet  in  Philadelphia,  on  the 
fifth  of  September,  1774.  Firm  and  decided,  uniform  and  energetic, 
in  resisting  the  usurpations  of  the  British  crown,  Mr.  M'Kean,  as 
he  had  before  done  in  1765,  took  an  active  part  in  the  preparatory 
measures  which  led  to  the  meeting  of  this  congress;  and  was  ap- 
pointed a  delegate  from  the  lower  counties  on  Delaware,  although 


THOMAS    M'KEAN.  5Qj 

he  had,  a  short  time  hcfore,  removed  his  residence  permanently  to 
Philadelphia. 

An  important  era,  not  only  in  the  history  of  America,  but  of  man, 
had  now  arrived.  Great  events  may  not  create,  but  they  always 
will  elicit  and  excite  ability.  On  the  fifth  of  September,  Mr. 
M'Kean  took  his  seat  in  the  august  assemblage,  of  which  he  be- 
came an  invaluable  ornament;  and  from  that  day,  his  country 
claimed  him  as  her  own.  He  was  annually  elected  a  member, 
until  the  first  of  February,  1783;  serving  in  the  great  national 
council  during  the  long,  and  uninterrupted,  period  of  eight  years 
and  a  half. 

Two  remarkable  circumstances  connected  with  this  epoch,  are 
peculiar  to  the  life  of  Mr.  M'Kean.  In  the  first  place,  he  was  the 
only  man  who  was,  without  intermission,  a  member  of  the  revolu- 
tionary congress,  from  the  time  of  its  opening,  in  1774,  until  after 
the  preliminaries  of  the  peace  of  1783  were  signed;  for,  notwith- 
standing he  was  also  engaged  in  other  important  public  affairs,  his 
residence  in  Philadelphia  induced  his  constituents  to  continue  to 
return  him.  The  other  circumstance  is,  that  while  he  represented 
the  state  of  Delaware  in  congress,  until  1783,  and  was,  in  1781, 
president  of  it,  yet,  from  July  1777,  he  held  the  office,  and  executed 
the  duties,  of  chief  justice  of  Pennsylvania.  Each  of  these  states 
claimed  him  as  her  own;  and  for  each  were  his  talents  faithfully 
exerted. 

Mr.  M'Kean's  career  in  congress  embraced  a  series  of  unremit- 
ting and  distinguished  services.  A  few  days  after  the  first  sitting, 
he  was  appointed  one  of  the  committee  to  state  the  rights  of  the 
colonies,  the  several  instances  in  which  those  rights  were  violated 
or  infringed,  and  the  means  most  proper  to  be  pursued  for  the 
restoration  of  them.  He  served  diligently  on  the  important  secret 
committee  to  contract  for  the  importation  of  arms  and  ammunition; 
and  his  talents  were  equally  exerted  in  establishing  the  claims  and 
accounts  against  the  government;  in  superintending  the  finances 
of  the  states,  and  the  emission  of  bills  of  credit;  in  hearing  and 
determining  on  appeals  brought  against  sentences  passed  on  libels 
in  the  courts  of  admiralty;  and  in  a  variety  of  important  and 
secondary  transactions,  connected  with  the  general  business  of  con- 
gress. On  the  twelfth  of  June,  1776,  he  was  appointed  a  member 
of  the  committee  to  prepare  and  digest  the  form  of  a  confedera- 
tion to  be  entered  into  between  the  colonies :  on  the  same  day  a 
draft  was  reported,  which,  after  many  postponements,  amendments, 


566  THOMAS    M'KEAN. 

and  debates,  was  finally  agreed  to,  on  the  fifteenth  of  Novem- 
ber, 1777. 

It  has  already  been  remarked  that  the  signatures  on  the  Decla- 
ration of  Independence  do  not,  in  more  than  one  instance,  merely 
indicate  those  who  voted  for  it  on  the  fourth  of  July,  1776;  as 
several  of  the  signers  were  not  at  that  time  in  congress.  But  as 
regards  some  of  the  delegates  another  error  also  occurred,  and 
among  them  Mr.  M'Kean. 

He  was  particularly  active  and  useful  in  procuring  the  passage 
of  the  Declaration ;  nevertheless,  although  his  name  is  subscribed 
to  the  original  instrument  deposited  in  the  office  of  the  secretary  of 
state,  he  does  not  appear  as  a  subscriber  to  the  copy  published  in 
the  Journals  of  Congress.  The  late  Mr.  Dallas,  in  the  course  of 
the  re-publication  of  the  laws  of  Pennsylvania,  wishing  to  compile 
an  accurate  copy  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  addressed  a 
letter,  on  the  nineteenth  of  September,  1796,  to  Mr.  M'Kean, 
requesting  to  know  why  such  a  variance  existed.  The  answer  to 
this  inquiry  is  a  valuable  historical  record:  it  is  dated  at  Philadel- 
phia on  the  twenty-sixth  of  September  1796.  He  thus  explains  the 
omission: 

"Modesty  should  not  rob  any  man  of  his  just  honour,  when  by 
that  honour,  his  modesty  cannot  be  offended.  My  name  is  not  in 
the  printed  journals  of  congress,  as  a  party  to  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  and  this,  like  an  error  in  the  first  concoction,  has 
vitiated  most  of  the  subsequent  publications,  and  yet  the  fact  is,  that 
[  was  then  a  member  of  congress  for  the  state  of  Delaware,  was 
personally  present  in  congress,  and  voted  in  favour  of  independence 
on  the  fourth  of  July,  1776,  and  signed  the  Declaration  after  it  had 
been  engrossed  on  parchment,  where  my  name,  in  my  own  hand- 
writing, still  appears.  Henry  Wisner,  of  the  state  of  New  York, 
was  also  in  congress,  and  voted  for  independence.  *  *  *  I  do  not 
know  how  the  misstatement  in  the  printed  journal  has  happened. 
The  manuscript  public  journal  has  no  names  annexed  to  the  Decla- 
ration of  Independence,  nor  has  the  secret  journal ;  but  it  appears 
by  the  latter,  that  on  the  nineteenth  day  of  July,  1776,  the  congress 
directed  that  it  should  be  engrossed  on  parchment,  and  signed  by 
every  member,  and  that  it  was  so  produced  on  the  second  of  August, 
and  signed.  This  is  interlined  in  the  secret  journal,  in  the  hand  of 
Charles  Thompson,  the  secretary.  The  present  secretary  of  state, 
of  the  United  States,  and  myself,  have  lately  inspected  the  journals, 
and  seen  this.     The  journal  was  first  printed  by  Mr.  John  Dunlap, 


THOMAS    M'KEAN.  567 

in  1778,  and  probably  copies,  with  the  names  then  signed  to  it, 
were  printed  in  August,  1770,  and  that  Mr.  Dunlap  printed  the 
names  from  one  of  them." 

In  the  year  1776,  Delaware  was  represented  in  congress  by 
Caesar  Rodney,  George  Read,  and  Thomas  M'Kean.  Mr.  Rodney 
was  not  present  when  the  question  of  independence  was  put,  in  a 
committee  of  the  whole,  on  the  first  of  July.  Mr.  M'Kean  voted 
for,  and  Mr.  Read  against  it.  Delaware  was  thus  divided.  When 
the  president  resumed  the  chair,  the  chairman  of  the  committee  of 
the  whole  made  his  report,  which  was  not  acted  upon  until  Thursday, 
the  fourth  of  July.  Every  state,  excepting  Pennsylvania  and  Dela- 
ware, had  voted  in  favour  of  the  measure,  but  it  was  a  matter  of 
great  importance  to  procure  an  unanimous  voice.  Mr.  M'Kean, 
therefore,  without  delay,  despatched  an  express,  at  his  private  ex- 
pense, for  Mr.  Rodney,  who  was  then  in  Delaware.  That  gentle- 
man, hastened  to  Philadelphia,  and  was  met  at  the  door  of  the 
state  house,  in  his  boots  and  spurs,  by  Mr.  M'Kean,  as  the  mem- 
bers were  assembling  on  the  morning  of  the  fourth.  After  a  friendly 
salutation,  but  without  exchanging  a  word  on  the  subject  of  inde- 
pendence, they  entered  the  hall  together,  and  took  their  seats. 
They  were  among  the  latest  in  attendance;  the  proceedings  imme- 
diately commenced,  and,  after  a  few  minutes,  the  great  question 
was  put.  When  the  vote  of  Delaware  was  called,  Mr.  Rodney 
rose,  and  briefly  expressing  his  conviction  that  the  welfare  of  his 
country  demanded  the  declaration,  voted  with  Mr.  M'Kean,  and 
secured  the  voice  of  Delaware.  Two  of  the  members  of  the  Penn- 
sylvania delegation,  adverse  to  the  measure,  being  absent,  that 
state  also  united  in  the  vote,  by  a  majority  of  one.  By  these 
means,  the  Declaration  of  Independence  became  the  unanimous  act 
of  the  thirteen  states.  Mr.  M'Kean  being  engaged  in  military  ser- 
vices, was  not  present  in  congress  during  several  months  next  suc- 
ceeding the  fourth  of  July,  1776;  and  it  was  not  until  the  month  of 
October,  that  he  had  an  opportunity  of  affixing  his  signature  to  the 
declaration,  engrossed  on  parchment,  as  directed  by  a  resolution  of 
congress  subsequent  to  his  necessary  departure  from  Philadelphia. 

Mr.  M'Kean  was  president  of  the  convention  of  deputies  from 
the  committees  of  Pennsylvania,  held  at  the  Carpenter's  Hall,  in 
Philadelphia,  in  June,  1776,  who  unanimously  declared  their  willing- 
ness to  concur  in  a  vote  of  the  congress,  declaring  the  United  States 
free  and  independent  states.  He  was  one  of  the  committee,  with 
Dr.  Franklin,  and  two  other  deputies,  which  drafted  that  declara 


5G8  THOMAS    M'KEAN. 

tion;  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  June,  he  signed  it  in  behalf  of  the 
state  of  Pennsylvania;  and  on  the  succeeding  day,  delivered  it  to 
congress,  in  the  name  of  the  convention.  The  regiment  of  asso- 
ciate's, of  which  he  was  colonel,  had,  in  the  preceding  month  of 
May,  unanimously  made  a  similar  declaration. 

On  the  fifth  of  July,  1776,  he  was  chosen  chairman,  at  a  confer- 
ence of  the  delegates  in  congress,  for  the  states  of  New  York, 
New  Jersey,  and  Pennsylvania.  In  the  same  year,  he  was  also 
chairman  of  the  committee  of  safety  of  Pennsylvania,  and  of  the 
committee  of  inspection  and  observation  for  the  city  and  liberties  of 
Philadelphia. 

Mr.  M'Kean,  at  this  time,  was  colonel  of  a  regiment  of  asso- 
ciators  of  the  city  of  Philadelphia.  At  a  conference  held  on  the 
fifth  of  July,  ]77C,  between  a  committee  of  congress  appointed  for 
the  purpose,  and  the  committee  of  safety  of  Pennsylvania,  the  com- 
mittee of  inspection  and  observation  for  the  city  and  liberties  of 
Philadelphia.,  and  the  field  officers  of  the  five  battalions  of  that  city, 
it  was  agreed  that  all  the  associated  militia  of  the  state,  with  cer- 
tain exceptions,  who  could  be  furnished  with  arms  and  accoutre- 
ments, should  immediately  inarch,  with  the  utmost  expedition,  to  New 
Jersey,  and  continue  in  service  until  a  flying  camp,  often  thousand 
men,  could  be  collected  to  relieve  them.  In  consequence  of  these 
resolutions,  Mr.  M'Kean,  a  few  days  after  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence, marched  at  the  head  of  his  battalion,  to  Perth  Amboy,  in 
New  Jersey,  to  support  General  Washington.  Although,  during 
his  term  of  service,  no  regular  engagement  took  place,  he  was 
sometimes  exposed  to  considerable  danger,  in  the  skirmishes,  or 
rather  cannonading,  which  occurred. 

After  the  flying  camp  was  completed,  the  associators  were  dis- 
charged, and  Mr.  M'Kean  returned  to  Philadelphia,  when  he  resumed 
his  seat  in  congress.  Finding  that  he  had  been  elected  a  member 
of  the  convention  for  forming  a  constitution  for  the  state  of  Dela- 
ware, he,  in  two  days,  departed  for  Dover,  which  he  reached  in  one 
day.  Immediately  on  his  arrival,  after  a  fatiguing  ride,  a  committee 
of  gentlemen  waited  on  him,  and  requested  that  he  would  prepare 
a  constitution  for  the  future  government  of  the  state.  To  this  he 
consented.  He  retired  to  his  room  in  the  tavern,  sat  up  all  the 
night,  and  having  prepared  it  without  a  book,  or  any  assistance 
whatever,  presented  it,  at  ten  o'clock  next  morning,  to  the  house, 
when  it  was  unanimously  adopted. 

In  the  year  1777,  Mr.  M'Kean  acted  in  the  double  capacity  of 


THOMAS    M'KEAN.  5Q9 

president  of  the  state  of  Delaware,  and  chief  justice  of  Pennsyl- 
vania. "  I  have  had,"  he  remarks,  in  a  letter  to  John  Adams,  dated 
November  8th,  1779,  "my  full  share  of  the  anxieties,  cares  and 
troubles,  of  the  present  war.  For  some  time,  I  was  obliged  to  act 
as  president  of  the  Delaware  state,  and  as  chief  justice  of  this: 
General  Howe  had  just  landed,  (August,  1777,)  at  the  head  of  Elk 
river,  when  I  undertook  to  discharge  these  two  important  trusts. 
The  consequence  was,  to  be  hunted  like  a  fox  by  the  enemy,  and 
envied  by  those  who  ought  to  have  been  my  friends.  I  was  com- 
pelled to  remove  my  family  five  times  in  a  few  months,  and,  at  last, 
fixed  them  in  a  little  log-house  on  the  banks  of  the  Susquehanna, 
more  than  a  hundred  miles  from  this  place :  but  safety  was  not  to 
be  found  there,  for  they  were  soon  obliged  to  remove  again,  on  ac- 
count of  the  incursions  of  the  Indians." 

On  the  twenty-eighth  of  July,  1777,  he  received  from  the  supreme 
executive  council,  the  commission  of  chief  justice  of  Pennsylvania, 
and  performed  the  duties  of  that  high  station  with  distinguished  zeal 
and  fidelity,  for  twenty-two  years.  At  the  time  of  his  appointment, 
he  was  speaker  of  the  house  of  assembly,  president  of  Delaware, 
and  a  member  of  congress. 

The  burden  of  public  affairs  now  fell  heavily  on  Mr.  M'Kean ; 
and  he  became  more  and  more  solicitous  to  be  relieved  from  his  con- 
gressional duties.  In  1780,  he  solicited  the  legislature  of  Delaware 
to  relieve  him.  His  resignation,  however,  was  not  accepted,  and 
he  continued  his  duties  as  a  delegate  from  Delaware. 

On  the  tenth  of  July,  1781,  he  was,  on  the  resignation  of  Samuel 
Huntington,  elected  president  of  congress,  but  was  constrained  by 
judicial  engagements  to  resign. 

Congress  accepted  the  resignation  of  Mr.  M'Kean,  but  postponed 
the  election  of  a  president  until  the  next  day,  when,  on  motion  of 
Dr.  Witherspoon,  it  was  unanimously  resolved,  that  Mr.  M'Kean 
be  requested  to  resume  the  chair,  and  act  as  president,  until  the  first 
Monday  in  November,  the  resolution  of  the  previous  day,  accepting 
his  resignation,  notwithstanding.  To  this  measure  he  acceded.  On 
the  fifth  of  November,  John  Hanson  was  elected  president ;  and  on 
the  seventh,  it  was  "Resolved,  that  the  thanks  of  congress  be  given 
to  the  honourable  Thomas  M'Kean,  late  president  of  congress,  in 
testimony  of  their  approbation  of  his  conduct  in  the  chair,  and  in 
the  execution  of  public  business." 

Great  clamour  attended  the  elevation  of  Mr.  M'Kean  to  the  pre- 
sidency of  congress.     His  acceptance  of  that  station,  while  holding 


570  THOMAS    M'KEAN. 

the  office  of  chief  justice,  aroused  the  sleeping  lions  who  would  other- 
wise, in  all  probability,  have  dozed  on,  regardless  both  of  their  con- 
stitution and  country.  The  press  teemed  with  essays  on  the  subject, 
maintaining  both  sides  of  the  question,  in  which  the  advocates  of 
Mr.  M'Kean  enjoyed  a  manifest  advantage. 

Independent  in  his  principles  and  conduct,  Mr.  M'Kean,  as  chief 
justice  of  Pennsylvania,  performed  the  duties  of  his  office  with  im- 
partiality and  inflexibility.  During  the  progress  of  the  revolution, 
Philadelphia  being  the  seat  of  the  general  government,  and  an  ob- 
ject of  peculiar  watchfulness  on  the  part  of  the  enemy,  the  just  per- 
formance of  Mr.  M'Kean's  judicial  functions  required  not  only  the 
learning  of  the  lawyer,  but  the  unyielding  spirit  of  the  patriot. 
Regardless  of  the  powers  of  the  crown  of  Great  Britain,  he  did  not 
hesitate  to  hazard  his  own  life,  by  causing  to  be  punished,  even  unto 
death,  those  who  were  proved  to  be  traitors  to  their  country.  Such 
was  the  miserable  fate  of  Roberts  and  Carlisle,  the  lamented  vic- 
tims of  inflexible  justice.  The  trials  of  these  unfortunate  men  took 
place  in  September,  1778,  and  being  both  convicted  of  high  treason, 
they  were,  a  short  time  afterwards,  executed. 

Soon  after  his  appointment  to  the  office  of  chief  justice,  an  inci- 
dent occurred,  evincing  in  bold  relief  the  independent  principle  of 
action  which  guided  his  judicial  career.  Twenty  persons  were  con- 
fined in  the  Free  Mason's  lodge  at  Philadelphia,  on  treasonable 
charges;  and  the  popular  excitement  against  them  was  extremely 
violent.  Application  was  made  to  the  chief  justice,  for  writs  of 
habeas  corpus  in  their  behalf,  which  were  granted.  This  act,  at  a 
period  of  peculiar  public  agitation,  caused  great  dissatisfaction  among 
the  more  violent  whigs,  in  which  many  members  of  congress  par- 
ticipated. So  marked,  indeed,  was  their  displeasure,  that  Mr. 
M'Kean,  esteeming  the  good  opinion  of  good  men  next  to  the  ap- 
probation of  a  good  conscience,  considered  himself  called  upon  to 
justify  his  proceedings,  in  a  letter  to  John  Adams,  dated  ninteenth 
September,  1777,  in  which  he  stated  the  reasons  of  his  conduct,  and 
requested  Mr.  Adams,  by  a  candid  explanation,  to  remove  the  im- 
pressions that  had  been  created.  His  conduct  must  meet  the  ap- 
probation of  every  enlightened  lawyer  who  examines  the  case;  and 
proves  that  the  same  inflexible  justice  that  shrunk  not  from  con- 
demning, faltered  not  to  save. 

His  firmness  in  the  execution  of  the  laws  is  exemplified  by  another 
striking  example.  In  1778,  he  issued  a  warrant  against  Colonel 
Robert  L.  Hooper,   a   deputy   quarter-master,   charging   him   wit 


THOMAS    M'KEAN.  571 

having  libelled  the  magistrates  of  Pennsylvania,  in  a  letter  to  Gou- 
verneur  Morris,  and  directing  the  sheriff  of  Northampton  county  to 
bring  him  before  him  at  Yorktown.  Colonel  Hooper  waited  on 
General  Greene,  then  quarter-master  general,  to  inquire  whether  the 
circumstances  of  the  army  would  admit  of  his  absence.  General 
Greene,  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  M'Kean,  dated  Camp,  Valley  Forge,  third 
June,  1778,  observed,  among  other  things  relative  to  the  subject, 
that,  as  the  army  was  just  on  the  wing,  he  could  not,  without  great 
necessity,  "consent"  to  Colonel  Hooper's  being  absent,  as  there  was 
no  other  person  who  could  give  the  necessary  aid  on  that  occasion ; 
and  he  requested,  that  Hooper  might  enter  into  a  recognisance, 
with  ample  sureties,  to  appear  at  any  court  where  he  was  legally 
answerable.  This  direct  interference  of  the  military  with  the  civil 
authority,  roused  the  official  spirit  of  the  chief  justice,  and  occa- 
sioned the  following  severe,  but  just  answer,  written  at  Yorktown, 
and  dated  on  the  ninth  of  June: 

"I  do  not  think,  sir,  that  the  absence,  sickness,  or  even  death,  of 
Mr.  Hooper,  could  be  attended  with  such  a  consequence  that  no 
oilier  person  could  be  found,  who  could  give  the  necessary  aid  upon 
this  occasion  :  but  what  attracts  my  attention  the  most,  is  your  ob- 
servation that  you  cannot,  without  great  necessity,  consent  to  his 
being  absent.  As  to  that,  sir,  I  shall  not  ask  your  consent,  nor  that 
of  any  other  person,  in  or  out  of  the  army,  whether  my  precept 
shall  be  obeyed  or  not,  in  Pennsylvania." 

Mr.  M'Kean  industriously  devoted  himself  to  the  discharge  of  the 
duties  of  chief  justice  until  the  year  1799,  when  he  was  elected  go- 
vernor of  the  commonwealth  of  Pennsylvania.  In  all  the  qualifica- 
tions of  the  judge,  it  may,  without  hesitation,  be  said,  that  he  had 
few  equals  in  this,  or  any  other  country.  The  dignity  which  the 
Supreme  court  of  Pennsylvania  preserved,  and  the  reverence  which 
it  inspired,  while  he  presided  over  it,  are  still  spoken  of  in  high 
terms  by  those  who  remember  it,  and  his  judicial  opinions,  at  a  pe- 
riod when  the  law  of  the  state  was  unsettled,  and  when  a  master 
mind  was  requisite  to  reduce  it  to  a  system,  have  established  for  him 
the  reputation  of  being  one  of  the  ablest  lawyers  of  his  country. 
His  memory  is,  to  the  present  day,  held  in  profound  respect  and 
veneration,  in  the  courts  of  justice,  and  successive  judges  have,  by 
their  unvarying  testimony,  given  unfading  lustre  to  his  judicial  fame. 
"  Chief  Justice  M'Kean,"  observes  a  late  judge  of  the  supreme  court 
of  Pennsylvania,  "  was  a  great  man:  his  merit  in  the  profession  of 
the  law,  and  as  a  judge,  has  never  been  sufficiently  appreciated.  It 
61  2Q 


572  THOMAS     M'KEAN. 

is  only  since  I  have  been  upon  the  bench,  that  I  have  been  able  to 
conceive  a  just  idea  of  the  greatness  of  his  merit.  His  legal  learning 
was  profound  and  accurate;  but,  in  the  words  of  the  poet, 

Meteriam  superabat  opus. 

In  1788,  at  attempt  was  made  to  impeach  Judge  M'Kean,  for 
having  committed  Mr.  Oswald  for  a  contempt  in  publishing  a  libel 
on  the  court.  Political  circumstances  and  excitements  attached 
some  importance  to  the  attempt ;  but  the  bouse,  before  whom  the 
subject  was  brought,  voted  the  charges  to  be  unsupported,  and  that 
there  was  no  ground  for  impeachment. 

Mr.  M'Kean  was  a  member  of  the  convention  of  Pennsylvania, 
which  ratified  the  constitution  of  the  United  States.  Delegated 
from  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  he  attended  its  various  sessions,  and 
moved  the  ratification  of  the  federal  constitution.  The  long  and 
eloquent  speech  delivered  by  him  on  the  eleventh  of  December, 
embraced  a  clear  and  comprehensive  view  of  the  whole  subject.  He 
unfolded,  in  a  masterly  manner,  the  principles  of  free  government; 
demonstrated  the  superior  advantages  of  the  federal  constitution  ; 
and  satisfactorily  answered  every  objection  which  had  been  suggest- 
ed. Arranging  these  objections  under  ten  distinct  heads,  he  con- 
sidered them  singly,  and  delivered  his  refutation  of  them  in  a  lucid 
and  forcible  manner. 

Although  Mr.  M'Kean  was  not  a  member  of  the  convention  which 
framed  the  federal  constitution,  he  was  neither  inattentive  nor  inac- 
tive, with  regard  to  its  proceedings.  From  the  characters  of  the 
delegates,  he  entertained  strong  hopes  that  public  utility  would  be 
derived  from  their  deliberations.  "  But,"  he  remarks,  "  we  seem 
afraid  to  enable  any  one  to  do  good,  lest  he  should  do  evil."  He 
was  long  an  advocate  for  the  just  rights  of  the  smaller,  against  the 
overbearing  influence  and  power  of  the  larger,  states.  A  vote  by 
states  was  insisted  upon  by  him  in  the  first  congress  of  1765,  and 
in  that  held  in  Philadelphia,  in  1774;  and  the  concession  was  then 
made  by  the  other  states.  At  the  meeting  of  the  federal  convention, 
he  delivered  to  the  delegates  from  Delaware,  notes  of  the  arguments 
used  on  those  occasions,  and  at  the  same  time  offered,  in  private, 
his  reasons  in  support  of  the  security  of  the  smaller  states,  to  many 
members  who  represented  the  larger.  His  influence  prevailed, 
and  the  result  was  the  compromise  which  pervades  the  present 
system. 

The  amendment  of  the  constitution  of  the  state  of  Pennsylvania 


THOMAS    M'KEAN.  573 

was  an  object  of  high  importance  and  general  interest.  At  length, 
in  1788,  a  majority  of  the  legislature  was  secured  in  favour  of  calling 
a  convention,  not  openly  to  make  a  new  constitution,  but  to  consider 
in  what  respects  the  old  one  required  alteration  and  amendment. 
At  the  election  in  1789,  Mr.  M'Kean  was  appointed  a  delegate  to 
this  convention,  from  the  city  of  Philadelphia.  Composed  of  the 
first  talents  that  Pennsylvania  afforded,  Mr.  M'Kean  rendered  him- 
self conspicuous  in  its  proceedings,  and  the  force  of  his  knowledge 
and  opinions  was  felt,  and  justly  appreciated. 

It  is  worthy  of  particular  notice,  that  the  provision  "  for  the  es- 
tablishment of  schools  throughout  the  state,  in  such  manner  that 
the  poor  may  be  taught  gratis,"  was  made  on  the  proposition  of 
Mr.  M'Kean. 

In  1799,  Mr.  M'Kean  was  elected  governor  of  Pennsylvania. 
His  election  was  the  result  of  a  warm  conflict  between  the  two  great 
parties  which  were  then  assuming  those  .distinct  political  ranks,  into 
which,  for  many  years,  the  people  of  our  country  continued  to  bo 
divided.  It  is  unnecessary  to  specify  the  political  changes  and  oc- 
currences preparatory  to,  and  causing,  his  election  in  preference  to 
his  able  and  distinguished  competitor — James  Ross.  His  success, 
through  what  was  termed  "  the  momentum  of  Pennsylvania  politics," 
paved  the  way  for  the  accession  of  Mr.  Jefferson  to  the  presidency; 
and  during  the  whole  period  of  that  gentleman's  administration,  the 
weight  of  Mr.  M'Kean's  opinions  and  conduct  was  directed  to  the 
upholding  of  the  principles  which  marked  the  policy  of  the  general 
government. 

It  is  the  paramount  duty  of  the  biographer,  to  "  nothing  extenuate 
nor  set  down  aught  in  malice."  It  is,  then,  with  strict  impartiality, 
that  allusion  is  made  to  the  party  asperity  which  marked,  in  parti- 
cular, the  period  at  which  Mr.  M'Kean's  administration  commenced. 
The  principle  of  removing  from  office  all  those  of  opposite  political 
views,  whether  their  station  be  high  or  low,  and  however  well  quali- 
fied, honest,  and  active,  they  may  be,  may  be  founded  in  party  po- 
licy, but  not  in  justice.  At  the  commencement  of  his  executive 
career,  his  policy  on  this  subject  was  harsh  and  vigorous  to  an  ex- 
tent which  then,  and  since,  has  been  ascribed  rather  to  political 
passions  than  to  any  promptings  of  patriotism.  It  must,  however, 
be  added,  that  after  his  administration  became  once  settled  on  a 
firm  basis,  he  exhibited  the  same  determination  in  selecting  men 
distinguished  for  their  merit,  without  regard  to  party  politics,  as  he 
had  displayed,  in  times  of  high  party  excitement,  in  preferring  po- 


574  THOMAS    M'KEAN. 

litical  friends  to  political  enemies.  This  spirit  was  illustrated  in  a 
particular  manner,  in  many  judicial  appointments,  and  especially  in 
twice  choosing  for  the  dignified  station  of  chief  justice  of  the  state, 
gentlemen  whose  political  feelings  and  associations  were  adverse  to 
his  own,  hut  whose  professional  and  personal  characters  rendered 
them  worthy  of  elevated  public  trusts. 

In  a  letter  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  dated  tenth  January,  1801,  alluding 
to  his  removal  of  many  political  opponents  from  office  at  the  time 
of  his  being  chosen  governor,  he  observes,  "  It  is,  at  least,  imprudent 
to  foster  spies  continually  about  oneself.  I  am  only  sorry  that  I  did 
not  displace  ten  or  eleven  more ;  for  it  is  not  right  to  put  a  dagger 
in  the  hands  of  an  assassin."  The  decisive  character  and  course 
of  Mr.  M'Kean,  and  personal  feelings  of  hope  or  disappointment, 
doubtless,  created  for  him  many  enemies  ;  yet  during  the  whole 
constitutional  period  of  nine  years  the  majority  of  the  people  were 
with  him  ;  and,  at  the  present  day,  when  the  party  asperities  and 
bickerings  of  the  times  are,  in  some  measure,  forgotten,  it  cannot 
be  denied  that  his  administration,  in  a  general  view,  was  marked 
by  uncommon  ability,  and  with  great  benefit  to  the  state.  His  mes- 
sages to  the  different  legislative  assemblies  are  characterized  by 
peculiar  eloquence  and  force  of  language,  and  are  replete  with 
sound  maxims  of  political  wisdom,  and  clear  practical  views  of  the 
policy  of  government. 

In  the  years  1807  and  1808,  an  unsuccessful  attempt  was  made 
to  impeach  him,  as  governor,  originating  from  party  malice,  and 
the  exasperation  of  designing  and  ambitious  individuals,  who  found 
him  too  independent  to  submit  to  their  superintendence  in  public 
affairs.  Several  petitions  from  a  number  of  the  citizens  of  the  city 
and  county  of  Philadelphia,  were  presented  to  the  legislature,  in 
the  beginning  of  1807,  praying  an  inquiry  into  the  official  conduct 
of  the  governor.  A  committee  was  accordingly  appointed  for  that 
purpose,  with  directions  to  report  whether  he  had  so  acted  in  his 
official  capacity,  as  to  require  the  interposition  of  the  constitutional 
powers  of  the  house.  This  committee,  after  a  short  investigation, 
reported  six  charges  against  him,  alleging  abuses  of  power,  and  a 
violation  of  the  law.  These  charges  being  frivolous  in  themselves, 
and  having  been  condemned  by  the  house  as  false,  we  do  not  con- 
sider it  necessary  to  set  them  forth. 

The  very  terms  of  the  report  would  indicate  the  spirit  in  which 
it  was  framed,  even  were  it  not  known  that  one  of  the  committee, 
at  least,  was  a  principal  agitator  of  the  impeachment,  and  intempe- 


THOMAS    M'KEAN.  575 

ratcly  attached  to  the  disappointed  party,  which  was  labouring,  nn- 
guibus  et  rostro,  to  disgrace  and  degrade  the  governor.  "  From 
even  this  limited  inquiry,"  say  they,  "the  committee  are  led  to  the 
conclusion,  that  the  governor  considers  the  constitution  and  the  laws 
as  mere  instruments  of  executive  convenience,  and  of  so  ductile  a 
character  as  to  be  moulded  into  any  shape  at  the  suggestion  of  pas- 
sion, ambition,  or  interest."  The  committee  reported  the  following 
resolution  : 

"  Resolved,  That  Thomas  M'Kean,  governor  of  this  common- 
wealth, be  impeached  of  high  crimes  and  misdemeanours." 

Had  this  report  not  savoured  so  strongly  of  partiality ;  had  its 
language  been  more  temperate  and  dignified,  its  conclusions  less 
rigorous  and  authoritative,  it  would  have  argued  a  better  cause. 

The  resolution  was  now  fairly  before  the  house ;  and  the  result 
which  awaited  the  consideration  of  it,  little  accorded  with  the  pleasant 
and  confident  anticipations  of  a  majority  of  the  select  committee 
who  gave  it  birth.  "The  committee,"  said  they,  "deem  it  super- 
fluous to  sustain  the  resolution  which  is  submitted,  by  an  appeal  to 
the  patriotism  or  the  intelligence  of  the  house.  They  are  aware 
that  they  are  antieipatcd  oy  its  judgment  and  its  integrity.  The  facts 
speak  so  loudly  for  themselves,  that  the  feeble  voice  of  the  committee 
cannot  be  raised  to  reach  their  tone.  Justice,  and  the  public  wel- 
fare, demand  punishment."  Now,  whether  the  legislature  possessed 
less  "judgment"  and  "  integrity"  than  the  committee  were  aware 
of,  or  whether  less  value  was  placed  on  this  long,  pompous,  and  in- 
flated tirade  of  queries,  and  deductions,  than  it  deserved,  it  did  not 
at  all  alter  the  decision  of  the  house,  which,  on  motion  of  Mr.  Por- 
ter, seconded  by  Mr.  Shcwell,  indefinitely  postponed  the  further 
consideration  of  the  subject,  on  the  twenty-seventh  of  January,  1808. 
Ft  should  be  added  that  every  member  present  from  the  city  of  Phi- 
adelphia  whose  rights  were  said  to  be  particularly  infringed  voted  in 
favour  of  the  governor. 

On  the  next  day,  the  secretary  of  the  commonwealth  presented  a 
replication  from  the  governor,  relative  to  the  charges  exhibited 
against  him  by  the  committee,  which  being  read,  Mr.  Sergeant  in- 
quired whether  the  communication  would  be  inserted  on  the  journal? 
A.  variety  of  objections  being  made  to  this  measure,  a  motion  was 
made  by  Mr.  Sergeant,  and  seconded  by  Mr.  Ingham,  that  the  mes- 
sage be  inserted  at  large  on  the  journal :  on  the  the  question  being 
taken,  it  was  determined  in  the  affirmative.  The  defence  of  Mr. 
M'Kean  offers  a  bright  contrast  to  the  report  of  his  accusers  ;  it 
2q2 


576  THOMAS    M'KEAN. 

is  dignified,  able  and  eloquent,  exhibiting  all  the  calmness  of  con- 
scious rectitude,  all  the  majesty  of  beleaguered  truth.  The  exordium 
is  a  truly  noble  specimen  of  composition.  Mr.  M'Kean  then  pro- 
ceeds, in  a  circumstantial  and  irrefutable  manner,  separately  to 
repel  the  charges  of  the  committee  ;  and  triumphantly  to  vindicate 
his  character,  in  every  particular,  from  the  aspersions  with  which  it 
had  been  assailed. 

Thus  terminated  a  transaction,  which,  through  the  baleful  and 
exterminating  spirit  of  party,  threatened  to  overshadow  the  closing 
career  of  a  patriot,  whose  life  had,  during  half  a  century,  been  de- 
voted to  the  public  service. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  year  1803,  he  was  strongly  solicited  to 
become  a  candidate  for  the  office  of  vice  president  of  the  United 
States.  Mr.  M'Kean  declined  this  honour  both  on  public  and  pri- 
vate considerations. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  century,  the  French  revolu- 
tion excited  much  interest  in  America.  At  its  commencement, 
indeed,  it  was  very  universally  and  justly  admired;  and  almost 
every  friend  of  rational  freedom  rejoiced,  when  the  Bastile  was  de- 
stroyed, at  the  approaching  emancipation  of  the  people.  But  when 
public  order  and  equitable  principles  yielded  to  the  bloody  and  law- 
less sway  of  demagogues  and  ruffians,  nothing  but  irrelevant 
motives,  and  extraneous  pursuits,  could  have  made  our  citizens 
endure  the  unexampled  profligacy,  insolence,  and  barbarity,  of  the 
then  ruling  powers  of  France.  Mr.  M'Kean,  naturally  and  con- 
scientiously, imbibed  strong  prepossessions  in  favour  of  French 
liberty,  in  conjunction  with  the  members  of  the  party  to  which  he 
was  attached.  Many  years  after  his  retirement  from  public  life,  an 
interesting  correspondence  on  this  subject  took  place  between  him 
and  John  Adams,  who  had,  from  the  outset,  viewed  the  revolution 
in  France  with  a  prophetic  eye.  On  the  second  of  June,  1812,  Mr. 
Adams  thus  opened  the  subject:  "Nearly  thirty-eight  years  ago 
our  friendship  commenced.  It  has  never  been  interrupted,  to  my 
knowledge,  but  by  one  event.  Among  all  the  gentlemen  with 
whom  I  have  acted  and  lived  in  the  world,  I  know  not  any  two, 
who  have  more  uniformly  agreed  in  sentiment  upon  political  prin 
ciples,  forms  of  government,  and  national  policy,  than  you  and  ] 
have  done,  except  upon  one  great  subject;  a  most  important  and 
momentous  one  to  be  sure — that  subject  was  the  French  revolution. 
This,  at  the  first  appearance  of  it,  you  thought  '  a  minister  of 
grace;'  I  fully  believed  it  to  be  '  a  goblin  damned.'      Hence  all  the 


THOMAS    M'KEAN.  577 

estrangement  between  ns,  that  I  know,  or  ever  suspected.  There 
■s  no  reason  that  this  should  now  keep  us  asunder,  for  I  presume 
there  can  be  little  difference  of  opinion,  at  present,  upon  this 
subject. 

Mr.  M'Kean,  in  reply,  fully  realized  the  expectations  of  his  cor- 
respondent, as  to  the  congeniality  of  their  sentiments.  In  relation 
to  their  co-operation  in  public  affairs,  he  remarks,  "  I  declare,  with 
pleasure,  and  also  with  pride,  that  I  embraced  the  political  senti- 
ments of  none,  with  more  satisfaction,  (being  congenial  with  my 
own,)  than  yours;  nor  do  I  recollect  a  single  question  on  which  we 
differed.  It  is  true,  I  was  a  friend  to  the  revolution  in  France, 
from  the  assembly  of  the  notables  (1787),  until  the  king  was  de- 
capitated (1794) ;  which  I  deemed  not  only  a  very  atrocious,  but  an 
absurd  act.  After  that,  I  remained  in  a  kind  of  apathy  with  re- 
gard to  the  leaders  of  the  different  parties;  until  I  clearly  perceived 
that  that  nation  was  then  incapable  of  being  ruled  by  a  popular 
government:  and  when  a  few,  and  afterwards  an  individual, 
assumed  despotic  sway  over  them,  I  thought  them  in  a  situation 
better  than  under  the  government  of  a  mob;  for  I  would  prefer  any 
kind  of  government  to  such  a  state, — even  a  tyranny  to  anarchy. 
On  this  subject,  then,  I  do  not  conceive  we  differed  widely.  I  do 
assure  you,  that  I  venerate  our  early  friendship,  and  am  happy  in 
a  continuance  of  it."  Again :  "  I  decidedly  think  with  you  that  a 
democratic  form  of  government  in  France,  in  the  present  age,  was 
preposterous." 

Mr.  M'Kean,  having  served  as  governor  during  the  constitutional 
period  of  nine  years,  retired,  at  the  close  of  the  year  1808,  from 
the  cares  of  a  long  life,  faithfully,  ably,  and  successfully  devoted  to 
the  service  of  his  country;  and,  for  the  remainder  of  his  days, 
enjoyed,  in  the  peaceful  pursuits  of  science  and  literature,  the  con- 
sciousness of  a  well-earned  and  honourable  fame.  In  a  letter  to 
Mr.  Adams,  dated  in  June,  1812,  he  remarks — "  Three  years  ago 
1  shook  hands  with  the  world,  and  we  said  farewell  to  each  other : 
the  toys  and  rattles  of  childhood  would,  in  a  few  years  more,  be, 
probably,  as  suitably  to  me,  as  office,  honour,  or  wealth;  but  (thank 
God,)  the  faculties  of  my  mind  are,  as  yet,  little,  if  any  thing  im- 
paired, and  my  affections  and  friendships  remain  unshaken.  Since 
my. exemption  from  official  and  professional  duties,  I  have  enjoyed 
a  tranquillity,  never  (during  a  long,  protracted  life,)  heretofore  ex- 
perienced ;  and  my  health  and  comforts  are  sufficient  for  a  moderate 
man." 


578  THOMAS    M'KEAN. 

We  ought  not,  however,  to  omit  an  incident  which  occurred  after 
the  date  of  the  above  letter.  In  the  last  war  with  Great  Britain, 
the  citizens  of  Philadelphia,  alarmed  by  the  approach  of  the  enemy, 
met  in  town  meeting  in  the  State-house  square.  Mr.  M'Kean  had 
been  particularly  desired  to  attend,  and  on  his  appearing  once 
more  among  his  countrymen,  on  a  public  occasion,  he  was  greeted 
with  profound  respect  and  attention,  and  was  unanimously  called 
to  take  the  chair.  Never,  since  the  revolutionary  period,  had  a 
public  meeting  been  held  in  Philadelphia  on  so  momentous  a  busi- 
ness, and  never,  since  the  same  period,  had  an  occasion  existed 
which  demanded  more  promptness  and  decision  of  action.  The 
enemy  was  already  on  our  soil,  and  no  man,  whether  among  the 
boldest  or  the  most  cautious,  had  any  reason  to  believe  that  Phila- 
delphia would  not,  in  a  very  few  days,  be  the  object  of  attack.  The 
meeting,  collected  at  the  very  place,  where,  in  1776,  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence  had  been  proclaimed,  proceeded  to  its  business 
with  great  order.  No  noisy  demagogues  attempted  to  control  its 
operations,  or  to  create  excitement  by  inflammatory  harangues. 
The  venerable  chairman  alone  addressed  it,  and  in  a  few  brief  sen- 
tences, delivered  with  the  dignity  and  emphasis  of  his  former  days, 
touched  the  spirit  that  needed  only  to  be  awakened.  The  meeting, 
without  waste  of  time,  and  without  useless  discussion,  took  the 
measures  which  the  crisis  demanded,  and  the  city  was  in  a  short 
time  placed  in  a  condition  to  repel  the  attack  of  any  force  which 
the  enemy  could  then  bring  against  it. 

During  the  whole  of  his  career,  Mr.  M'Kean  was  remarkable  for 
the  most  unbending  integrity  of  character.  He  possessed  a  quali- 
fication, which  has  been  justly  noticed  as  a  distinguished  trait  in  the 
character  of  Washington, — a  determination  to  do  what  he  thought 
best  for  the  interest  of  the  state,  without  regard  to  the  clamour  of 
ignorance  or  of  discontent.  Independent  of  the  opinion  which  the 
narrow-minded,  but  self-sufficient,  might  please  to  adopt  with  re- 
gard to  him,  he  was  willing  to  be  judged  by  the  consequences  of  his 
actions,  however  remote  those  consequences  might  be. 

On  the  twenty-sixth  of  September,  1781,  Mr.  M'Kean  received 
the  diploma  of  doctor  of  laws,  from  the  college  of  New  Jersey.  In 
the  following  year,  he  was  invested  with  the  same  distinctions  by 
Dartmouth  college,  in  New  Hampshire.  On  the  thirty-first  of 
October,  following,  he  received  the  diploma  of  the  society  of  Cin- 
cinnati. He  was  also  a  trustee  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania, 
and,  in  1790,  one  of  the  founders  of  the  Hibernian  society  for  the 


THOMAS    M'KEAN.  579 

relief  of  emigrants  from  Ireland,  of  which  he  was  a  long  time  pre- 
sident. 

In  person  Mr.  M'Kean  was  tall,  erect,  and  well  proportioned. 
His  countenance  displayed,  in  a  remarkable  manner,  the  firmness 
and  intelligence  for  which  he  was  distinguished.  His  manners  were 
impressive  and  dignified.  In  the  month  of  July,  1762,  he  married 
Mary,  the  eldest  daughter  of  Joseph  Borden,  esquire,  of  Borden- 
town,  New  Jersey,  who  died  in  February,  1773,  leaving  two  sons 
and  four  daughters;  the  youngest  of  whom  was  only  two  weeks 
old.  On  Thursday,  the  third  of  September  1774,  he  was  again 
united  in  marriage,  by  the  Rev.  Joseph  Montgomery,  to  Miss  Sarah 
Armitage,  of  Newcastle,  in  Delaware :  five  children  were  the  off- 
spring of  this  union. 

At  length,  loaded  with  honours,  this  venerable  patriot  arrived  at 
the  ultima  linca  rerum,  and  departed  to  "  the  generation  of  his 
fathers,"  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  June,  1817,  aged  eighty-three 
years,  two  months,  and  sixteen  days.  His  remains  were  interred 
in  the  burial  ground  of  the  first  Presbyterian  church,  in  Market 
street,  Philadelphia. 

Thomas  M'Kean  outlived  all  the  enmities  which  an  active  and 
conspicious  part  in  public  affairs  had,  in  the  nature  of  things, 
created;  and  posterity  will  continue  to  cherish  his  memory,  as  one 
among  the  most  useful,  and  able,  and  virtuous  fathers  of  a  mighty 
republic: 

Conscia  mens  recti,  famEB  mendacia  ridet. 

62 


SAMUEL   CHASE. 


Among  the  patriots  of  the  revolution,  none  were  more  actively 
engaged  during  its  most  trying  scenes,  and  few  more  distinguished 
in  after  life,  than  Samuel  Chase. 

He  was  born  on  the  seventeenth  of  April,  1741,  in  Somerset 
county,  Maryland,  and  was  the  child  of  the  Rev.  Thomas  Chase,  a 
very  learned  clergyman  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal  church,  who, 
succeeding  to  the  pastoral  charge  of  St.  Paul's  parish,  in  Baltimore, 
temoved  with  his  son  to  that  town,  in  the  year  1743. 

Baltimore  was,  at  that  period,  merely  a  village,  and  afforded 
little  opportunity  for  the  education  of  boys;  but  the  Rev.  Mr.  Chase 
was  perfectly  well  qualified  to  instruct  his  son.  Under  the  tuition 
of  a  parent  so  accomplished  and  so  devoted  to  learning,  the  young 
Samuel  acquired  a  degree  of  erudition  uncommon  among  his  com- 
peers; and  at  the  age  of  eighteen,  with  the  established  character 
of  a  good  scholar,  was  sent  to  Annapolis  to  commence  the  study  of 
the  law.  He  was  admitted  to  practise  in  the  mayor's  court  at  the 
early  age  of  twenty,  and  two  years  afterwards  was  licensed  for  the 
chancery  and  some  of  the  county  courts. 

He  chose  Annapolis  for  his  permanent  residence,  and  very  soon 
became  known  as  an  able,  eloquent  and  fearless  lawyer.  He  soon 
after  married  Miss  Ann  Baldwin,  of  Annapolis,  a  lady  described, 
by  those  who  recollect  her,  as  remarkably  amiable  and  intelligent, 
and  who  became  the  mother  of  two  sons  and  two  daughters,  all  of 
whom  survived  their  parents.  He  afterwards  became  a  member  of 
the  colonial  legislature,  and  distinguished  himself  there  not  only  by 
the  vigour  of  his  mind,  but  by  the  bold  independence  of  his  course, 
and  his  uncourtly  bearing  towards  the  royal  governor  and  the  court 
party. 

The  most  memorable  instance  of  the  spirit  which  already  ani- 
mated him,  is  perhaps  to  be  found  in  a  vote  by  which  he  joined  in 
the  enactment  of  a  new  regulation  on  the  subject  of  the  compulsory 
580 


RES. OF   JUDGE     SAMUEL    CHASE 

Baltimore,  McL 


SAMUEL    CHASE.  533 

support  of  the  clergy;  and  by  the  provisions  of  which  his  own  father, 
still  rector  of  St.  Paul's,  suffered  a  diminution  of  one  half  his  in- 
come. He  was  an  heir  of  his  father's  property;  but  neither  that 
consideration  nor  the  fear  of  offending  the  old  gentleman,  could  re- 
strain him  from  voting  against  the  court  party,  and  in  favour  of 
what  he  thought  the  rights  of  the  people. 

The  stamp  act,  that  first  step  in  the  career  of  ministerial  folly, 
was  heard  of  with  less  emotion,  generally,  in  the  southern  than  in 
the  northern  colonies ;  but  every  where  the  intelligence  raised  a 
flame  of  indignation  and  a  spirit  of  resistance. 

In  the  political  mobs  in  Maryland,  Mr.  Chase  bore  an  active  and 
a  leading  part;  and,  in  consequence,  was  designated  by  the  mayor 
and  aldermen  of  Annapolis,  as  a  "busy,  restless  incendiary,  a  ring- 
leader of  mobs,  a  foul-mouthed  and  inflaming  son  of  discoid  and 
faction,  a  common  disturber  of  the  public  tranquillity,  and  a  pro- 
moter of  the  lawless  excesses  of  the  multitude." 

Mr.  Chase  avowed  and  gloried  in  the  action  and  violent  part 
which  he  had  taken.  "  I  admit,  gentlemen,"  he  said,  in  one  of 
his  publications,  "  that  I  was  one  of  those  who  committed  to  the 
flames,  in  eftigy,  the  stamp  distributor  of  this  province,  and  who 
openly  disputed  the  parliamentary  right  to  tax  the  colonics,  while 
you  skulked  in  your  houses,  some  of  you  asserting  the  parliamentary 
right,  and  esteeming  the  stamp  act  a  beneficial  law.  Others  of  you 
meanly  grumbled  in  your  corners,  not  daring  to  speak  out  your 
sentiments." 

The  calm  that  followed  the  repeal  of  the  stamp  act  was  deceitful 
and  transient;  very  soon  new  measures  of  aggression  began  to  ap- 
pear, and  the  vindictive  act  of  parliament  closing  the  port  of  Bos 
ton  in  1774,  roused  the  indignant  colonists  to  action. 

The  several  counties  of  Maryland  having  appointed  committees 
of  conference,  they  met  in  convention  on  the  twenty-second  of  June, 
and  agreed  to  the  proposal  of  a  general  congress  of  the  colonies, 
and  appointed  Mr.  Chase,  and  four  others,  delegates  to  attend  such 
meeting.  He  accordingly  attended  at  the  meeting  of  the  congress 
at  Philadelphia,  in  September,  1774.  The  whole  effort  made  by 
this  congress  was  pacific  and  conciliatory,  and  not  such  as  the  ardent 
temperament  of  Mr.  Chase  would  allow  him  heartily  to  approve.  It 
was  an  experiment  founded  upon  an  eloquent  appeal  from  the  minis- 
try to  the  king  and  people  of  England,  and  was  wisely,  though  un- 
successfully, made. 

In  December  of  the  same  year,  Mr.  Chase,  with  an  additional 


584  SAMUEL    CHASE. 

number  of  colleagues,  was  re-appointed  a  delegate,  to  attend  at  the 
session  to  be  held  in  the  ensuing  May. 

Mr.  Chase  attended  in  pursuance  of  this  appointment,  and  joined 
in  the  appointment  of  Washington,  as  commander-in-chief,  the 
organization  of  an  army,  and  all  the  other  measures  of  defence  then 
adopted. 

This  session,  like  the  preceding  one,  was  of  brief  duration ;  but 
there  was  time  for  him  to  make  many  acquaintances  and  acquire 
some  friendships,  among  men  of  the  most  distinguished  talents  and 
virtue  of  the  country  and  of  the  age. 

He  was  again  elected  in  the  summer  of  1775,  and  attended  during 
the  early  part  of  the  second  session  of  that  year.  The  situation  of 
the  Maryland  delegates  was  not  at  this  time  at  all  gratifying  to  their 
feelings;  Mr.  Chase,  at  least,  certainly  found  it  extremely  irksome. 
They  were  expressly  restricted  from  voting  in  favour  of  a  declaration 
of  independence ;  and  however  anxious  they  might  be  to  see  such  a 
measure  adopted,  they  were  bound  by  their  acceptance  of  this  limited 
appointment,  to  withhold  from  it  their  active  and  open  support. 

The  resolutions  of  the  convention,  first  disavowing  any  desire  of 
independence,  and  enjoining  on  their  delegates  to  vote  accordingly; 
then  subsequently  repeating  the  same  sentiments  and  instructions, 
and  again  finally  withdrawing  the  restriction,  are  matters  of  history, 
and  need  not  be  reiterated;  it  is  sufficient  to  refer  to  them,  to  show 
how  slowly  the  province  of  Maryland  became  fully  inspired  with 
that  spirit  of  liberty  which  Mr.  Chase,  and  many  others  of  her  sons, 
had  imbibed  in  so  large  a  degree. 

In  the  spring  of  the  year  1776,  he  received  an  appointment  of  the 
highest  trust  that  congress  could  bestow — the  mission  to  Canada, 
in  conjunction  with  Dr.  Franklin  and  Mr.  Carroll.  Great  expecta- 
tions had  been  indulged  of  important  advantages  to  be  gained  by 
this  embassy.  The  choice  of  commissioners  was  made,  therefore, 
with  extreme  care,  and  implied  the  utmost  confidence  in  the  talents, 
zeal,  and  fidelity  of  the  gentlemen  that  were  selected.  The  reverses 
which  befel  the  arms  of  the  continentals  on  the  northern  frontier, 
prevented  whatever  success  might  otherwise  have  attended  this 
mission. 

When  he  returned  to  Philadelphia,  he  found  that  the  proposition 
had  been  actually  made  to  issue  a  declaration  of  independence,  and 
his  trammels,  therefore,  sat  more  uncomfortably  upon  him  than  ever. 
He  hungered  and  thirsted  for  independence  with  an  eagerness  that 
knew  no  bounds,  and  yet  was  still  tied  by  those  ill-timed  instruc- 


SAMUEL    CHASE.  535 

tions,  and  had  the  mortification  to  see  Maryland  holding  back,  when 
nearly  all  the  rest  of  the  colonies  had  pronounced  their  wish  for  an 
immediate  renunciation  of  the  royal  authority. 

At  about  this  period,  an  occurrence  took  place  of  a  very  singular 
nature,  which  drew  forth  a  display  of  Mr.  Chase's  characteristic 
fearlessness  and  decision.  Among  the  members  of  congress,  there 
had  prevailed  the  utmost  confidence  and  mutual  respect;  and  al- 
though differences  of  opinion  existed,  there  was  not  supposed  to  he 
any  want  of  sincere  and  faithful  attachment  to  the  common  cause. 
But  Mr.  Chase  discovering,  by  what  means  is  not  known,  that  the 
Rev.  Dr.  Zubly,  a  delegate  from  Georgia,  was  in  correspondence 
with  the  royal  governor  of  that  province,  immediately  denounced 
him  to  congress  as  a  traitor.  Zubly  admitted  the  truth  of  the  accu- 
sation by  a  hasty  fligh  ,  a»  1  measures  were  instantly  taken  for  his 
arrest,  but  without  success. 

The  instructions  of  his  constituents  were  a  galling  yoke  to  Mr. 
Chase.  With  his  characteristic  activity,  he  left  his  seat  in  congress, 
traversed  Maryland,  and  in  concert  with  his  colleagues  and  other 
friends  assembled  county  meetings,  at  which  he  obtained  an  expres- 
sion of  sentiments  more  congenial  with  his  own.  The  convention, 
then  sitting  at  Annapolis,  could  not  resist  the  overwhelming  torrent 
of  county  addresses ;  and  on  the  twenty-eighth  of  June,  Mr.  Chase 
wrote  to  Mr.  Adams,  the  great  leader  in  congress — "  Friday  even- 
ing, nine  o'clock.  I  am  just  this  moment  from  the  house  to  procure 
an  express  to  follow  the  post,  with  an  unanimous  vote  of  our  conven- 
tion for  independence.  See  the  glorious  effect  of  county  instruc- 
tions.    The  people  have  fire,  if  it  is  not  smothered." 

The  painful  restriction  on  his  own  vote  being  now  removed,  he 
hastened  after  the  express,  came  the  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles, 
from  Annapolis  to  Philadelphia,  on  Saturday  and  Sunday,  was  in 
his  place  on  Monday  morning,  and  voted  with  the  majority,  which 
on  that  day  adopted  the  decisive  resolution. 

He  was  re-elected  on  the  fourth  of  July,  1776,  again  on  the  twen- 
tieth of  November  of  the  same  year,  again  in  February,  1777,  b^ 
1  he  house  of  delegates,  and  in  December,  1777,  by  the  general  as- 
sembly. Until  the  end  of  the  year  1778,  he  was  generally  at  his  post, 
except  occasionally  when,  for  a  few  weeks,  the  representation  from 
Maryland  being  full  without  him,  he  turned  his  attention  to  his  own 
private  or  professional  affairs;  and  during  all  the  time  of  his  attend- 
ance, he  was  constantly  chosen  a  member  of  all  important,  as  well 
as  many  ynimportant,  committees.  The  number  and  variety  of  the 
2R 


586  SAMUEL    CHASE. 

duties  devolved  upon  him  by  this  frequent  and  almost  daily  appoint- 
ment, seem  to  have  been  greater  than  ought  to  have  been  imposed 
on  any  one  man,  however  industrious  and  able.  The  most  discord- 
ant subjects,  whether  they  were  in  their  nature  military,  marine, 
financial,  judicial,  or  political,  without  discrimination  or  mercy,  were 
thrown  upon  his  attention. 

Urgent  as  were  the  calls  of  his  professional  duties  and  private 
interests,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  break  oft' abruptly  from  the  business 
in  which  he  might  be  occupied,  during  his  occasional  visits  to  An- 
napolis, when  he  heard  of  any  question  being  in  danger  of  a  wrong 
decision  in  congress,  or  any  measure  of  wisdom  and  urgency  re- 
quiring his  support. 

Thus,  very  soon  after  he  had  joined  in  the  vote  for  independence, 
having  retired  for  a  short  interval  to  the  pursuit  of  his  studies  and 
the  care  of  his  domestic  concerns,  he  hastened  back  to  Philadelphia, 
on  hearing  that  the  plan  of  a  confederation  and  a  foreign  alliance 
met  with  opposition  and  delay. 

In  the  autumn  of  the  year  1776,  Messrs.  Wilson,  Smith,  Clynier, 
Stockton,  and  Chase,  were  appointed  a  committee  to  "devise  and 
execute"  measures  for  effectually  re-inforcing  General  Washington, 
and  obstructing  the  progress  of  the  British  army. 

To  obstruct  the  progress  of  the  British  army  was  in  effect  the 
whole  business  of  the  government;  the  appointment  of  this  com- 
mittee was,  therefore,  tantamount  to  a  devolution  of  the  entire 
powers  of  congress  into  the  hands  of  a  directory  of  five  men,  and 
was  intended  as  an  alternative  from  conferring  unlimited  authority 
upon  the  commander-in-chief.  The  removal  to  Baltimore,  which 
occurred  soon  after,  and  the  resolution  providing  that  "  General 
Washington  be  possessed  of  full  power  to  order  and  direct  all  things 
relative  to  the  department  of  war,"  superseded  the  executive  com- 
mittee, and  relieved  them  from  a  most  embarrassing  and  perplex- 
ing task. 

Another  committee,  of  which  he  was  a  member,  was  appointed  to 
devise  means  for  suppressing  the  internal  enemies  of  the  union,  and 
was  obliged  to  notice  the  obnoxious  conduct  of  the  Quakers,  and  to 
consider  how  far  it  was  requisite  to  adopt  strong  measures  in  respect 
to  them.  The  dangers  of  the  period,  and  the  magnitude  of  the 
stake,  induced  the  committee  to  recommend,  and  congress  to  adopt, 
a  measure  that  seems  at  this  distance  of  time  to  have  been  harsh, 
but  which  was  doubtless  considered  indispensably  necessary  at  that 
crisis.     This  was  the  apprehension  of  several  respectable  members 


SAMUEL    CHASE.  587 

of  the  society  of  Friends  at  Philadelphia  and  elsewhere,  and  also 
the  imprisonment  of  other  persons  whoso  conduct  or  conversation 
was  exceptionable. 

However  severe  this  treatment  of  the  members  of  a  sect  generally 
unoffending,  and  far  from  seditious,  may  appear  at  first  view,  there 
was  certainly  much  provocation  given  by  the  Quakers  in  their  pub- 
lications prior  to  this  time,  intended  to  thwart  and  discredit  the 
plans  of  congress ;  besides  the  detection  of  a  systematic  scheme  of 
communication  with  the  enemy,  which  had  been  put  in  practice  by 
a  monthly  meeting  in  New  Jersey. 

The  Testimony  published  by  order  of  a  general  meeting  of  the 
Quakers  of  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania  and  by  subordinate  meetings, 
also  contained  many  seditious  sentiments,  which  were  of  course 
widely  circulated,  and  which  congress  could  not  but  feel  to  be  at  the 
same  time  insulting  and  injurious. 

In  the  spring  of  1778,  intelligence  was  received  of  the  intention 
of  the  British  parliament  to  pass  certain  acts,  called  conciliatory 
bills,  providing  for  the  appointment  of  commissioners  to  treat  with 
the  Americans. 

These  drafts  of  intended  bills  were  industriously,  but  secretly 
circulated  by  the  tories,  until  congress  caused  them  to  be  published, 
and  circulated  at  the  same  time  a  countervailing  address.  The 
preparation  of  this  paper  was  intrusted  to  Mr.  Chase,  Mr.  Richard 
Henry  Lee,  and  Mr.  Gouverneur  Morris,  and  the  actual  composition 
of  it  was  left  to  Mr.  Chase,  and  is  marked  by  the  nervousness  of 
style  and  directness  of  assertion  that  characterized  his  writing  and 
conversation.  With  less  rhetorical  elegance  than  is  found  in  the 
preceding  addresses,  particularly  that  of  the  year  1774,  composed 
by  Mr.  Lee,  it  is  not  less  persuasive  and  eloquent.  The  danger 
averted  by  this  address  was  imminent.  But  for  the  precautionary 
energy  of  congress,  the  scheme  would  have  succeeded,  and  Ameri- 
can Independence  would  have  been  lost.  To  the  address  and  energy 
of  Chase,  may,  in  great  measure,  be  ascribed  its  defeat. 

In  order  to  disseminate  this  address  the  more  widely,  the  aid  of 
the  pulpit  was  invoked,  and  it  was  recommended  to  ministers  of 
the  gospel,  of  all  denominations,  to  read  it  immediately  after  divine 
service  in  their  respective  churches,  chapels  and  other  places  of 
public  worship. 

The  hall  of  congress  was  no  place  for  the  display  of  vehement  or 
passionate  oratory.  Yet  it  was  said  of  Mr.  Chase,  that  on  some 
occasions  in  debate,  his  ardour  transported  him  far  beyond  the  sim 


5SS  SAMUEL    CHASE. 

pie  logic  that  the  place  seemed  to  require.  In  the  Maryland  house 
of  delegates,  of  which  he  had  been  a  member  for  several  years  be- 
fore he  appeared  in  congress ;  and  also  in  the  election  contests, 
which  were  carried  on  with  great  animation,  he  had  improved  to  a 
high  degree  of  excellence  his  powers  of  energetic,  forcible  delivery. 
In  the  language  of  party  he  was,  therefore,  styled  the  "Demosthenes 
of  Maryland;"  and  it  was  reported  of  him  that  he  anticipated  in 
congress  the  regular  proposition  of  independence,  by  the  most  im- 
passioned and  vehement  exclamation,  that  "by  the  God  of  heaven 
he  owed  no  allegiance  to  the  king  of  Great  Britain." 

Ardent,  active  and  undaunted  he  certainly  was,  not  only  in  con- 
gress, but  every  where,  in  the  cause  of  freedom,  from  his  very 
entrance  upon  the  stage  of  manhood  until  the  consummation  of  his 
wishes  in  the  peace  and  the  acknowledgment  of  independence ;  and 
equally  undaunted,  ardent  and  active  in  the  support  of  what  he  con- 
sidered just  sentiments  and  correct  principles,  during  the  latter  part 
of  his  life. 

His  habits  of  study  were  never  intermitted,  except  when  they 
gave  way  to  the  calls  of  public  duty.  He  found  time,  in  the  midst 
of  all  the  anxieties  and  agitations  of  the  revolution,  to  make  him- 
self a  very  accomplished  lawyer ;  to  the  pursuit  of  eminence  and 
honest  profit  at  the  bar,  he  devoted  the  last  two  or  three  years  of 
the  war ;  and  in  a  private  station  hailed  the  return  of  peace  and 
the  establishment  of  secure  independence. 

In  the  year  1783,  an  incident  occurred,  that  displays  the  warmth 
of  feeling  and  keen  penetration  of  Mr.  Chase. 

Being  in  Baltimore,  he  was  induced  to  attend  the  meeting  of  a 
debating  club,  composed  chiefly  of  students  and  very  young  men. 
Among  the  speakers  there  was  one  whose  excellent  style  of  delivery, 
line  voice,  and  strength  of  argument,  particularly  caught  his  atten- 
.ion.  He  spoke  to  the  youth  after  the  debate  had  closed,  and  found 
lie  was  from  Annapolis,  and  had  been  placed  with  a  physician  and 
apothecary  in  Baltimore,  where  he  compounded  medicines,  and  ex- 
pected to  receive  instructions  in  pharmacy  and  medical  practice. 
Mr.  Chase  advised  him  to  study  law,  and  encouraged  him  to  hope 
for  success  in  the  legal  profession.  To  this  the  youth  replied,  that 
he  could  not  afford  to  go  through  the  preparatory  course  of  study, 
being  entirely  without  means,  and  having  no  dependence  except 
upon  his  own  immediate  exertions.  Mr.  Chase,  with  the  sympathy 
of  kindred  genius,  invited  the  young  man  to  the  benefit  of  his  li- 
brary, his  instruction,  and  his  table;  and  urge.!  upon  him  the  in? 


SAMUEL    CHASE.  581) 

mediate  acceptance  of  the  offer  so  earnestly,  that  it  was  promptly 
and  gladly  accepted,  and  the  fortunate  youth  repaired  to  Annapolis, 
where  he  became  established  in  the  office  of  his  generous  benefactor. 
This  young  man  was  William  Pinkney,  afterwards  the  eloquent  at- 
torney-general of  the  United  States,  minister  successively  at  the 
courts  of  London,  Naples,  and  St.  Petersburgh,  and  the  most  distin- 
guished lawyer  in  America. 

In  the  month  of  June,  1783,  the  legislature  of  Maryland  passed 
an  act  "  concerning  the  stock  of  the  Bank  of  England  belonging  to 
this  state,"  by  which  it  appears  that  there  had  been  a  large  sum  of 
money,  besides  bank  stock,  belonging  to  the  state,  left  in  the  hands 
of  an  agent  in  London.  Mr.  Chase  was  appointed  to  visit  London 
and  collect  the  amount  due.  He  accordingly  repaired  to  England, 
and  placed  the  claim  in  a  train  of  adjustment.  The  amount  eventu- 
ally recovered  through  this  negotiation,  was  about  six  hundred  and 
fifty  thousand  dollars. 

Mr.  Chase  remained  less  than  a  year  in  England,  during  which 
time  he  gratified  a  rational,  and,  it  may  be  said,  a  professional  cu- 
riosity, in  observing  the  proceedings  of  the  various  courts  of  justice 
and  the  two  houses  of  parliament.  He  made  many  interesting  ac- 
quaintances among  gentlemen  of  the  bar,  and  those  of  parliamentary 
or  literary  celebrity;  and  the  intelligence,  frankness,  fine  flow  of 
spirits,  and  remarkable  powers  of  conversation  which  distinguished 
the  American  patriot  and  lawyer  made  a  most  agreeable  impres- 
sion on  the  British  statesmen  and  barristers  to  whom  he  became 
known. 

He  passed  much  of  his  time  while  in  England  in  the  society  of 
the  most  eminent  lawyers;  was  frequently  in  company  with  the  rival 
statesmen  Pitt  and  Fox  ;  and  had  the  gratification  of  being  the 
guest  of  Edmund  Burke,  for  one  delightful  week,  at  Beacons- 
field. 

On  the  third  of  March,  1784,  at  London,  he  was  united  to  his 
second  wife,  Miss  Hannah  Kitty  Giles,  the  daughter  of  Dr.  Samuel 
Giles,  of  Kentbury  ;  and  soon  after  this  event  he  returned  to 
America. 

The  incidents  of  this  agreeable  residence  in  England,  formed  the 
theme  of  many  of  his  conversations  in  his  latter  years.  He  recurred 
always  with  pleasure  to  his  intercourse  with  the  remarkable  per- 
sonages of  that  country.  But  he  did  not  seem  to  have  acquired  any 
admiration  of  the  British  government,  which  he  ever  spoke  of  as 
corruptly,  though  ably,  administered. 
63  2r2 


590  SAMUEL    CHASE. 

His  compensation  having  been  contingent,  and  the  delays  of 
chancery  proceedings  having  made  it  impossible  for  him  yet  to  see 
the  issue  of  his  labours,  he  returned  much  impoverished,  and  re- 
commenced the  practice  of  the  law. 

In  the  year  1786,  he  removed  from  Annapolis  to  Baltimore.  The 
occasion,  or  at  least  a  part  of  his  inducement,  was  the  pressing  in- 
vitation and  generous  proposal  of  his  friend  Colonel  Howard,  who 
possessed  a  large  estate  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  Baltimore,  on 
which  a  portion  of  the  city  has  since  been  built;  and  being  anxious 
for  the  improvement  of  the  town,  and  highly  appreciating  the  pos- 
sible acquisition  of  such  a  man  as  Mr.  Chase  to  his  neighbourhood, 
liberally  offered  him  a  square  of  ground,  without  any  other  consi 
deration  than  the  actual  residence  of  himself  and  family  upon  it. 

This  singular  offer,  characteristic  alike  of  the  liberality  of  Colonel 
Howard  and  the  estimation  in  which  he  held  the  influence  of  Mr. 
Chase,  was  immediately  accepted;  the  square  was  laid  out  between 
Eutau,  Lexington,  Fayette  and  Paca  streets,  the  conveyance  was 
regularly  made,  and  Mr.  Chase  built  on  this  site  the  house  of  his 
permanent  abode,  where  he  lived  and  died,  and  which  he  left  to  his 
descendants. 

At  the  time  of  his  removal  from  Annapolis  he  received  an  affec- 
tionate compliment  from  the  corporation  of  that  city,  of  which  he 
had  been  the  recorder. 

In  the  year  1788  a  new  court  of  criminal  jurisdiction  was  organ- 
ized for  the  county  and  town  of  Baltimore,  of  which  Mr.  Chase  was 
named  the  presiding  judge.  This  office  being  similar  to  that  of 
recorder,  which  he  had  held  at  Annapolis,  did  not  preclude  him 
from  the  exercise  of  his  profession.  He  continued  at  the  bar,  and 
served  also  in  the  convention  which  ratified,  on  the  part  of  Mary- 
land, the  new  federal  constitution;  but  in  the  year  1791,  on  the 
resignation  of  Thomas  Johnson,  he  finally  relinquished  the  practice 
of  the  law,  in  accepting  the  appointment  of  chief  justice  of  the 
general  court  of  Maryland. 

The  attractions  of  judicial  station  seem  to  be  irresistible.  The 
acceptance  of  it  generally  involves  a  sacrifice  in  point  of  income, 
and  the  relinquishment  of  an  honourable  profession,  for  a  position 
of  great  labour,  vexation  and  responsibility;  yet  such  appointments 
are  seldom  refused.  Mr.  Chase  was  still  in  the  meridian  of  life, 
and  possessed  of  talents  and  acquirements  that  insured  a  lucrative 
career  at  the  bar.  But  he  unhesitatingly  gave  up  the  prospect  of 
professional  eminence,  together  with  the  opportunities  of  political 


SAMUEL    CHASE.  591 

distinction  which  his  character  and  situation  would  have  afforded, 

and  eliosc  his  reputation  as  a  judge  the  chief  criterion  according  to 
which  his  name  must  be  estimated  by  posterity. 

When  the  new  constitution  went  into  operation,  Judge  Chase 
was  not  at  first  altogether  pleased  with  the  state  of  public  affairs. 
His  construction  of  the  relative  powers  of  the  president  and  the 
senate,  in  respect  to  appointments,  would  seem  singular  at  this 
lime.  Our  ideas  of  the  constitution  are  now  formed  more  gene- 
rally from  observing  its  actual  operation,  than  by  study  of  its  written 
provisions;  but,  in  the  beginning  of  its  existence  the  letter  of  the 
instrument  was  the  only  guide,  and  looking  to  that  alone,  he  sup- 
posed it  would  be  the  duty  of  the  president  to  submit  a  list  of  can- 
didates for  each  office  to  the  senate,  who  would  make  the  selection 
out  of  this  number,  and  so  determine  the  appointment. 

A  few  years  after  this  time,  the  unhappy  dissension  arose  which 
divided  this  nation  into  parties,  called  federal  and  anti-federal,  or 
federal  and  democratic. 

The  federal  party  was  charged  with  entertaining  aristocratic  no- 
tions, and  partialities  for  England ;  and  with  desiring  to  strengthen 
the  executive  branch  of  the  government,  and  to  depress  the  rights 
or  disregard  the  will  of  the  people. 

We  have  seen  in  the  events  of  his  early  years,  how  devotedly  he 
served  the  cause  of  the  people  against  the  oppressions  of  the  aris- 
tocracy and  the  royal  power.  As  to  his  feelings  towards  the  British 
nation,  there  is  proof,  besides  the  evidence  which  his  actions  afforded, 
that  he  had  imbibed,  instead  of  partiality  and  attachment,  a  deep 
rooted  and  perhaps  excessive  animosity.  Speaking  of  the  contest 
between  England  and  France,  in  a  letter  to  an  intimate  friend,  he 
said,  "I  wish  most  cordially  to  see  that  proud,  wicked  and  tyran- 
nical nation,"  meaning  England,  "  reduced  to  beg  terms  of  peace 
from  her  ancient  and  inveterate  enemy." 

With  these  principles  and  sentiments,  neither  changed  nor  en- 
feebled, he  became  a  zealous  and  unwavering  federalist,  and  con- 
tinued to  the  end  of  his  life  firmly  and  ardently  attached  to  that 
party  to  which  views  and  feelings  so  opposite  to  his  own  have  been 
so  often  and  positively  ascribed. 

If  there  be  any  mystery  in  this,  it  is  not  our  province  to  explain 
it.  We  may  venture,  however,  to  suggest,  that  the  future  historian 
of  this  country,  looking  back  on  the  distractions  and  heats  of  the 
period  to  which  we  refer,  will  record  many  instances  of  pure  patriot- 
ism and  true  republicanism  on  each  side  of  the  party  line;  and  wi'l 


j>92  SAMUEL    CHASE. 

say  that  a  deal  of  strife  and  asperity  arose  out  of  questions  possess- 
ing little  intrinsic  importance;  that  the  parties  misunderstood  each 
other;  and  quarrelled  only  about  men,  when  they  thought  they 
were  contending  for  principles. 

His  political  opinions  being  founded  on  honest  feelings,  his  ardent 
temperament  did  not  suffer  him  to  remain  a  lukewarm  politician,  in 
a  period  of  universal  excitement.  He  therefore  expressed  himself 
freely  and  forcibly  on  the  subject  at  all  times,  and  made  many 
enemies  by  so  doing. 

In  the  year  1794,  some  excitement  of  popular  indignation  at 
Baltimore,  occasioned  a  disgraceful  riot,  in  which  two  men  were 
tarred  and  feathered  in  the  street.  Judge  Chase  took  a  stand  on 
this  occasion  highly  honourable  to  his  firmness,  and  his  resolute 
determination  to  assert  the  supremacy  of  the  law.  Holding  at  this 
time,  the  office  of  chief  judge  of  the  criminal  court,  he  took  measures 
for  an  investigation  of  the  outrage ;  and  caused  two  men,  of  very 
respectable  standing,  and  great  popularity  with  the  ruling  party,  to 
be  arrested  as  ringleaders. 

The  court  room  was  crowded  by  many  who  had  taken  active 
parts  in  the  riot,  and  hundreds  of  the  same  character  were  about 
the  court  house,  with  drums  and  fifes,  and  with  colours  flying.  The 
persons  arrested  refused  to  give  surety  to  appear  at  the  next  court 
— "Then,"  said  the  judge,  "you  must  go  to  jail."  One  of  the 
most  opulent  citizens  proposed  himself  as  surety,  but  the  prisoner 
refused  permitting  it,  when  the  judge  ordered  the  sheriff  to  take 
him  to  prison;  the  sheriff  replied  that  he  could  not  take  him;  the 
judge  then  told  him  to  summon  the  posse  comitatus  to  his  assistance; 
t  was  answered,  he  could  get  no  one  to  serve, — the  judge  then 
said,  "summon  me,  sir,  I  will  be  the  posse  comitatus,  I  will  take 
him  to  jail."  A  member  of  the  bar,  of  the  first  respectability, 
then  addressed  the  judge,  advising  him  to  pass  over  the  affair, 
and  intimating  to  him,  that  he  apprehended  his  life  and  property 
were  in  danger.  "  God  forbid,"  was  the  emphatic  reply  of  the 
judge,  "that  my  countrymen  should  ever  be  guilty  of  so  daring  an 
outrage;  but,  sir,  with  the  blessing  of  God,  I  will  do  my  duty, — 
they  may  destroy  my  property,  they  may  pull  down  my  house  over 
my  head,  yea,  they  may  make  a  widow  of  my  wife,  and  my  children 
fatherless, — the  life  of  one  man  is  of  little  consequence  compared  to 
the  prostration  of  the  laws  of  the  land — with  the  blessing  of  God,  I 
will  do  mj  duty,  be  the  consequences  what  they  may."  He  gave 
the  parties  tine  to  reflect  upon  the  importance  and  propriety  of 


SAMUEL    CHASE.  593 

yielding,  and  appointed  the  next  day  to  meet  them.  It  was  observed 
that  the  morrow  would  be  Sunday — "  No  better  day,"  replied  Judge 
Chase,  "  to  execute  the  laws  of  our  country;  I  will  meet  you  here, 
and  then  repair  to  the  bouse  of  my  God!"  Not  obtaining  security 
for  their  appearance  on  Sunday,  he  sent  an  express  to  the  governor 
and  council,  on  that  day,  calling  for  the  support  of  the  state.  On 
Monday,  he  was  waited  upon  by  three  of  the  most  wealthy  and 
respectable  citizens  of  Baltimore,  to  request  him  to  desist,  and  give 
up  the  point,  apprehending  serious  consequences  to  the  city:  He 
replied  to  them  with  great  warmth,  asked  if  they  meant  to  insult 
him  by  supposing  him  capable  of  yielding  the  law  to  two  obstinate 
men.  They  left  him,  and  a  few  hours  after,  as  the  judge  was  going 
to  court,  the  persons  charged  met  him  in  the  street  and  consented 
to  give  the  security.  When  the  court  met,  the  grand  jury  refused 
to  find  a  bill  against  the  parties  accused,  and  delivered  a  present- 
ment against  Mr.  Chase. 

The  presentment  of  the  grand  jury  comprises  only  two  specific 
charges  against  the  judge.  First,  of  having  insulted  them  by  openly 
censuring  the  sheriff  for  returning  so  bad  a  jury.  And,  secondly, 
of  having  violated  the  bill  of  rights,  by  accepting  and  exercising,  at 
the  same  time,  two  different  offices, — chief  judge  of  the  criminal 
court,  and  chief  judge  of  the  general  court  of  the  state. 

The  reply  of  Judge  Chase  was  marked  by  temperate  moderation 
and  firmness.  He  gently  reminded  them  how  much  they  had  gone 
beyond  the  proper  sphere  of  their  duties,  in  meddling  with  such 
subjects  as  the  holding  two  offices,  and  justified  his  censure  of  the 
sherifi"  as  well  founded,  to  the  extent  that  he  had  actually  uttered  it. 

In  the  conclusion  of  this  reply  he  told  the  jury,  "you  will,  gentle- 
men, continue  to  do  your  duty,  and  I  shall  persevere  in  mine;  and 
you  may  be  assured  that  no  mistaken  opinion  of  yours,  or  resentment 
against  me,  will  prevent  my  having  respect  for  you  as  a  body." 

In  the  year  1796,  he  was  appointed  by  President  Washington  to  the 
office  of  an  associate  judge  of  the  Supreme  court  of  the  United  States. 
In  this  exalted  station  he  continued  about  fifteen  years,  distinguished 
by  the  dignity  and  ability  with  which  he  performed  its  functions. 

His  decisions  were  seldom  if  ever  reversed,  his  ability  was  con- 
spicuous, his  industry  and  integrity  were  unquestioned;  his  legal 
l pinions  and  instructions  to  juries  were  marked  by  sound  sense, 
t,iear  demonstrative  logic,  discrimination,  and  learning;  expressed 
.n  perspicuous  language,  and  delivered  with  remarkable  impressive- 
less  of  manner. 


591  SAMUEL    CHASE. 

He  may  fairly  be  suid  to  ha.e  been  a  great  judge;  and  was  pro- 
nounced by  a  very  distinguisned  lawyer  of  the  Philadelphia  bar, 
who  was  not  his  personal  nor  political  friend,  the  "greatest"  that 
he  had  ever  seen  ;  meaning,  by  that  often  misapplied  term,  the  most 
prompt,  sagacious,  and  learned. 

Yet  with  all  tnis  well-deserved  reputation,  and  notwithstanding 
(he  gratitude  due  to  him  from  this  nation,  he  was  impeached  by  the 
house  of  representatives,  tried  before  the  senate  on  charges  of  high 
misdemeanor,  and  narrowly  escaped  condemnation. 

The  true  cause  of  this  incident  in  his  life  is  to  be  found  in  his 
habit  of  unreservedly  expressing  opinions  on  national  politics,  and 
censuring  freely  where  he  thought  censure  was  deserved. 

In  the  year  1800,  he  held  the  circuit  court,  along  with  Judge 
Peters,  the  district  judge,  at  Philadelphia;  where  among  the  prison- 
ers to  be  tried  was  John  Fries,  who  had  been  charged  with  treason 
ir.  raising  an  insurrection  against  the  general  government. 

Fries  had  already  been  tried  and  convicted  before  Judges  Iredell 
and  Peters;  but  a  new  trial  had  been  granted  on  account  of  some 
irregularities  on  the  part  of  a  juryman.  The  prisoner  had  been 
strenuously  defended  by  Mr.  Lewis  and  Mr.  Dallas,  lawyers  of  dis- 
tinguished talents,  who  had  rested  his  cause  on  a  point  of  law,  and 
admitting  or  faintly  denying  the  facts,  had  contended  that  all  his 
misdeeds  fell  short  of  the  legal  definition  of  treason. 

The  court  had  on  that  occasion  given  an  elaborate  judgment  on 
the  law  of  treason,  which  had  been  the  subject  of  much  discussion 
among  judges  and  lawyers,  as  the  trial  had  excited  strong  public 
interest. 

When  the  session  of  the  court  was  approaching,  Judge  Chase 
naving  considered  the  subject,  and  made  up  his  mind  fully  in  con- 
currence with  Judge  Iredell,  and  knowing  that  the  whole  argument 
would  be  repeated  before  him,  thought  it  would  save  time  and 
trouble  to  inform  the  gentlemen  concerned  as  counsel  for  Fries,  and 
also  the  district  attorney,  of  the  judgment  which  he  had  formed  re- 
specting the  law. 

With  the  approbation  of  Judge  Peters,  therefore,  he  caused  three 
copies  to  be  made  of  his  opinion,  of  which,  when  the  court  met,  he 
gave  one  to  Mr.  Lewis,  and  one  to  Mr.  Rawle,  the  district  attorney, 
reserving  the  other  avowedly  for  the  use  of  the  jury  that  should  be 
impannelled.  He  told  the  lawyers,  however,  that  he  did  not  mean 
to  prohibit  their  arguing  the  matter  to  the  court  or  to  thejury. 

Mr.  Lewis  and  Mr.  Dallas,  knowing  that  their  client's  case  was 


SAMUEL    CHASE.  595 

desperate,  immediately  refused  to  attempt  any  defence,  declaring 
that  the  cause  had  been  prejudged.  The  next  day  Judge  Chase, 
finding  the  lawyers  had,  as  Judge  Peters  expressed  it,  "  taken  the 
stud,"  endeavoured  to  prevail  on  them  to  proceed  with  the  cause, 
assuring  them  of  every  possible  privilege  and  indulgence;  but  the} 
thought  the  chance  of  obtaining  a  pardon  would  be  better,  if  Fries 
were  convicted  without  any  attempt  at  a  defence,  and  they  knew  there 
was  little  hope  of  producing  a  result  different  from  the  former  verdict. 
Fries  was  tried  without  counsel,  declining  to  allow  others  to  be  assign- 
ed for  him,  and  convicted ;  but  afterwards  pardoned  by  the  president, 

The  justification  of  Judge  Chase's  conduct,  in  this  matter,  was 
very  plain  to  impartial  spectators.  He  had  no  motive  for  desiring 
to  injure  the  prisoner,  or  to  prevent  him  from  having  a  fair  trial. 
His  uniform  practice  had  been  to  war  against  the  proud,  not  the 
abject.  Stern  and  severe  as  he  was  in  the  administration  of  justice, 
he  never  had  been  known  to  be  cruel  or  oppressive.  In  apprising 
the  counsel  beforehand,  of  his  opinions,  he  only  did  what  the  custom- 
ary charge  to  the  grand  jury  always  does,  and  much  more  publicly, 
before  the  cases  are  heard,  that  the  judge  knows  are  to  come  before 
him.  It  was  done  with  the  concurrence  of  Judge  Peters;  and  to 
those  who  knew  that  estimable  man,  this  is  enough  to  show  there 
could  have  been  nothing  intentionally  wrong. 

The  congress  were  at  that  time  in  session,  but  even  in  that  arena 
of  licensed  animadversion,  the  political  enemies  of  the  judge  did  not 
think  of  insinuating  a  censure.  Yet,  four  years  after,  this  was  made 
the  prominent  article  of  an  impeachment,  charging  him  with  conduct 
"arbitrary,  oppressive,  and  unjust,"  and  with  having  brought  dis- 
grace on  the  character  of  the  American  bench. 

In  the  course  of  the  same  spring,  he  held  the  circuit  court  for  the 
Virginia  district.  One  Callender  had  published  a  libel,  or  what  was 
called  a  libel,  of  a  very  atrocious  character  against  the  president; 
and  was  tried  for  it  at  this  court.  Judge  Chase  had,  of  course,  heard 
of  the  man  and  of  the  publication,  and  did  not  consider  himself 
bound  by  any  obligation  of  law  or  morality  to  suppress  his  opinion 
of  both.  He  approached  the  trial,  however,  with  no  wish  for  the 
success  of  any  thing  but  justice.  Certain  technical  questions  arose 
as  to  the  competency  of  a  juryman,  and  the  admission  of  evidence, 
which  the  judge  happened  to  rule  in  such  a  way  as  was  not  propitious 
to  the  views  of  the  prisoner's  counsel,  who,  besides  being  disap- 
pointed by  his  decisions  upon  these  points,  were  offended  by  the 
energy  and  abruptness  of  his  manner. 


596  SAMUEL    CHASE. 

Whether  he  was  right  in  a  legal  view,  is  a  mere  question  of  spe- 
cial pleading;  his  decisions  were  subject  to  be  overruled  by  a  higher 
judicial  power,  but  no  appeal  was  taken. 

In  June  of  the  same  year,  he  presided  at  a  circuit  court  for  the 
Delaware  district,  at  Newcastle.  Here  it  was  necessary  for  him  to 
give  a  charge  to  the  grand  jury,  instructing  them  in  the  definitions 
of  the  crimes  to  which  their  attention  would  probably  be  directed. 

The  sedition  law  was  at  this  period  in  force  ;  a  severe  and  impo- 
litic law,  it  may  be  said  to  have  been  ;  and  as  it  proved,  an  unfor- 
tunate enactment  for  the  principal  promoters  and  defenders  of  it. 
Still  it  was  the  law  of  the  land,  and  Judge  Chase  was  bound  to 
carry  it  into  execution.  It  may  be  presumed,  too,  that  lie  felt  no 
repugnance  towards  this  performance  of  his  duty.  The  law  re- 
sembled in  its  principles  the  resolutions  of  congress  passed  in  1778, 
which,  as  we  have  seen,  were  founded  on  a  report,  in  the  prepara- 
tion of  which  he  had  joined,  and  were  directed  against  the  disaffected 
Quakers,  whose  sole  offence  was  indiscreet  or  mischievous  talking, 
and  who  were  treated  on  that  occasion  with  quite  as  much  severity 
as  was  contemplated  against  the  objects  of  the  sedition  law. 

Judge  Chase  had  always  been  in  favour  of  strong  measures,  in 
the  pursuit  of  what  he  thought  a  good  object.  Thus,  we  have  seen 
him  in  1765,  joining  if  not  leading  a  mob,  in  the  insult  to  the  stamp 
distributor  ;  afterwards  in  1777,  he  proposed  to  compel  the  tories  to 
lend  to  congress,  by  making  loan-office  certificates  a  tender  in  all 
cases,  so  that,  if  A,  a  whig,  owed  B,  a  tery,  instead  of  paying  him 
money,  which  B  would  not  lend  to  the  continental  government,  he 
might  pay  the  money  into  the  treasury,  and  give  B  a  loan-office 
certificate ;  a  high-handed  measure  certainly,  this  would  have  been, 
but  the  end  would  perhaps  have  justified  the  means.  So  again  in 
1778,  he  recommended  the  arrest  of  the  Quakers  ;  in  1794,  he  in- 
sisted on  the  imprisonment  of  the  Baltimore  rioters,  and  it  is  not 
surprising  that  in  1800,  he  looked  upon  the  sedition  act  as  the  wisest 
and  most  proper  of  all  possible  laws. 

He  certainly  thought  it  incumbent  on  him  to  direct  the  attention 
of  the  grand  jury  towards  a  newspaper  of  notoriety  in  the  district, 
which  he  understood  or  had  reason  to  believe,  was  constantly  trans- 
gressing the  law  intended  to  curb  the  licentiousness  of  the  press. 
Judge  Bedford,  who  sat  with  him  on  the  bench,  did  not  think  it  ne- 
cessary to  meddle  with  such  matters,  but  the  characteristic  observa- 
tion of  Judge  Chase  was,  "  My  dear  Bedford,  wherever  we  are,  we 
must  do  our  duty." 


SAMUEL    CHASE.  597 

Great  changes  were  seen  within  a  short  time  following  this  period. 
Mr.  Jefferson  was  elected  president,  many  laws  were  repealed,  the 
judiciary  system  was  enlarged  and  then  again  cut  down,  the  Mary- 
land constitution  in  some  points  altered ; — but  party  spirit  remained 
undiminished. 

In  the  year  1803,  when  the  disputes  on  political  questions  had 
been  very  warmly  carried  on,  the  judge,  in  delivering  a  charge  to 
the  grand  jury,  at  Baltimore,  took  the  opportunity  of  reading  them 
a  lecture  on  politics.  This  was  rather  out  of  time  and  out  of  place, 
but  it  must  be  remembered,  that  great  latitude  has  at  all  times  been 
allowed  to  grand  juries  in  this  country,  and  we  have  seen  them  often 
interfere  in  matters  that  do  not  seem  to  be  at  all  within  their  legiti- 
mate province;  a  judge,  therefore,  addressing  them  on  political 
subjects,  did  not  so  much  lead  them  from  the  track  of  inquiry 
which  it  was  their  duty  to  follow,  as  sanction  a  bad  practice  already 
existing. 

The  principal  topic  of  his  address,  was  the  recent  change  in  the 
constitution  of  Maryland,  by  the  extension  of  the  right  of  suffrage; 
an  innovation  which  he  thought  of  the  most  pernicious  consequence. 

He  also  inveighed  against  the  alteration  that  had  been  made  in 
the  judiciary  system  of  the  union,  and  argued  fully  against  doctrines 
which  he  ascribed  to  the  political  leaders  of  the  majority. 

In  January,  1804,  Mr.  Randolph,  incited  by  political  animosity, 
moved,  in  the  house  of  representatives,  for  the  appointment  of  a 
committee  to  inquire  into  the  official  character  of  Judge  Chase,  and 
assured  the  house  that  there  was  ground  for  an  impeachment. 

The  committee  made  their  report  on  the  sixth  of  March,  recom- 
mending an  impeachment  ;  and  on  the  twenty-sixth,  the  articles  of 
impeachment,  six  in  number,  were  reported.  At  the  opening  of 
the  next  session,  Mr.  Randolph  renewed  the  matter,  and  two  new 
articles  were  added.  In  due  process  of  time  and  form,  the  senate 
was  organized  as  a  court,  and  he  was  put  on  his  trial,  which  began 
on  the  second  of  January,  and  continued,  after  an  adjournment,  on 
the  fourth  of  February,  till  the  first  of  March,  1805. 

The  accusations  were  all  founded  upon  the  conduct  which  we 
have  mentioned,  at  Philadelphia,  Newcastle,  Richmond  and  Balti- 
more, but  attributed  the  worst  of  motives  for  that  conduct  which 
we  have  described  as  proceeding  only  from  an  earnest,  and  perhaps 
excessive  love  of  justice,  and  zeal  for  political  truth. 

The  details  of  the  trial  could  not  be  given  here,  without  swelling 
this  memoir  to  an  unreasonable  extent.  The  utmost  efforts  of  Mr. 
64  2S 


598  SAMUEL    CHASE. 

Randolph  and  the  other  managers  were  exerted  to  produce  a  con- 
viction, and  it  was  said  that  much  reliance  was  placed  on  the  spirit  of 
party,  and  great  exertions  made  to  obtain  an  agreement  among  the 
majority  to  seize  this  opportunity  of  crushing  a  political  foe,  that 
had  never  spared  his  reproaches  of  their  policy,  their  principles  or 
their  characters.  But  it  may  well  be  doubted  whether  any  such 
unfair  attempt  was  made,  and  certainly  no  such  combination  was 
formed. 

He  was  assisted  by  four  able  counsellors  and  faithful  friends, 
Messrs.  Martin,  Harper,  Hopkinson  and  Key,  by  whom  the  defence 
was  managed  with  skill  and  dignity.  Their  arguments  were  all 
extremely  cogent,  but  it  implies  no  disparagement  to  the  others,  to 
say  that  the  speech  of  Mr.  Hopkinson,  who  was  then  a  very  young 
man,  has  not  been  exceeded,  as  a  specimen  of  powerful  and  brilliant 
eloquence,  in  the  forensic  oratory  of  our,  or  perhaps  any  country. 

As  to  five  of  the  charges,  he  was  acquitted  by  a  majority  of  the 
senate  ;  on  the  articles  relating  to  the  address  to  the  Baltimore 
grand  jury,  and  the  refusal  to  admit  evidence  offered  on  the  trial  at 
Richmond,  a  majority  of  the  senate  voted  against  him,  but  as  a  vote 
of  two-thirds  is  necessary  to  convict,  he  was  declared  to  be  acquitted 
of  the  whole. 

It  is  remarkable,  than  John  Fries,  the  prisoner  whom  he  was  ac- 
cused in  the  first  article,  of  a  desire  and  determination  to  oppress 
and  deprive  of  a  fair  trial,  some  time  afterwards  called  upon  the 
judge,  at  his  house  in  Baltimore,  for  the  avowed  purpose  of  thank- 
ing him  for  his  impartial,  fair  and  equitable  conduct,  on  that  very 
occasion. 

His  spirit  was  not  in  the  least  depressed  by  the  trial.  He  consi- 
dered it  a  mere  persecution,  and  was  only  the  more  confirmed  by  it 
in  his  distrust  of  the  party  which  had  gained  the  ascendency.  His 
health  was,  however,  at  this  time  failing,  and  he  was  obliged  to  ab- 
sent himself  during  the  progress  of  the  impeachment,  on  account  of 
a  severe  attack  of  the  gout,  which,  added  to  the  irritation  he  felt 
towards  his  accusers,  rendered  him  so  impatient  of  the  restraints 
which  his  situation,  as  respondent,  imposed,  that  he  could  with  diffi- 
culty be  withheld  by  his  counsel  from  breaking  out  in  open  maledic- 
tions and  scorn,  before  the  high  tribunal  that  was  to  decide  upon 
his  official  character. 

From  this  time  he  continued  in  the  undisturbed  exercise  of  his 
judicial  functions,  which  he  discharged  with  undiminished  ability; 
and  endeared  to   his  family  and  his  friends  by  the  kindness   and 


SAMUEL    CHASE.  503 

generosity  of  his  private  life  and  tlie  charm  of  his  conversation, 
which  was  singularly  instructive  and  agreeable. 

Among  his  virtues,  may  be  included  a  heartfelt  piety  and  firm  be- 
lief in  the  truths  of  Christianity.  As  a  member  of  St.  Paul's  parish, 
he  was  at  all  times  ready  to  afford  his  useful  assistance  and  advice 
gratuitously  to  the  vestry,  on  occasions  of  difficulty  and  embarrass- 
ment. 

In  the  year  1811,  his  health  gradually  failed  ;  his  disease  was 
slow  in  its  progress,  but  of  a  nature  to  threaten  certain  dissolution. 
In  the  spring  of  this  year  he  was  compelled  by  increasing  debility 
to  forego  his  favourite  exercise  of  riding  on  horseback ;  but  continued 
to  take  the  air  daily  in  an  open  carriage.  On  these  occasions  he 
was  always  attended  by  one  of  his  family,  and  being  an  enthusiastic 
admirer  of  the  charms  of  nature,  he  discoursed  with  animation  on 
the  scenes  that  presented  themselves  before  him.  He  was  well 
aware  that  he  had  not  long  to  remain  with  his  family,  and  frequently 
conversed  upon  the  subject,  expressing  himself  with  confidence  and 
hope  as  a  Christian. 

A  short  time  before  his  death,  he  expressed  a  desire  to  receive 
the  sacrament,  and  held  several  conversations  on  the  subject,  with 
the  clergymen  of  the  Episcopal  church,  in  Baltimore.  It  was  ac- 
cordingly administered  to  him  by  the  late  Dr.  Bend,  after  which  he 
declared  that  he  was  in  peace  and  charity  with  all  mankind. 

On  the  nineteenth  day  of  June,  he  had  taken  his  customary  airing 
and  returned  much  exhausted  by  the  sultriness  of  the  weather.  His 
death  was  now  manifestly  approaching.  After  the  physicians  were 
summoned  to  attend  him,  he  spoke  of  his  domestic  concerns,  gave 
several  directions  concerning  his  household,  and  was  perfectly  calm 
and  resigned.  He  expostulated  with  his  family  against  indulging 
the  grief  which  their  countenances  betrayed  ;  and  declined  taking  a 
draught  of  medicine  that  was  offered  to  him,  saying  as  he  put  it 
aside,  "God  gives  life."  He  expired  so  gently,  that  those  around 
him  scarcely  knew  when  he  had  ceased  to  breathe. 

His  last  will  bespeaks  a  characteristic  dislike  of  outward  show, 
in  the  direction,  that  no  mourning  should  be  worn  for  him,  and  the 
request  that  his  tomb  should  have  no  other  inscription  than  his  name, 
with  the  dates  of  his  birth  and  his  death. 

It  may  be  safely  said  that  Samuel  Chase  was  one  of  the  most  ex- 
traordinary men  of  the  age,  and  exerted  over  the  minds  of  others 
an  influence  not  less  potent  or  extensive,  than  belonged  to  any  of 
those  distinguished  persons  who  assisted  in  the  establishment  of  this 


GOO  SAMUEL    CHASE. 

glowing  empire.  With  a  mien  and  presence  remarkably  dignified 
and  prepossessing,  a  lofty  stature,  well  proportioned  figure,  and 
handsome  countenance,  he  was  gifted,  also,  if  not  with  "a  frame 
of  adamant,"  at  least  with  bodily  vigour  sufficient  to  support  the 
most  incessant  activity ;  and  with  "  a  soul  of  fire,"  as  truly  as  the 
restless  monarch  to  whom  it  has  been  beautifully  ascribed. 

He  seemed  to  have  been  born  for  the  occasion  and  the  crisis  ;  and 
his  fine  intellect,  undaunted  courage,  and  fervid  temperament,  all 
ministered  to  the  glorious  result.  He  arrived  at  manhood  just  as 
the  disputes  between  the  colonies  and  the  mother  country  began  ;  and 
from  that  time  till  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  he  moved  about 
unceasingly  like  a  flame,  casting  warmth  and  light  around  him.  His 
contagious  ardour  and  powerful  rhetoric,  made  proselytes  of  his 
wealthy  and  less  sanguine  friends,  who  having  much  to  lose,  were 
timorous  and  lukewarm  in  the  cause  ;  and  thus  were  some  recruits 
enlisted  that  afterwards  sustained  their  parts  efficiently  and  nobly. 
His  influence  over  the  less  considerate  was  unbounded  ;  he  was  de- 
scribed as  moving  perpetually  "  with  a  mob  at  his  heels."  This 
was  in  the  very  commencement  of  the  troubles,  when  he  was  the 
torch  that  lighted  up  the  revolutionary  flame  in  Maryland.  His 
father  was  opposed  to  all  these  movements  :  the  son  encouraged  an 
assemblage  of  young  patriots  to  compel  the  old  gentleman,  with 
others,  to  take  the  oaths  of  fidelity  to  the  new  government.  Disin- 
terested and  consistent  in  all  things,  he  joined  in  a  measure  which 
reduced  his  father's  income;  his  own  he  neglected  in  order  to  serve 
his  country. 

We  have  seen  how  efficient  were  his  services,  and  how  constant 
his  labours  during  the  war.  As  a  judge,  he  was  not  quite  in  his 
most  appropriate  sphere;  a  colder  temperament  would  have  better 
suited  the  judicial  station.  Yet  his  faults  were  those  of  manner 
only;  and  happy  would  our  country  be  to  see  always  so  much  learn- 
ing and  excellent  judgment,  and  pure  integrity,  in  her  judges,  as 
marked  the  judicial  character  of  Mr.  Chase. 

The  vehemence  of  his  feelings  on  the  subject  of  party  politics, 
was  to  be  expected  in  a  man  who  never  had  been  lukewarm  in  his 
life.  He  could  not  separate  his  feelings  from  his  judgment;  and 
though  he  may  have  been  mistaken,  he  was  unquestionably  sincere 
and  firmly  patriotic.  "  Yes,  sir,"  said  he  to  a  son-in-law,  a  few 
years  before  his  death,  "  you  are  a  democrat  ;  and  you  are  right  to 

be  one,  for  you  are  a  young  man  ;  but  an  old  man,  Mr. ,  would 

be  a  fool  to  be  a  democrat," 


SAMUEL    CHASE.  601 

Such  a  man  could  not  fail  to  make  enemies  ;  but  he  had  the  hap- 
piness to  retain  through  life  the  warm  attachment  of  many  friends 
whose  persevering  affection  was  a  proof  of  his  private  virtues,  more 
honourable  to  his  memory  than  even  the  prominence  of  his  public 
character. 

His  career  was  so  active ;  the  part  he  bore  in  a  period  of  excite- 
ment and  difficulty  so  important ;  the  incidents  of  his  long  life  so 
numerous  ;  that  this  sketch  must  be  considered  as  but  an  outline, 
leaving  room  for  a  future  biographer  to  add  the  interesting  details 
in  the  history  of  a  man,  whose  actions  posterity  will  seek  to  be  more 
intimately  acquainted  with,  and  whose  character  will  be  the  more 
highly  appreciated  as  it  is  more  particularly  known. 


2s2 


WILLIAM   PACA. 


William  Paca,  the  second  son  of  John  Paca,  of  Harford  county, 
in  the  state  of  Maryland,  was  born  on  the  thirty-first  of  October,  in 
the  year  1740. 

His  father  was  possessed  of  large  estates,  and  held  an  office  of 
trust  and  profit  under  the  provincial  government;  and  being  sen- 
sible of  the  advantages  of  a  good  education,  spared  no  expense  or 
pains  to  procure  for  his  children  the  best  instruction  that  the  country 
could  supply. 

William  was  sent  to  the  college  at  Philadelphia,  then  in  high 
repute  under  the  presiding  care  of  the  learned  and  eloquent  Dr. 
William  Smith,  and  was  placed  under  the  special  superintendence 
of  Colonel  White,  father  of  Bishop  White,  who  watched  over  him 
with  parental  anxiety. 

He  was  graduated  as  a  bachelor  of  arts  on  the  eighth  of  June, 
1759,  in  the  nineteenth  year  of  his  age,  and  immediately  afterwards 
commenced  the  study  of  the  law,  at  Annapolis,  in  the  office  of 
Stephen  Bordley,  one  of  the  most  profound  lawyers  of  his  time. 

Mr.  Paca  continued  to  be  an  industrious  student  for  four  years, 
in  the  course  of  which  period  he  contracted  a  matrimonial  engage- 
ment with  Miss  Mary  Chew,  daughter  of  Samuel  Chew,  a  gentle- 
man of  distinguished  family  and  large  fortune,  residing  in  Ann 
Arundel  county. 

To  this  lady  he  was  united  in  May,  1761.  He  had  the  misfor- 
tune to  lose  her  after  a  few  years  of  happy  union,  at  the  beginning 
of  the  revolution.  They  had  five  children,  all  of  whom  died  young, 
except  their  son  John  P.  Paca  who  still  survives. 

Mr.  Paca  was  admitted  to  the  bar,  at  the  provincial  court,  on 
the  eleventh  of  April,  1764,  and  established  himself  at  Annapolis, 
where  he  soon  became  eminent  in  his  profession. 

In  1771,  Mr.  Paca  became  a  member  of  the  provincial  legisla- 
ture. This  body  had  no  power,  except  that  of  refusing  its  consent 
to  the  passage  of  laws.  The  power  and  influence  of  the  govern- 
603 


WILLIAM    PACA.  605 

ment  rested  exclusively  with  the  proprietor,  and  a  council  of  his 
appointment.  This  unequal  partition  of  power  was  generally  odious, 
and  divided  the  people  in  the  proprietary  party  or  the  opposition. 
Mr.  Paca  was  active  in  the  ranks  of  the  opposition. 

At  the  period  ahove  alluded  to,  between  the  years  1770  and  1772, 
there  were,  before  the  Maryland  public,  two  subjects  of  great  in- 
terest, independent  of  those  which  brought  on  the  American  war. 
The  one  related  to  an  ancient  act  of  assembly,  by  which  a  general 
poll  tax  had  been  laid  for  the  support  of  the  Maryland  clergy  be- 
longing to  the  church  of  England,  as  established  by  law.  This 
ought  to  be  mentioned  for  the  purpose  of  reference  to  a  learned 
opinion  given  by  Mr.  Paca  in  the  year  1772;  when  he  contended 
against  two  very  great  lawyers,  Daniel  Dulany  and  James  Holliday, 
that  the  act  never  had  validity;  it  having  been  passed  by  a  Mary- 
land assembly  after  its  dissolution  by  the  death  of  William  the  Third. 
The  three  opinions,  which  are  very  much  at  length  and  full,  may 
be  found  in  a  compilation  published  in  England  by  George  Chal- 
mers; entitled  the  "  Opinions  of  eminent  lawyers  on  various  points 
of  English  jurisprudence."  The  perusal  of  Mr.  Paca's  opinion  will 
satisfy  any  professional  man  that  he  was  a  well  educated  and  pro- 
found lawyer.  But  as  the  act  of  assembly  had  been  in  operation 
for  many  years,  he  could  do  but  little  more  than  utter  an  unavailing 
denunciation.  On  the  other  interesting  topic,  which  produced  the 
incident  above  alluded  to,  his  labours  were  not  in  vain. 

The  legislature  of  the  province  of  Maryland  had  been  in  the 
habit,  for  many  years  antecedent  to  1770,  of  passing  temporary 
laws  for  regulating  the  staple  of  tobacco  and  limitation  of  officers' 
fees.  In  the  year  1771,  an  act  of  this  description  expired,  and  the 
house  of  burgesses  had  refused  to  continue  it,  unless  great  altera- 
tions were  made  in  the  fee  rates;  no  agreement  could  be  made,  and 
the  fee  bill  fell.  In  this  state  of  affairs  Governor  Eden  issued  a 
proclamation  advising  the  officers  to  act  under  the  old  law.  This 
proceeding  created  a  violent  commotion  in  the  province;  it  was 
considered  an  attempt,  on  the  part  of  the  governor,  to  legislate 
without  the  assent  of  the  people,  and  brought  on  a  paper  war  be- 
tween the  two  parties,  which  was  conducted  with  unusual  acrimony. 

Notwithstanding  the  opposition,  the  governor  issued  his  proclama- 
tion, and  in  the  midst  of  the  irritation  occasioned  by  it,  the  scene 
above  alluded  to  was  exhibited  in  Annapolis.  The  country  gentle- 
men affected  to  consider  the  proclamation  so  abominably  odious  to 
freemen,  that  it  deserved  nothing  better  than  a  gibbet;  they  accord- 


(306  WILLIAM    PACA. 

ingly,  having  a  crowd  of  citizens,  with  Mr.  Paca  and  Mr.  Chase  at 
their  head,  in  open  day  formed  a  procession,  taking  with  them  the 
said  proclamation,  written  on  a  conspicuous  paper,  with  a  small 
coffin,  and  proceeded  to  a  gallows  erected  for  the  purpose,  just  out- 
side the  city,  hanged  it  thereon  by  a  halter,  the  usual  time  that  a 
malefactor  is  suspended,  then  cut  it  down,  enclosed  it  in  the  coffin, 
and  buried  it  under  the  gallows, — minute  guns  firing  from  an  elegant 
armed  schooner,  belonging  to  Mr.  Paca,  during  the  whole  ceremony. 
The  gentlemen  then  marched  back  to  the  city  in  order,  and  passed 
the  rest  of  the  day  in  festivity. 

Mr.  Paca  and  Mr.  Chase  were  the  soul  of  the  country  party; 
the  efforts  of  which  against  ministerial  and  proprietary  oppression, 
were  manifestly  successful.  The  provincial  system  of  jurisprudence, 
was  well  calculated  to  secure  public  liberty,  and  the  right  of  self- 
government. 

When  the  struggle  did  actually  come,  in  1774,  against  the  king 
and  parliament,  could  there  be  spirits  better  calculated,  than  those 
of  Mr.  Paca  and  his  associates,  to  resist  a  tyrant !  They  were 
trained  to  such  exercises;  their  rights  as  British  subjects  had  been 
under  the  severest  discussion  for  more  than  a  century;  and  no 
colonists  in  America  had  a  better  knowledge  of  them,  or  were 
more  resolute  in  their  defence. 

When  the  act  of  parliament  which  closed  the  port  of  Boston  was 
first  heard  of,  a  convention  of  deputies  from  the  patriotic  portion  of 
the  community  in  each  county  of  Maryland,  assembled  for  the  pur- 
pose of  consultation.  The  committee  of  correspondence  of  Mas- 
sachusetts had  written  letters,  proposing  a  congress  to  be  held  at 
Philadelphia;  and  the  Maryland  convention,  acceding  to  the  plan, 
appointed  Mr.  Paca,  along  with  Mr.  Chase  and  three  others,  to  at- 
tend the  congress,  "  to  effect  one  general  plan  of  conduct,  operating 
on  the  commercial  connexion  of  the  colonies  with  the  mother  coun- 
try, for  the  relief  of  Boston  and  the  preservation  of  American 
liberty." 

The  proceedings  of  that  illustrious  congress  are  too  well  known, 
to  require  that  they  should  be  detailed  here.  The  object  in  view 
was  conciliation,  and  a  chief  part  of  the  business  transacted  during 
the  session,  was  the  preparation  of  the  eloquent  addresses  or  me- 
morials to  the  king,  the  people  of  Great  Bi^aitt,  and  the  people  of 
the  colonies.  Besides  issuing  these  immortal  state  papers,  the  con- 
gress adopted  the  non-importation  association,  and  all  the  members 
signed  it  :v  the  vain  hope,  that  such  an  evidence  of  the  seriousness 


WILLIAM    P  AC  A.  (j07 

of  their  feelings,  and  sincerity  of  their  belief  that  injury  hail  been 
done  to  them,  would  have  some  effect  on  the  determinations  of  the 
ministry,  or  the  disposition  of  the  British  nation. 

The  most  remarkable  clause  in  this  agreement,  or  that  which  now 
strikes  the  mind  of  the  reader  most  forcibly,  as  illustrative  of  the 
honourable  feelings  which  prevailed  here,  contrasted  with  the  nar- 
row prejudices  of  the  British  government,  is  the  one  by  which  the 
slave  trade  was  to  be  renounced  and  discouraged.  Thus  early  did 
the  American  people  bear  emphatic  testimony  against  that  inhuman 
traffic,  which  the  British  government  not  only  continued  to  permit, 
but  in  an  unaccountable  spirit  of  double  cruelty,  strenuously  endea- 
voured to  force  upon  the  unwilling  colonies. 

In  December  of  the  same  year,  the  same  delegates,  with  the  ad- 
dition of  Mr.  John  Hall  and  Mr.  Thomas  Stone,  were  elected  to 
represent  the  province  of  Maryland  in  the  next  continental  congress, 
with  ample  power  to  agree  to  all  measures  which  might  there  be 
deemed  necessary  to  obtain  a  redress  of  American  grievances.  And 
the  same  appointment  was  renewed  the  following  summer. 

Mr.  Paca's  talents  for  business  were  appreciated,  and  he  was 
called  upon  to  serve  on  several  laborious  committees  in  the  year 
1775,  when  he  was  a  constant  attendant  in  his  place.  Among  these 
were  the  committees  charged  with  the  consideration  of  the  critical 
condition  of  North  Carolina  and  Virginia;  and  that  selected  for  the 
purpose  of  devising  means  to  raise  a  naval  armament. 

Scarcely  had  he  liberty  to  withdraw  his  close  attention  from  the 
peculiar  difficulties  of  the  south,  before  he  was  appointed  to  attend 
to  an  alarm  from  the  colony  of  New  York.  And  while  he  was  de- 
voting his  mind  to  these  duties,  his  purse  was  open  to  the  use  of  his 
public-spirited  countrymen;  a  volunteer  corps  of  whom  he  and  his 
friend  Chase  supplied  with  rifles,  at  an  expense  of  nearly  a  thousand 
dollars. 

Mr.  Paca  was,  during  the  year  1775,  and  part  of  1776,  restrained 
from  openly  advocating  that  national  independence  to  which  he  was 
looking  forward  with  such  anxious  hope,  and  for  the  attainment  of 
which  he  was  labouring  so  zealously  in  all  the  affairs  appertaining 
to  a  state  of  actual  war,  that  were  agitated  in  congress. 

The  people  of  Maryland  were  not  yet  ready  for  a  step  so  decisive 
as  a  total  renunciation  of  the  royal  authority;  and  it  having  been 
rumoured  that  such  a  plan  was  advocated  by  some  rash  persons,  the 
convention  early  in  the  year  1776,  in  great  alarm  least  the  young 
men  that  represented  that  province  in  congress  should  join  in  such 
65 


608  WILLIAM    PACA. 

a  measure,  tied  them  up  by  instructions  which  strictly  enjoined  upon 
them  not  to  consent  to  any  proposition  for  declaring  the  colonies  in- 
dependent; a  resolution  was  at  the  same  time  adopted,  that  Mary- 
land "would  not  be  bound  by  the  vote  of  a  majority  of  congress  to 
declare  independency,"  accompanied  with  strong  professions  of  loy- 
alty and  affection  towards  the  king  and  mother  country,  and  an 
assertion  that  Maryland  did  not  entertain  any  views  or  desire  of 
independency. 

Under  this  galling  bondage  were  Mr.  Paca  and  his  colleagues 
obliged  to  rest.  They  did  not  resign,  because  they  hoped  for  a 
change  in  the  wishes  of  their  constituents,  and  they  feared  to  vacate 
those  places  which  might  be  filled,  under  the  influence  of  the  un- 
happy spirit  then  prevalent,  with  men  of  opposite  principles  to 
their  own. 

Mr.  Paca  continued  therefore  in  the  assiduous  discharge  of  his 
duties,  contributing  his  efforts  to  produce  such  a  state  of  affairs  as 
he  hoped  would  render  a  separation  from  Great  Britain  less  repug- 
nant to  the  inclinations  of  Maryland.  He  accordingly  assisted  in 
planning  a  naval  armament,  which  according  to  his  instructions 
could  carry  no  independent  flag;  in  the  procuring  of  saltpetre  and 
other  munitions,  for  a  war  to  be  waged  against  the  forces  of  a  king, 
to  whom  the  Maryland  convention  were  offering  vows  of  loyal  at- 
tachment; and  in  the  organization  of  an  army  to  be  employed  in 
resisting  the  orders  of  that  government,  from  which  his  constituents 
declared  they  had  no  wish  to  separate. 

In  the  middle  of  May,  at  the  very  time  when  congress  were  de- 
claring that  the  royal  authority  had  ceased,  and  recommending  to 
the  respective  colonies  to  organize  governments  founded  on  the 
authority  of  the  people,  the  Maryland  convention  repeated  their 
restrictions. 

This  state  of  affairs,  however,  could  not  last  long.  The  exertions 
of  the  leading  gentlemen  on  the  patriotic  side  were  indefatigable, 
and  the  convention  were  induced,  on  the  twenty-eighth  of  May,  to 
dispense  with  prayers  for  the  king  and  royal  family.  This  first  step 
being  taken,  the  rest  became  more  easy,  and  finally,  on  the  twen- 
ty-eighth of  June,  the  convention  recalled  their  instructions,  and 
left  the  delegates  free  to  vote  according  to  their  inclinations,  upon 
the  question  then  under  discussion  before  congress,  of  issuing  im- 
mediately a  declaration  of  independence.  Thus  being  released 
from  the  trammels  that  had  confined  him,  Mr.  Paca  gave  his  cor- 
dial vote  in  favour  of  the  proposition,  and  inscribed  his  name  upon 


WILLIAM    PACA.  609 

the  declaration,  which  is  destined  to  be  read  by  the  remotest  pos- 
terity. 

On  the  day  when  the  declaration  was  dated,  Mr.  Paca  was  re- 
elected a  delegate,  and  within  a  few  weeks  he  had  the  satisfaction 
to  see  a  resolution  of  the  Maryland  convention,  approving  of  the 
decisive  step,  and  pledging  the  lives  and  fortunes  of  the  members 
in  support  of  it.  He  was  again  chosen  on  the  fifteenth  of  Novem- 
ber of  the  same  year,  and  on  the  fifteenth  of  February,  1777,  and 
continued  to  be  an  active  and  efficient  member  of  congress,  dining 
that  season  of  severe  trial  and  anxiety.  He  finally  retired  from 
congress  at  the  close  of  the  following  year. 

Nor  was  it  merely  in  the  general  councils  of  the  confederation 
that  Mr.  Paca  took  part  during  this  period.  He  was  at  the  same 
time  actively  employed  in  maintaining  the  good  cause  among  the 
citizens  of  his  own  state,  encouraging  them  to  persevere,  and  em- 
ploying all  the  resources  of  his  mind  to  combat  with  the  unceasing 
difficulties  into  which  the  Declaration  of  Independence  had  thrown 
them.  Although  an  actual  delegate  in  congress,  he  served  as  a 
member  of  the  council  of  safety,  whose  duty  it  was  made  to  regu- 
late all  operations  for  the  security  of  the  state,  and  to  provide  for 
its  safety  and  defence;  employing  his  personal  exertions  for  the  ful- 
filment of  his  trust,  and  animating  his  countrymen  by  his  zeal,  as 
well  as  by  the  readiness  with  which  he  embarked  and  risked  his 
large  and  much  exposed  property.  In  the  month  of  August,  1776, 
after  having  affixed  his  name  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
he  went  to  the  state  convention  assembled  at  Annapolis,  and  as  a 
delegate  from  that  city,  took  a  prominent  part  in  the  discussions  on, 
and  formation  of  a  new  constitution  founded  on  the  change  of  go- 
vernment. In  this  convention  he  warmly  advocated  all  the  prin- 
ciples which  he  had  supported  in  congress,  principles  which  should 
render  the  new  state  a  useful  and  powerful  member  of  the  great 
confederation,  into  which  she  now  entered  as  a  sovereign  power. 
On  the  adoption  of  the  new  constitution,  it  will  be  supposed  that 
he  was  not  omitted  among  those  whom  the  people  called  on  to  ad- 
minister its  offices;  he  was  immediately  elected  to  the  senate,  and 
held  that  post  for  nearly  two  years.  In  December,  1786,  he  was 
again  chosen  to  the  same  station,  but  shortly  afterwards  resigned 
it.  It  may  be  remarked,  that  his  popularity  was  not  confined  to  the 
place  of  his  residence,  as  he  was  at  different  periods  a  represen 
tative  both  of  the  Eastern  and  Western  Shores  of  Maryland. 

In  the  year  1777,  Mr.  Paca  was  married  a  second  time,  to  Miss 


610  WILLIAM    PACA. 

Anna  Harrison,  the  second  daughter  of  a  highly  respectable  gentle- 
man of  Philadelphia,  but  as  in  the  previous  instance,  without  long 
enjoying  the  happiness  of  his  union.  That  lady  died  in  the  year 
1780,  leaving  a  son  who  did  not  long  survive  her. 

Early  in  the  year  1778,  he  accepted  the  appointment  of  chief 
judge  of  the  superior  court  of  his  state,  a  station  for  which  he  was 
perfectly  well  qualified  by  his  legal  acquirements  and  elevated  cha- 
racter; and  the  functions  of  which  he  continued  to  perform,  with 
honour  to  himself  and  advantage  to  the  state,  until  the  year  1780, 
when  he  was  appointed  by  congress  chief  judge  of  the  court  of  ap- 
peals, in  prize  and  admiralty  cases.  The  duties  of  the  office  he 
performed  with  singular  discretion,  and  with  unimpeached  correct- 
ness and  integrity.  His  decisions  met  with  the  approbation  of 
foreign  governments  and  jurists,  and  several  of  them  were  so  much 
esteemed  as  to  draw  from  the  Count  de  Vergennes,  at  that  time 
prime  minister  of  France,  an  expression  of  high  admiration,  which 
he  directed  the  Chevalier  de  la  Luzerne,  the  envoy  of  that  nation, 
to  communicate  in  his  name  to  Mr.  Paca. 

From  his  duties  to  the  confederation,  he  was  soon  recalled  to 
fulfil  the  more  immediate  claims  of  his  own  fellow  citizens.  On  the 
fifteenth  November,  1782,  he  was  chosen  governor  of  his  native 
state.  The  manner  in  which  he  performed  the  duties  of  this  office 
was  full  of  dignity  and  simplicity;  his  attention  was  always  strict 
and  his  judgment  careful  and  correct.  But  he  did  not  think  it  suf- 
ficient to  confine  himself,  merely  to  those  acts  which  a  strict  inter- 
pretation of  official  requisites  might  have  demanded.  He  took 
especially  under  his  care,  the  interests  of  literature  and  religion, 
which  had  of  course  suffered  a  rude  shock,  during  the  long  war  that 
had  prevailed,  and  the  overthrow  or  change  of  many  existing  insti- 
tutions. He  promoted,  both  by  his  public  efforts  and  by  his  private 
donations,  the  establishment  of  a  college,  named  after  the  "  father 
of  his  country,"  at  Chesterto-.vn,  on  the  Eastern  Shore  of  Mary- 
land; and  at  the  first  commencement  for  conferring  degrees  held 
within  its  walls,  he  had  the  gratification  of  receiving  from  the  youth- 
ful graduates  a  grateful  expression  of  their  feelings,  and  an  unex- 
pected tribute  to  his  worth. 

In  the  summer  of  1784,  the  members  of  the  society  of  Cincinnati, 
in  the  state  of  Maryland,  met  at  Annapolis,  and  elected  Mr.  Paca 
their  vice  president,  an  office  which  he  appears  to  have  held  until 
his  death. 

No   governor  ever   presided   over  a  state  with  more   popularity 


WILLIAM    PACA.  Oil 

than  Mr.  Paca.  He  was  not  only  strictly  attentive  to  his  duties, 
but  remarkably  conciliating  and  prepossessing  in  his  deportment. 
To  young  men  especially  he  was  always  kind,  and  did  every  thing  in 
his  power  to  promote  their  improvement. 

Mr.  Paca  was  a  man  of  remarkably  graceful  address,  fine  ap- 
pearance, and  polished  manners,  he  had  mixed  long  in  the  best 
society,  and  had  improved  his  social  powers  to  a  very  high  degree 
of  refinement.  In  the  office  of  governor  his  superiority  in  these 
respects  was  very  strikingly  displayed,  and  the  courtesies  of  the 
executive  mansion  have  never  been  more  elegantly  sustained,  than 
during  his  tour  of  office. 

Mr.  Paca  retired  after  one  year's  tenure,  from  the  chief  magis- 
tracy, and  remained  in  private  life  until  1786,  when,  upon  the  death 
of  General  Smallwood,  he  again  received  and  accepted  the  office 
of  governor,  which  he  filled,  as  before,  but  for  one  year. 

He  subsequently  served  in  the  state  convention  which  ratified 
the  federal  constitution,  and  after  the  organization  of  the  new  form 
of  government,  he  received,  on  the  twenty-second  of  December, 
1789,  an  honourable  testimony  of  the  approbation  of  his  fellow- 
citizens  in  being  appointed  judge  of  the  district  court  of  the  United 
States  for  Maryland.  The  new  government  had  just  been  organized, 
and  the  president  displayed  in  his  selection  of  persons  to  fill  the 
offices,  that  prudence,  patriotism,  and  sound  sense  which  distin- 
guished all  the  actions  of  his  life. 

In  the  year  1790,  he  held  the  first  circuit  court,  with  Judge  Blair 
of  the  Supreme  court,  and  continued  in  the  regular  and  able  dis- 
charge of  his  judicial  duties  from  that  time  until  the  year  1799, 
when,  in  the  sixtieth  year  of  his  age,  and  with  faculties  unimpaired, 
and  a  character  untarnished,  he  fell  a  victim  to  disease,  leaving  to 
his  family  the  inheritance  of  a  name  illustrious  for  the  virtues  of 
public  and  private  life,  and  to  his  country  the  example  of  a  supe- 
rior mind,  devoted  with  pure  disinterestedness  to  the  establishment 
of  her  liberties. 

2T 


THOMAS   STONE. 


Few  distinguished  names  have  faded  more  rapidly  from  public 
view  than  that  of  Thomas  Stone;  yet  none  are  remembered  with 
more  unqualified  respect  by  a  circle  of  surviving  friends,  whose 
exalted  characters  give  an  unmeasured  value  to  their  approbation. 

He  was  lineally  descended  from  William  Stone,  the  governor 
of  Maryland,  during  the  protectorate  of  Oliver  Cromwell,  and  was 
the  son  of  David  Stone,  of  Pointon  Manor,  Charles  county,  Mary- 
land. 

He  was  born  in  the  year  1743,  and  was  remarkable  in  early 
youth  for  the  zealous  pursuit  of  knowledge,  and  untiring  industry, 
which  continued  to  distinguish  him  through  the  whole  of  his  life. 

He  acquired  a  knowledge  of  the  Greek  and  Latin  languages 
from  a  school  about  ten  miles  distant  from  his  father's  residence, 
and  it  was  his  habit,  to  rise  at  dawn,  saddle  his  horse,  and  appear 
in  school  with  the  other  pupils.  An  opportunity  of  acquiring  this 
education,  was  the  only  inheritance  which  he  ever  received  from 
his  parents;  although  his  father  was  possessed  of  a  large  estate  in 
land.  According  to  the  opinion  then  entertained  of  the  rights  of 
primogeniture,  Pointon  Manor  became  the  property  of  Samuel,  the 
elder  son ;  and  Thomas,  when  removed  from  the  school  of  Mr. 
Blaizedel,  found  himself  under  the  necessity  of  borrowing  money  in 
order  to  prosecute  the  study  of  law.  This  he  did  in  the  city  of 
Annapolis,  under  the  auspices  of  Thomas  Johnson,  for  whom  he 
ever  afterwards  manifested  a  filial  regard.  He  commenced  the 
practice  of  the  law  in  Frederick  town,  in  Maryland,  and  after  two 
years  he  removed  to  Charles  county,  in  the  same  state.  In  the 
year  1771,  previous  to  his  removal,  he  married  Margaret  Brown, 
the  youngest  daughter  of  Dr.  Gustavus  Brown,  of  that  county.  The 
only  property  which  this  lady  possessed,  was  the  sum  of  one  thou- 
sand pounds  sterling.  He  was  married  in  his  twenty-eighth  year, 
and  his  practice  at  that  time  was  neither  extensive  nor  lucrative. 
Great  expectations  were,  however,  entertained  of  him  at  this  time. 
612 


1ES    OF     THO*    STONE. 


THOMAS    STONE.  (315 

His  decorous  deportment,  his  great  industry  and  attention  to  busi- 
ness, his  steady,  and  perfectly  correct  habits,  his  manly  and  inde- 
pendent conduct,  and  above  all,  the  opinion  that  was  generally  pos- 
sessed, of  his  inflexible  and  incorruptible  integrity,  inspired  hopes, 
that  were  never  disappointed,  that  he  was  destined  to  be  an  honour 
and  ornament  to  his  profession  and  his  country.  After  his  marriage, 
he  purchased  a  farm,  near  the  village  of  Port  Tobacco.  Upon  this 
farm  his  family,  with  four  of  his  infant  brothers,  resided  during  the 
revolutionary  struggles. 

The  excitement  produced  by  the  stamp  act  had  been  shared  by 
him  in  a  great  degree  proportioned  to  the  ardent  temperament  of 
youth,  and  though  too  young  at  that  time  to  take  any  part  in  public 
affairs,  his  political  principles  were  fixed  by  the  discussions  to 
which  he  was  then  a  listener,  and  the  strong  feeling  of  indignation, 
against  the  British  ministry  which  he  then  imbibed. 

It  was  not,  however,  until  after  the  Boston  port  bill,  and  the 
other  aggressions  of  the  year  1774,  that  Mr.  Stone  came  promi- 
nently forward  into  public  life. 

He  was  not  a  member  of  the  congress  of  that  year,  but  was 
added,  along  with  Robert  Goldsborough,  to  the  delegation  of  Mary- 
land, by  a  vote  of  the  provincial  deputies  on  the  eighth  of  Decem- 
ber, 1774,  and  took  his  seat  accordingly  on  the  fifteenth  of  the  fol 
lowing  May. 

The  powers  with  which  these  delegates  were  invested  seemed 
sufficiently  ample,  they  being  authorized  to  consent  and  agree  to  all 
measures  which  that  congress  might  deem  necessary  and  effectual, 
to  obtain  a  redress  of  American  grievances;  and  it  was  declared  in 
the  resolution  appointing  them,  that  the  province  bound  itself  to 
execute  to  the  utmost  of  its  power,  all  resolutions  which  the  con- 
gress might  adopt. 

Mr.  Stone  attended  punctually  the  meetings  of  the  congress,  and 
gave  his  time  and  attention  faithfully  to  the  duties  of  his  post.  In 
July,  1775,  he  was  re-elected,  as  were  his  colleagues,  for  one  year 
further. 

Although  this  was  subsequent  to  the  actual  commencement  of 
hostilities,  the  battle  of  Bunker's  Hill,  and  the  appointment  of  a 
commander-in-chief,  yet  the  thought  of  independence  had  not  yet 
become  at  all  palatable  in  Maryland ;  and  the  provincial  conference 
did  not  suppose,  when  they  made  this  appointment,  that  their  chosen 
delegates  would  suffer  themselves  to  be  carried  away  by  what  was  then 
deemed  so  extravagant  an  enthusiasm,  as  to  vote  for  such  a  measure 


616  THOMAS    STONE. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  year  1775,  however,  the  question  of  an 
entire  separation  from  Great  Britain,  became  the  subject  of  very 
general  discussion,  both  as  to  its  policy  and  probability,  and  it  was 
discovered  that  the  Maryland  delegates  were  much  disposed  to 
encounter  the  risk  and  venture  upon  a  contest  so  unequal  and  even 
desperate,  as  it  was  considered  by  many  of  their  constituents. 
Alarmed  at  this  circumstance,  the  convention  determined  to  restrain 
them  by  specific  and  strict  instructions.  These  instructions  were 
ample  and  decisive,  and  rendered  it  impossible,  until  they  were 
revoked,  that  the  Maryland  delegation  should  support  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence. 

Between  the  dates  of  these  instructions  and  the  middle  of  the  en- 
suing May,  great  efforts  were  made  to  induce  the  convention  to  as- 
sent to  the  scheme  of  independence  ;  but  the  professions  of  loyalty 
previously  made  in  this  colony,  were  perfectly  sincere,  and  the  at- 
tachment to  the  royal  government  was  so  strong,  that  the  instructions, 
instead  of  being  rescinded,  were  reiterated  on  the  twenty-first  of 
Jlay,  in  the  most  emphatic  terms. 

At  the  moment  when  these  cautious  instructions  were  adopted  by 
the  Maryland  convention,  the  continental  congress  were,  in  effect, 
proclaiming  an  independent  government.  The  resolution  of  the 
fifteenth  of  May,  averring  that  all  authority  of  the  crown  had  ceased, 
and  that  it  was  necessary  for  each  colony  to  frame  a  constitution 
of  government  for  itself,  could  not  be  construed  to  signify  less  than 
independence. 

Jlr.  Stone  concurred  with  his  colleagues,  in  approving  of  this  bold 
and  important  step,  and  used  his  most  earnest  endeavours  to  procure 
the  adoption,  by  the  province  of  Maryland,  of  a  form  of  civil  govern- 
ment similar  to  those  already  agreed  upon  by  some  of  the  other  co- 
lonies, and  based  exclusively  on  the  authority  of  the  people. 

The  question  of  independence  at  this  time  engrossed  general 
attention,  and  by  whatever  causes  it  may  have  been  aided,  certainly 
the  disposition  to  hazard  the  daring,  but  glorious  scheme,  rapidly 
increased. 

In  the  latter  end  of  June,  the  example  of  Virginia  on  the  one 
hand,  and  of  Pennsylvania  on  the  other,  proved  irresistible,  and 
Maryland  was  obliged  to  recall  her  instructions,  and  agree  to  the 
assertion  of  a  free  and  independent  government.  The  convention 
accordingly- — though  with  manifest  reluctance — resolved,  "  That 
said  colony  will  hold  itself  bound  by  the  resolutions  of  the  majority 
of  the  united  colonies  in  the  premises  ;  provided  the  sole  and  ex 


THOMAS    STONE.  (317 

elusive  right  of  regulating  the  internal  government   and   police  of 
*.hat  colony  be  reserved  to  the  people  thereof." 

The  Maryland  delegates,  after  this,  being  left  free  to  vote  accord- 
ing to  their  wishes,  recorded  their  names  in  favour  of  independence, 
upon  the  imperishable  document  which,  in  eloquent  language,  sets 
forth  the  "  reasons  that  impelled  them  to  the  separation." 

On  the  day  which  saw  this  proud  manifesto  issued,  Mr.  Stone  and 
his  colleagues  were  re-elected,  and  in  the  ardour  of  feeling  at  that 
moment  prevalent,  the  convention  forgot  to  limit  their  powers  by 
any  prudential  restraints.  Mr.  Stone,  though  not  a  prominent  man 
in  congress,  was  appointed  on  several  important  committees,  such 
as  that  to  consider  the  propriety  and  expediency  of  augmenting  the 
flying  camp;  that  on  the  miscarriages  in  Canada;  on  certain  letters 
from  General  Washington;  and,  the  most  laborious  of  all,  namely, 
that  charged  with  the  difficult  task  of  preparing  a  plan  of  confederation. 

There  never  was,  perhaps,  an  undertaking  of  greater  difficulty, 
than  the  formation  of  the  confederacy  at  that  period.  Entire  har- 
mony, was,  at  all  sacrifices,  to  be  preserved  as  essential  to  the  pos- 
sibility of  success  in  the  great  contest;  yet  a  diversity  of  sentiments 
almost  boundless,  prevailed  among  the  representatives  of  different 
interests  respecting  the  details  of  the  intended  compact. 

The  peculiar  responsibility  of  Mr.  Stone,  in  being  the  only  Mary- 
land delegate  in  the  committee,  when  the  sentiments  of  Maryland 
were  particularly  hostile  to  the  measure,  unless  with  the  conditions 
that  it  was  found  impossible  to  obtain  from  the  other  states,  may 
easily  be  appreciated. 

The  anxiety  and  trouble  occasioned  to  all,  and  especially  to  the 
committee  which  had  the  laborious  work  of  preparation,  are  strongly 
portrayed  in  the  letter  addressed  by  congress  to  the  respective  states, 
in  order  to  urge  the  adoption  of  the  plan,  as  they  had,  after  infinite 
compromises,  finally  arranged  the  articles. 

Notwithstanding  the  eloquence  of  their  appeal,  the  state  of  Mary- 
land refused  her  assent  until  the  year  1781. 

But,  to  recur  to  the  labours  of  Mr.  Stone,  and  the  rest  of  the  com- 
mittee, it  is  remarkable  that  from  the  twelfth  day  of  June,  1776, 
when  the  committee  was  selected,  consisting  of  one  member  from 
each  colony,  till  the  fifteenth  day  of  November,  1777,  when  the  con- 
federation was  finally  agreed  to,  the  committee  were  almost  constantly 
occupied  in  preparing,  amending  and  improving  the  act  which  was 
reported,  and  referred  back  again  very  frequently,  and  always  al 
tered  to  suit  the  views  of  congress,  and  obviate  objections.  It  was 
66  '  2  t  2 


618  THOMAS     STONE. 

the  subject  of  debate  thirty-nine  times,  and  when  concluded,  after 
all  this  labour,  was  only  an  approximation  towards  the  excellent 
constitution  which  was  framed  ten  years  afterwards. 

The  convention  of  the  state  of  Maryland,  when  the  emphasis  of 
the  excitement  caused  by  the  Declaration  of  Independence  had 
passed  away,  recurred  to  their  former  jealousy  of  their  delegates  in 
congress ;  and  although  it  was  too  late  now  to  restrict  them  as  to 
measures  of  hostility  towards  Great  Britain,  yet  chose  to  limit  their 
powers  as  to  the  formation  of  a  confederation,  and  also  to  hint  to 
them  the  possibility  of  retracing  their  steps,  and  agreeing  to  an  ac- 
commodation with  the  royal  government. 

The  contest  for  freedom  had  now  gone  so  far,  that  it  was  frequently 
called  a  "  glorious  war"' — the  Maryland  convention  still  termed  it 
an  "  unhappy  difference,"  and  were  anxious  to  accommodate  in  on 
any  terms,  that  a  majority  of  congress  might  be  brought  to  approve. 

Mr.  Stone  was  again  re-elected  in  February,  1777,  and  after 
serving  this  tour  of  duty,  and  seeing  the  confederation  finally  agreed 
upon  in  congress,  he  left  this  scene  of  action,  declined  a  re-appoint- 
ment, and  became  a  member  of  the  Maryland  legislature,  where 
the  plan  of  the  confederation  met  with  obstinate  opposition,  and  re- 
quired the  aid  of  all  its  friends  and  advocates. 

His  services  in  the  legislature  were  important,  and  in  the  discharge 
of  his  duties  there,  he  was  distinguished  by  the  same  fidelity,  earn- 
estness, and  patriotic  devotedness,  which  had  been  displayed  in  the 
course  of  his  previous  career.  His  services  in  that  assembly  are 
thus  described  by  a  gentleman  who  sat  with  him  there  : 

"He  was  most  truly  a  perfect  man  of  business;  he  would  often 
take  the  pen  and  commit  to  paper,  all  the  necessary  writings  of  the 
senate,  and  this  he  would  do  cheerfully  while  the  other  members 
were  amusing  themselves  with  desultory  conversation;  he  appeared 
to  be  naturally  of  an  irritable  temper,  still  he  was  mild  and  courteous 
in  his  general  deportment,  fond  of  society  and  conversation,  and 
universally  a  favourite  from  his  great  good  humour  and  intelligence; 
he  thought  and  wrote  much  as  a  professional  man,  and  as  a  states- 
man, on  the  business  before  him  in  those  characters  ;  he  had  no 
leisure  for  other  subjects  :  not  that  he  was  unequal  to  the  task,  for 
there  were  few  men  who  could  commit  their  thoughts  to  paper  with 
more  facility  or  greater  strength  of  argument.  There  was  a  severe 
trial  of  skill  between  the  senate  and  the  house  of  delegates,  on  the 
subject  of  confiscating  British  property.  The  senate  for  several 
sessions  unanimously  rejected  bills  passed  by  the  house  of  delegates 


THOMAS    STONE.  (319 

for  that  purpose;  many,  very  long  and  tart,  were  the  messages  from 
one  to  the  other  body,  on  this  subject ;  the  whole  of  which,  were  on  the 
part  of  the  senate,  the  work  of  Mr.  Stone,  and  his  close  friend  and 
equal  in  all  respects,  the  venerable  Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton." 

In  1783,  he  was  again  elected  to  a  seat  in  congress,  under  the 
confederation,  the  adoption  of  which  he  had  taken  so  much  pains 
to  obtain.  He  was  present  at  the  most  interesting  event  of  this 
period — the  resignation  of  General  Washington,  at  Annapolis ;  and 
in  the  session  of  1784,  was  appointed  on  most  of  the  important 
committees  of  the  congress.  During  the  latter  part  of  this  year,  he 
acted  as  president  pro  tempore,  but  declining  a  re-election  to  con- 
gress, he  lost,  by  voluntary  retirement,  the  honour  of  being  chosen 
to  preside  over  that  dignified  assembly,  which  would  have  followed, 
of  course,  his  temporary  occupation  of  the  chair. 

From  this  time,  during  the  short  interval  before  his  death,  he  was 
actively  engaged  in  professional  duties,  and  continued  to  serve  in 
the  senate  of  the  state,  but  declined  an  appointment  as  a  member 
of  the  federal  convention,  which  met  at  Philadelphia  in  the  year 
1787,  for  the  purpose  of  forming  the  present  constitution  of  the 
United  States. 

In  1785,  an  attempt  was  made  to  establish  a  paper  currency  as 
a  legal  tender  for  the  payment  of  debts.  A  bill  for  this  purpose  was 
passed  by  the  house  of  delegates,  but  promptly  rejected  by  the  senate, 
of  which  body  Mr.  Stone  was  still  a  member.  An  appeal  being  made 
to  the  people,  a  large  majority  refused  to  sanction  the  project. 

At  about  the  same  time,  Mr.  Stone  introduced  into  the  senate  a 
bill,  drafted  by  himself,  and  which  he  advocated  with  all  his  elo- 
quence, abolishing  the  right  of  primogeniture  as  previously  existing 
according  to  the  system  of  the  English  law.  The  bill  was  enacted 
by  both  branches  of  the  legislature,  and  remains  the  law  of  Mary- 
land; but  it  is  remarkable  that  Mr.  Stone  made  his  own  will  in 
accordance  with  the  principles  of  the  law  that  he  thus  contributed 
so  zealously  to  abolish. 

In  the  year  1784,  after  he  had  finally  relinquished  his  seat  in  con- 
gress and  removed  to  Annapolis,  his  practice  became  very  lucrative, 
and  his  professional  reputation  rose  to  very  distinguished  eminence. 
He  was  employed  in  many  very  important  causes,  and  his  friend, 
Mr.  Chase,  always  expressed  the  greatest  satisfaction  in  having  his 
assistance  as  a  colleague  in  cases  of  difficulty.  As  a  speaker,  his 
strength  lay  in  argument,  rather  than  in  manner.  When  he  began, 
his  voice  was  weak,  and  his  delivery  unimpressive,  but  as  he  became 


Q-20  THOMAS    STONE, 

warmed  with  his  subject,  his  manner  improved,  and  his  reasoning 
was  clear  and  powerful. 

He  was  a  man  of  very  strong  feelings,  and  affectionate  disposi- 
tion; and  the  tenderness  of  his  attachment  to  his  amiable  consort, 
after  forming  the  happiness  of  a  large  portion  of  his  life,  became 
the  melancholy  cause  of  its  early  close.  In  the  year  1776,  while  he 
was  attending  to  his  public  duties  in  congress,  Mrs.  Stone  visited 
Philadelphia  with  him,  and  as  the  small-pox  was  then  prevalent  in 
that  city,  it  was  thought  necessary  to  protect  her  from  it  by  inocu- 
lation. She  was  accordingly  inoculated,  and  the  mercurial  treat- 
ment, which  was  then  deemed  necessary,  was  pursued.  From  this 
time  her  health  gradually  declined;  and  on  the  first  of  June,  1787, 
she  died  in  Annapolis,  in  her  thirty-fourth  year.  This  was  a  death- 
blow to  Mr.  Stone.  After  this  he  declined  all  business,  both  public 
and  private,  except  such  as  he  deemed  necessary  to  put  his  affairs 
in  order.  He  was  brought  by  his  friends  to  his  seat  in  Charles 
county,  and  there,  during  the  summer  after  Mrs.  Stone's  decease, 
every  effort  was  made  to  enable  him  to  sustain  the  loss.  But  he 
sunk  into  a  deep  melancholy,  and  to  the  most  soothing  attentions 
of  his  friends  he  always  answered,  that  he  could  not  survive  his 
wife.  Dr.  Brown,  and  Dr.  Craick,  who  were  his  physicians,  finding 
little  amendment  in  his  spirits,  after  the  lapse  of  some  months,  ad- 
vised him  to  make  a  sea-voyage.  In  obedience  to  their  advice,  he 
went  to  Alexandria  to  embark  for  England.  While  waiting  at  that 
place,  for  the  vessel  to  sail,  he  expired  suddenly,  in  his  forty-fifth 
year,  on  the  fifth  of  October,  1787. 

Mr.  Stone  was  a  member  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal  church,  and 
a  man  of  sincere  and  fervent  piety.  He  was  in  figure  tall,  thin,  and 
well-proportioned;  his  complexion  pale  and  sallow.  His  manners 
were  those  of  a  well-bred  man,  not  marked  by  ostentation  or  affected 
gracefulness,  but  rather  reserved.  His  countenance,  from  the  con- 
stant employment  of  his  mind,  wore  the  appearance  of  austerity,  yet 
to  his  friends  he  was  quite  accessible.  His  conversation  was  generally 
familiar  and  instructive.  Light  and  frivolous  subjects  rarely  enjoyed 
his  attention,  yet  he  sometimes  relapsed  into  gay  and  sportive  hu- 
mours. His  disposition  was  mild,  and  his  heart  benevolent.  His 
appearance  in  early  life  had  promised  both  health  and  strength,  but 
his  studious  and  sedentary  habits,  acquired  in  boyhood,  and  continued 
through  life,  had  impaired  a  constitution  originally  vigorous.  He  was 
a  taciturn  man.  of  strong  feelings,  and  more  remarkable  for  terse 
ness  of  style  than  elegance  of  diction. 


CHARLES     CARROLL     OF    CARROLLTON 


CHARLES   CARROLL. 


Charles  Carroll,  surnamed  of  Carrollton,  the  subject  of  the 
present  sketch,  and  the  son  of  Charles  Carroll  and  Elizabeth  Brook, 
was  born  on  the  eighth  of  September,  1737,  O.  S.  (twentieth  Sep- 
tember, N.  S.)  at  Annapolis,  in  the  state  of  Maryland. 

The  father  of  Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton,  took  an  active  part 
in  the  affairs  of  the  provincial  government,  and  in  the  religious  dis- 
putes of  the  times  stood  prominent  as  one  of  the  leading  and  most 
influential  members  of  the  Catholic  party  in  Maryland.  The  dis- 
qualifications and  oppression  to  which  the  Catholics  were  subjected, 
in  the  early  part  of  the  eighteenth  century,  amounted  to  a  persecu- 
tion. In  this  state  of  things,  a  large  portion  of  the  Catholics  of 
Maryland  determined  to  emigrate,  and  Charles  Carroll,  then  on  a 
visit  to  his  son  in  France,  applied  to  the  French  minister  of  state, 
for  a  grant  of  land  on  the  Arkansas  river,  at  that  time  part  of  the 
French  territory  of  Louisiana.  The  extent  of  the  tract  demanded, 
startled  the  minister  as  Mr.  Carroll  pointed  to  it  on  the  map.  He 
considered  it  too  large  to  be  given  to  a  subject;  difficulties  were 
thrown  in  the  way ;  and  Mr.  Carroll  was  obliged,  at  last,  to  return 
to  Maryland,  without  having  accomplished  his  object.  Soon  after 
Mr.  Carroll's  return,  the  rigour  of  the  laws  against  the  Catholics 
was  relaxed,  and  they  abandoned  their  intention  of  emigrating  to 
the  West.     Charles  Carroll  died  in  1782. 

In  1745,  Charles  Carroll  of  Carollton,  then  eight  years  old,  was 
taken  to  the  college  of  English  Jesuits  at  St.  Oiners,  to  be  educated. 
Here  he  remained  for  six  years,  and  left  it  to  pursue  his  studies  at 
a  college  of  French  Jesuits,  at  Rheims.  After  staying  one  year 
at  Rheims,  he  was  sent  to  the  college  of  Louis  Ie  Grand.  From 
Louis  le  Grand,  Mr.  Carroll  went,  at  the  expiration  of  two  years,  to 
Bourges,  the  capital  of  the  province  of  Berry,  to  study  the  civil 
law;  and  after  remaining  there  for  one  year,  returned  to  college  at 
Paris,  where  he  continued  until  1757,  in  which  year  be  visited  Lon- 
don, and  taking  apartments  in  the  Temple,  commenced  the  study 

623 


624  CHARLES    CARROLL. 

of  the  law.  In  1764,  he  returned  to  his  native  place,  during  the 
first  discussion  of  those  principles,  which  being  honestly  proclaimed, 
and  fearlessly  supported,  occasioned  the  war  of  the  revolution.  In 
this  discussion,  Mr.  Carroll  took  an  active  part. 

Upon  the  repeal  of  the  stamp  act,  things  settled,  in  Maryland, 
into  that  calm,  which  always  follows  violent  excitement ;  and  matters 
of  local  interest  became  the  chief  topics  of  discussion. 

The  calm  which  followed  the  repeal  of  the  stamp  act,  continued 
undisturbed  until  1771-72,  when  the  attempt  to  establish  the  fees  of 
the  civil  officers  of  the  province  by  proclamation,  roused  again  the 
indignation  of  the  people,  and  called  forth  all  the  talent  and  energy 
of  the  political  writers. 

Governor  Eden  having  issued  a  proclamation  enjoining  all  officers 
to  take  no  other  or  greater  fees  than  those  therein  mentioned,  it  was 
objected  that  the  exaction  of  fees  was  to  all  intents  a  tax,  and  the 
attempt  to  levy  it  an  usurpation  on  the  part  of  the  executive.  Mr. 
Carroll  was  prominent  in  opposing  the  proclamation,  and  succeeded 
in  defeating  it.  The  proclamation  was  afterwards  buried  beneath 
the  gallows  by  the  common  hangman.  Mr.  Carroll  won  great  re- 
putation by  his  contributions  to  the  press  upon  this  subject. 

The  talent  and  firmness  evinced  by  Mr.  Carroll  in  this  contest, 
raised  him  at  once  to  a  high  station  in  the  confidence  of  the  people  ; 
and  we  find  him,  during  the  years  1773-74-75,  actively  engaged  in  all 
the  measures  which  were  taken  in  opposition  to  the  course  of  Great 
Britain's  colonial  policy.  From  the  earliest  symptoms  of  discontent, 
Mr.  Carroll  foresaw  the  issue,  and  made  up  his  mind  to  abide  it. 
Once  when  conversing  with  Samuel  Chase,  in  1771,  or  '72,  the 
latter  remarked,  "  Carroll,  we  have  the  better  of  our  opponents  ;  we 
have  completely  written  them  down."  "And  do  you  think,"  Mr. 
Carroll  asked,  "  that  writing  will  settle  the  question  between  us  ?" 
"  To  be  sure,"  replied  his  companion  ;  "what  else  can  we  resort  to?" 
"The  bayonet,"  was  the  answer.  "Our  arguments  will  only  raise 
the  feeling  of  the  people  to  that  pitch,  when  open  war  will  be  looked 
to  as  the  arbiter  of  the  dispute."  Some  years  before  the  commence- 
ment of  actual  hostilities,  Mr.  Graves,  the  brother  of  Admiral  Graves, 
and  then  a  member  of  parliament,  wrote  to  Mr.  Carroll  on  the  sub- 
ject of  the  disturbances  in  America,  laughing  at  the  idea  of  re- 
sistance on  the  part  of  the  colonies,  and  declaring  that  six  thousand 
English  soldiers  would  march  from  one  end  of  the  continent  to  the 
other.  "  So  they  may,"  said  Mr.  Carroll  in  his  answer,  "  but  they 
will  be  masters  of  the  spot  only  on  which  they  encamp.     They  will 


CHARLES    CARROLL.  625 

find  nought  but  enemies  before  and  around  them.  If  we  are  beaten 
on  the  plains,  we  will  retreat  to  our  mountains  and  defy  them.  Our 
resources  will  increase  with  our  difficulties.  Necessity  will  force 
ns  to  exertion  ;  until,  tired  of  combating,  in  vain,  against  a  spirit 
which  victory  after  victory  cannot  subdue,  your  armies  will  evacuate 
our  soil,  and  your  country  retire,  an  immense  loser,  from  the  con- 
test.— No,  sir, — we  have  made  up  our  minds  to  abide  the  issue  of 
the  approaching  struggle,  and  though  much  blood  may  be  spilt,  we 
have  no  doubt  of  ultimate  success."  These  opinions,  openly  avowed 
and  supported  by  Mr.  Carroll,  on  all  occasions,  cause  him  to  be  ranked 
with  the  Chase,  Paca,  and  Stone,  of  Maryland,  and  considered  as 
one  of  the  popular  leaders  of  the  day. 

When  the  brig  Peggy  Stewart  imported  into  Annapolis  a  quantity 
of  tea,  (an  article  forbidden  by  the  resolution  of  the  delegates  of 
Maryland,  June  twenty-second,  1774,)  the  irritated  populace,  then 
collected  from  the  neighbouring  counties  at  the  provincial  court, 
threatened  personal  violence  to  the  master  and  consignees  of  the 
vessel,  as  well  as  destruction  to  the  cargo.  The  friends  of  Mr.  An- 
thony Stewart,  the  owner  of  the  vessel,  applied  to  Mr.  Carroll,  as 
one  of  the  most  able  to  protect  him  from  violence.  Mr.  Carroll's 
advice  was  concise  and  determined.  "  Whatever  may  be  my  per- 
sonal esteem  for  Mr.  Stewart,  and  my  wish  to  prevent  violence,  it 
will  not  be  in  my  power  to  protect  him,  unless  he  consents  to  pursue 
a  decisive  course  of  conduct.  My  advice  is,  that  he  set  fire  to  the 
vessel,  and  burn  her,  together  with  the  tea  that  she  contains,  to  the 
water's  edge."  The  applicants  paused  for  a  moment ;  but  they  saw 
no  alternative,  and  Stewart,  appearing  immediately  before  the  com- 
mute, offered  to  do  what  Mr.  Carroll  had  proposed.  In  a  few  hours 
afterwards,  the  brigatine  Peggy  Stewart,  with  her  sails  set,  and  her 
colours  flying,  was  enveloped  in  flames,  and  the  immense  crowd 
collected  on  the  shores  of  the  harbour,  acknowledged  the  sufficiency 
of  the  satisfaction. 

In  January,  1775,  Mr.  Carroll  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  first 
committee  of  observation  that  was  established  in  Annapolis,  and  in 
the  same  year  he  was  elected  a  delegate  to  represent  Anne  Arundel 
county  in  the  provincial  convention. 

The  talents  which  he  had  exerted  in  Maryland,  in  behalf  of  the 
great  cause  of  American  liberty,  were  well  known  and  fully  appre- 
ciated by  the  general  congress,  and  in  February,  1776,  he  was  ap- 
pointed a  commissioner,  with  Dr.  Franklin  and  Samuel  Chase,  to 
proceed  to  Canada,  to  induce  the  inhabitants  of  that  country  to  join 


(526  CHARLES    CARROLL. 

the  United  Provinces  in  opposition  to  Great  Britain.*  The  com- 
missioners were  instructed  to  explain  to  the  Canadians  the  nature 
of  the  institutions  of  the  United  Provinces,  and  the  principles  of 
the  confederation  ;  to  urge  the  natural  connexion  which  subsisted 
between  Canada  and  the  colonies  ;  the  mutual  interest  of  both  the 
countries  to  unite  in  opposition  to  tyranny,  and  the  certainty  of  suc- 
cess from  a  well-directed  use  of  their  conjoined  energies ;  to  gua- 
rantee such  form  of  government  as  the  Canadians  might  set  up, 
together  with  the  free  and  undisturbed  exercise  of  religion  ;  to  press 
the  people  to  have  a  full  representation  in  convention,  to  take  into 
consideration  the  propositions  of  the  United  Provinces  ;  to  establish 
a  free  press;  to  settle  all  disputes  between  the  Canadians  and  con- 
tinental troops ;  to  sit  and  vote  as  members  of  councils  of  war  for 
erecting  or  demolishing  fortifications,  and  to  draw  on  the  president, 
for  that  purpose,  for  any  sums  of  money,  not  exceeding  one  hundred 
thousand  dollars  in  the  whole  ;  to  encourage  the  trade  and  commerce 
of  the  country  ;  to  give  credit  and  circulation  to  the  continental  mo- 
ney ;  and  to  suspend  any  military  officer,  whose  conduct,  in  the  opinion 
of  the  commissioners,  was  improper  or  unjust. 

In  the  resolution  of  congress,  appointing  the  commissioners,  Mr. 
Carroll  is  ''requested  to  prevail  on  Mr.  John  Carroll  to  accompany 
the  committee  to  Canada,  to  assist  them  in  such  matters  as  they 
shall  think  useful."  The  standing  and  influence  of  Mr.  John  Car- 
roll, as  a  Catholic  clergyman  of  talents  and  activity,  it  was  hoped 
would  be  of  essential  service  in  the  accomplishment  of  the  mission, 
by  removing  from  the  minds  of  a  Catholic  population  all  suspicion 
of  interference  on  religious  subjects. t 

The  committee  found  many  difficulties  to  contend  with  on  reaching 
Canada.  The  ardour  which  had  prevailed  among  the  Canadians 
in  favour  of  the  measure,  when  the  American  troops  first  entered 
the  country,  had  been  damped  by  the  inefficiency  of  the  force  em- 
ployed, and  almost  wholly  destroyed  by  the  defeat  and  death  of 
Montgomery.  The  inhabitants  became  provoked,  when  the  want 
of  regular  supplies  compelled  the  continental  troops  to  support 
themselves  by  levying  contributions  on  those  whom  they  were  sent 
to  assist;  and  the  priests,  never,  as  a  body,  in  favour  of  the  cause, 
seized  the  moment  of  irritation  to  incense  their  parishioners  against 

*  Mr.  Carroll  was  not  then  a  member  of  congress.  His  education  in  Fiance,  and 
his  distinguished  character  as  a  Catholic,  no  doubt,  suggested  his  appointment  on 
this  mission. 

t  John  Carroll  was  a  Jesuit,  and  the  first  bishop  of  the  United  States,  fie  died 
December  3,  1815. 


CHARLES    CARROLL.  G27 

the  United  Colonies.  Under  these  opposing  circumstances,  the  com- 
missioners did  every  thing  that  lay  in  their  power.  They  issued 
proclamations  ;  they  promised  privileges;  and  called  upon  the  people 
to  bear  patiently  the  temporary  evils,  which,  remittances  and  re-en- 
forcements from  congress,  would  in  a  short  time  obviate.  For  a 
while,  these  assurances  produced  some  effect :  but  the  continuance 
)f  the  causes  of  dissatisfaction  ;  the  want  of  specie,  clothing  and 
provisions  ;  the  disorder  and  sickness  prevailing  among  the  Ameri- 
can troops,  and  their  total  inadequacy  to  the  object  for  which  they 
entered  Canada,  again  occasioned  murmurs  among  the  inhabitants, 
and  finally  alienated  their  affections  from  the  United  Colonies.  Af- 
ter remaining  in  Canada  as  long  as  there  was  a  prospect  of  being 
useful,  the  commissioners  returned  to  Philadelphia  ;  and  on  the 
twelfth  of  June,  1776,  a  few  days  after  their  arrival,  presented  the 
written  report  of  their  proceedings  to  the  congress  then  in  session. 

Mr.  Carroll  returned  from  Canada  during  the  discussion  in  con- 
gress of  the  "Subject  of  Independence."  But  he  found  the  repre- 
sentatives of  his  native  state  shackled  with  instructions,  "  to  disavow 
in  the  most  solemn  manner,  all  design  in  the  colonies  of  indepen- 
dence." 

On  reaching  Annapolis,  Mr.  Carroll  resumed  his  scat  in  the 
convention,  and  advocated  the  withdrawal  of  the  instructions  of 
December,  1775,  and  the  substitution  of  others  in  their  stead,  em- 
powering the  delegates  in  congress  "  to  concur  with  the  other  United 
Colonies,  or  a  majority  of  them,  in  declaring  the  United  Colonies 
free  and  independent  states."  By  the  most  strenuous  exertions  he 
succeeded;  the  old  instructions  were  withdrawn,  and  new  instruc- 
tions were  given,  containing  the  powers  proposed  by  Mr.  Carroll; 
and,  on  the  second  of  July,  1776,  the  delegates  of  Maryland  found 
themselves  authorized  to  vote  for  independence. 

The  zealous  and  active  part  taken  by  Mr.  Carroll  in  procuring 
the  instructions  of  June  twenty-eighth,  was  the  cause  of  his  imme- 
diate appointment  as  a  delegate  from  Maryland  to  the  general  con- 
gress; and  on  the  fourth  of  July,  1776,  when  a  new  appointmen' 
of  delegates  was  made  by  the  convention,  we  find  Mr.  Carroll's 
name  on  the  list,  for  the  first  time.  The  important  business  then 
before  the  convention,  detained  Mr.  Carroll  for  some  days  in  Anna- 
polis, after  his  appointment ;  and  on  the  sixth  of  July,  he  had  the 
satisfaction  of  seeing  the  declaration  of  the  convention  of  Maryland 
published  to  the  world.  This  being,  in  part,  the  consequence  of  the 
new  instructions,  well  deserves  mention  in  the  story  of  Mr.  Carroll's 
67  2U 


628  CHARLES    CARROLL. 

life,  as  a  measure  in  the  accomplishment  of  which  lie  bore  a  dis- 
tinguished part. 

On  the  eighteenth  of  July,  the  credentials  of  the  new  appoint- 
ment of  delegates  from  Maryland  to  the  general  congress,  was 
received  by  that  body,  and  Mr.  Carroll,  on  the  same  day,  took  his 
seat  as  a  member. 

Although  Mr.  Carroll  did  not  vote  on  the  question  of  indepen- 
dence, yet  he  was  among  the  earliest  of  those  who  affixed  their 
signatures  to  its  declaration.  The  printed  journals  of  congress, 
indeed,  make  it  appear,  that  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
was  adopted  and  signed  on  the  fourth  of  July,  by  the  gentlemen 
whose  names  are  subscribed  to  it  under  the  head  of  that  date.  But 
this  impression  is  incorrect;  because,  in  fact  not  one  signature  was 
affixed  to  the  Declaration  until  the  second  of  August.  The  idea  of 
signing  does  not  appear  to  have  occurred  immediately;  for  not 
until  the  nineteenth  of  July,  as  will  appear  by  reference  to  the 
secret  journals,  did  the  resolution  pass,  directing  the  Declaration  to 
be  engrossed  on  parchment.  This  was  accordingly  done;  and  on 
the  second  of  August  following,  when  the  engrossed  copy  was  pre- 
pared, and  not  before,  the  Declaration  was  signed  by  the  members, 
who  on  that  day  were  present  in  congress.  Among  these  was  Mr. 
Carroll.  Those  members  who  were  absent  on  the  second  of  August, 
subscribed  the  Declaration  as  soon  after  as  opportunity  offered. 

The  engrossed  copy  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  was 
placed  on  the  desk  of  the  secretary  of  congress,  on  the  second  of 
August,  to  receive  the  signatures  of  the  members,  and  Mr.  Han- 
cock, president  of  congress,  during  a  conversation  with  Mr.  Carroll, 
asked  him  if  he  would  sign  it.  "  Most  willingly,"  was  the  reply, 
and  taking  a  pen,  he  at  once  put  his  name  to  the  instrument. 
"There  goes  a  few  millions,"  said  one  of  those  who  stood  by;  and 
all  present  at  the  time  agreed,  that  in  point  of  fortune,  few  risked 
more  than  Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton. 

A  resolution  having  passed  on  the  eighteenth  of  July,  "  that 
another  member  be  added  to  the  board  of  war,"  Mr.  Carroll  was 
appointed,  and  continued  actively  engaged  in  its  arduous  duties 
while  he  remained  in  congress. 

All  the  time  that  Mr.  Carroll  could  spare  from  his  duties  in  con- 
gress, he  gave  to  the  convention  of  Maryland,  in  which  he  still 
retained  his  seat;  and  in  the  latter  part  of  1776,  was  one  of  the 
committee  appointed  to  draught  the  constitution  of  that  state.  In 
December,  1776,  he  was  chosen  to  the  senate  of  Maryland,  being 


CHARLES    CARROLL.  g29 

the  first  senate  under  tho  new  constitution;  and  in  February,  1777, 
he  was  re-appointed  a  delegate  to  congress  by  the  general  assembly. 

Mr.  Carroll  continued  in  congress  until  the  year  1778,  when  the 
treaty  with  France,  removing  from  his  mind  all  doubt  as  to  the 
ultimate  success  of  the  war  of  the  revolution,  and  his  duty  as  a 
senator  of  Maryland  requiring  his  attendance  in  Annapolis,  lie 
resigned  his  seat,  and  for  the  future  devoted  himself  to  the  local 
politics  of  his  native  state.  In  the  year  1781,  he  was  re-elected  to 
the  senate  of  Maryland,  in  which  he  had  already  served  five  years ; 
and  in  December,  1788,  was  chosen  representative  of  Maryland  in 
the  senate  of  the  United  States,  immediately  after  the  adoption  of 
the  federal  constitution. 

Congress  then  held  its  sessions  in  New  York,  whither  Mr.  Car- 
roll repaired  soon  after  his  election,  and  took  an  active*  part  in  the 
business  and  discussions  of  the  day,  always  adhering  to,  and  strongly 
supporting,  the  federal  party. 

In  1791,  Mr.  Carroll  vacated  his  seat  in  the  senate  of  the  United 
States,  and  in  the  same  year  was  once  more  chosen  to  the  senate 
of  Maryland.  In  1796,  he  was  again  re-elected  and  in  1797,  was 
one  of  the  commissioners  appointed  to  settle  the  boundary  line  be- 
tween Virginia  and  Maryland.  Mr.  Carroll  continued  an  active 
member  of  the  senate  of  his  native  state  until  1804,  when  the  demo- 
cratic party  carried  their  ticket,  and  he  was  left  out.  In  the  year 
last  mentioned,  he  retired  from  public  life,  after  having  been  a 
member  of  the  first  committees  of  observation,  twice  in  the  con- 
vention of  Maryland,  twice  appointed  delegate  to  congress,  once 
chosen  representative  to  the  senate  of  the  United  States,  and  four 
times  elected  a  senator  of  Maryland. 

We  have  now  reached  the  termination  of  Mr.  Carroll's  public 
life,  in  his  sixty-third  year,  and  see  him  retiring  among  his  fellow 
citizens  to  the  quiet  enjoyments  of  his  family  circle.  His  life  from 
1801  up  to  its  close  affords  few  materials  for  a  biography.  It 
glided  along,  in  all  the  tranquil  happiness  which  the  full  enjoyment 
of  every  faculty,  the  recollection  of  past  honours,  the  possession  of 
a  large  fortune,  the  affection  and  attention  of  children  and  grand- 
children, and  the  respect  of  his  countrymen,  could  bestow. 

"  Like  the  books  of  the  Sybil,  the  living  signers  of  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence  increased  in  value  as  they  diminished  in  num- 
ber." On  the  third  of  July,  1826,  three  only  remained — John 
Adams,  Thomas  Jefferson,  and  Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton.  On 
the   fourth  of  July,   1826,  the  fiftieth  anniversary  of  the  day  on 


fi30  CHARLES    CARROLL. 

which  they  pledged  their  all  to  their  country,  when  the  ten  millions 
who  were  indebted  to  them  for  liberty,  were  celebrating  the  year 
of  jubilee;  when  the  names  of  the  three  signers  were  on  every  lip, 
John  Adams  and  Thomas  Jefferson  died,  leaving  Charles  Carroll 
of  Carrollton  the  last  link  between  the  past  and  present  generations.* 

During  thirty  years  passed  in  public  life,  embracing  the  most 
eventful  period  of  the  history  of  the  United  States,  Mr.  Carroll,  as 
a  politician  was  quick  to  decide,  and  prompt  to  execute.  His 
measures  were  open  and  energetic,  and  he  was  more  inclined  to 
exceed  than  to  fall  short  of  the  end  which  he  proposed.  As  a 
speaker,  he  was  concise  and  animated;  the  advantages  of  travel 
and  society  made  him  graceful ;  books,  habits  of  study,  and  acute 
observation  made  him  impressive  and  instructive.  As  a  writer  he 
was  remarkably  dignified;  his  arrangement  was  regular;  his  style 
was  full,  without  being  diffuse,  and,  though  highly  argumentative, 
was  prevented  from  being  dull  by  the  vein  of  polite  learning  which 
was  visible  throughout. 

In  person  Mr.  Carroll  was  slight,  and  rather  below  the  middle 
size.  His  face  was  strongly  marked  ;  his  eye  was  quick  and  pierc- 
ing, and  his  whole  countenance  expressive  of  energy  and  determina- 
tion. His  manners  were  easy,  affable,  and  graceful;  and  in  all  the 
elegances  and  observances  of  polite  society,  few  men  were  his 
superiors. 

*  On  the  fourteenth  of  November,  1832,  Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton,  the  last  01 
the  signers,  full  of  years  and  full  of  honours,  closed  his  earthly  career.  A  nation') 
tears  were  shed  upon  his  grave;  a  cation's  gratitude  hallo""*  his  memory. 


RES.  OF    GEORGE    WYTHE 


GEORGE    WYTHE 


GEORGE   WYTHE. 


The  following  account  of  Mr.  Wythe  is  much  less  circu.-nstantial 
than  is  required  by  the  dignity  of  the  subject.  The  most  important 
actions  of  his  public  life  are  so  blended  with  the  general  history  of 
the  country,  and  his  name  so  conjoined  with  the  other  patriots  of 
the  revolution,  as  to  admit  very  little  distinct  or  particular  detail. 
Of  his  private  and  domestic  transactions,  he  has  himself  left  no 
remembrance;  and  his  friends,  by  whose  aid  we  hoped  to  supply  the 
deficiency,  appear  to  have  postponed  this  principal  object,  to  indulge 
in  expressions  of  affection  for  his  memory,  and  have  furnished  us 
rather  a  panegyric,  than  a  history  of  his  life. 

George  Wythe  was  born  in  the  year  1726,  in  the  county  of 
Elizabeth  City,  on  the  shores  of  the  Chesapeake,  in  the  then  colony 
of  Virginia.  He  was  descended  from  a  respectable  family,  and 
inherited  from  his  father,  who  was  a  farmer,  an  estate  amply  suffi- 
cient for  all  the  purposes  of  ease  and  independence.  His  mother 
was  a  woman  of  great  strength  of  mind,  and  of  singular  learning; 
amongst  other  acquirements,  she  possessed  an  accurate  knowledge 
of  the  Latin  language,  and  under  her  tuition  he  received  the  rudi- 
ments of  his  education. 

The  instructions  which  he  received  at  school,  by  some  unaccount- 
able negligence,  were  extremely  limited;  being  confined  to  mere 
reading  and  writing  the  English  language,  with  a  very  superficial 
knowledge  of  arithmetic.  But  his  powerful  mind,  ex.-rting  its  own 
efforts,  soon  supplied  his  defect  of  scholastic  educatim;  for,  with 
the  sole  assistance  afforded  by  his  mother,  he  became  one  of  the 
most  accomplished  Latin  and  Greek  scholars  of  his  country;  and, 
by  his  unaided  exertions,  attained  a  very  honourable  proficiency  in 
other  branches  of  learning.  To  grammar,  rhetoric,  and  logic,  which 
he  is  said  to  have  studied  with  great  success,  he  added,  at  an  early 
age,  an  extensive  acquaintance  with  civil  law ;  a  profound  knowledge 
of  mathematics,  as  well  as  of  natural  and  moral  philosophy. 

Of  these  various  attainments,  so  honourable  to  his  industry  and 
2  u  2  633 


(534  GEORGE    WYTHE. 

genius,  much  of  the  merit,  no  doubt  very  justly,  is  ascribed  to  the 
affectionate  and  tender  zeal  of  his  mother:  it  is  related  that  she 
not  only  taught  him  tlie  Latin,  but  assisted  also  his  acquisition  of 
the  Greek,  though  altogether  unacquainted  with  that  language; 
uniting  for  this  purpose,  in  his  studies,  and  by  inspecting  an  English 
version  of  the  works  which  he  read,  enabling  herself  to  aid  his  pro- 
gress, and  to  ascertain  the  accuracy  of  his  translations. 

Of  this  excellent  mother  lie  was  bereaved  during  his  minority. 
He  lost  also,  near  the  same  time,  his  father,  of  whom  there  is  given 
a  very  amiable  character  for  simplicity  and  candour  of  behaviour, 
parental  tenderness,  and  for  prudence  in  the  management  of  his  for- 
tune. Being  thus  in  the  possession  of  money,  and  exposed,  in  the 
luxuriance  of  youthful  passions,  to  the  seductions  of  pleasure,  he 
suspended  during  several  years,  all  useful  study,  and  spent  his  whole 
time  in  idle  amusements  and  dissipation.  But  to  whatever  levities 
he  may  have  been  betrayed,  it  is  evident  from  the  subsequent  events 
of  his  life,  that  his  principles  of  honour  remained  uncorrupted. 
When  he  had  attained  his  thirtieth  year,  he  shook  off  all  these  youth- 
fid  follies,  and  employed  himself  in  the  most  indefatigable  study; 
and  from  this  period  till  the  close  of  his  life,  protracted  to  the  length 
of  eighty  years,  lived  in  the  practice  of  the  most  rigid  and  inflexible 
virtue. 

To  his  friends  he  often  expressed  the  deepest  regret  that  so  many- 
years  of  time  had  thus  been  irretrievably  lost  to  him ;  and  when  we 
reflect  on  the  many  splendid  monuments  of  his  wisdom,  and  patriotic 
devotion  to  the  best  interests  of  his  country,  which  have  given  him 
an  imperishable  name  in  her  records,  an  instructive  lesson  may  be 
drawn  from  his  generous  repentance. 

He  studied  the  profession  of  the  law  under  the  direction  of  Mr. 
John  Lewis,  an  eminent  practitioner;  and  at  an  early  period  was 
called  to  the  bar  of  the  general  court,  then  filled  by  men  of  great 
eminence  and  ability  in  their  profession.  He  quickly  arrived  at  the 
head  of  the  bar. 

As  a  lawyer,  the  character  of  Wythe  bears  the  severest  scrutiny. 
In  his  hands  the  dignity  of  the  profession  was  never  prostrated  to 
the  support  of  an  unjust  cause:  in  this  he  was  so  scrupulous,  that 
where  doubts  were  entertained  of  the  truth  of  his  clients'  state- 
ments, he  even  required  the  solemnity  of  an  oath  previous  to  his 
defence;  and  if  deception  was  in  any  manner  practised  upon  him, 
the  fee  was  returned,  and  the  cause  abandoned.  Such  disinterest- 
edness procured  him  universal  esteem;  and  as  he  was  no  less  dis- 


GEOKGE    WYTHE.  635 

tinguished  by  correctness  and  purity  of  conduct  in  his  profession, 
than  by  his  great  learning,  and  his  industry  and  fidelity  to  those  who 
employed  him;  promotion  succeeded  confidence;  and  on  the  organi- 
zation of  the  new  government,  he  was  invested  with  the  most  con- 
siderable judicial  rank  which  his  country  could  bestow  upon  him. 
As  chancellor  of  Virginia,  he  continued  to  dispense  the  most  exact 
justice  until  the  day  of  his  death. 

Early  in  life  he  was  elected  to  represent  his  native  county  in  the 
house  of  burgesses;  of  which  he  continued  a  member  until  the  dawn 
of  the  revolution. 

On  the  fourteenth  of  November,  1764,  he  was  appointed  a  mem- 
ber of  a  committee  of  the  house  of  burgesses,  to  prepare  and  report 
a  petition  to  the  king;  a  memorial  to  the  house  of  lords,  and  a  re- 
monstrance to  the  house  of  commons  on  the  subject  of  the  proposed 
stamp  act.  The  latter  paper  was  drawn  up  by  Wythe,  and  follow 
ing  his  own  principles,  his  language  was  that  of  boldness  and  truth, 
going  far  beyond  the  timid  hesitations  of  his  colleagues,  who  viewed 
it  as  borderingon  treason,  consequently  his  draft  was  subjected  to 
many  material  modifications.  These  documents  were  reported  on 
the  eighteenth  of  December,  and  after  much  warm  debate  and  con- 
siderable amendments  tending  to  soften  the  asperity  of  complaint, 
received  the  concurrence  of  council. 

From  the  general  tenor  of  these  papers,  it  is  obvious  that  revo- 
lutionary opposition  to  the  regal  government  was  not  then  intended. 
Remonstrance  alone  was  designed,  and  the  colonies  looked  with 
anxiety  to  the  parent  country  for  favourable  replies  to  most  dutiful 
petitions;  but  remonstrance  was  ineffectual,  and  in  January,  1765, 
the  stamp  act  was  passed,  to  have  operation  from  the  first  of  No- 
vember following.  The  promulgation  of  this  law  soon  diffused  a 
spirit  of  discontent  and  opposition  through  America,  and  brought 
the  abilities  of  her  patriots  and  heroes  into  more  conspicuous  notice. 

In  Virginia,  the  house  of  burgesses  had  received  an  extraordinary 
acquisition  in  the  person  of  one  of  its  young  members,  the  cele- 
brated Patrick  Henry.  Henry  was  one  of  the  most  fascinating  ora- 
tors of  modern  times:  his  patriotism,  like  that  of  most  of  his  asso- 
ciates in  public  life,  was  of  the  purest  kind;  and  in  consequence  of 
his  great  exertions  in  the  house  of  burgesses;  by  the  marked  in- 
trepidity of  his  conduct;  by  the  fire  of  his  matchless  eloquence,  the 
American  revolution  presented  its  first  determined  front,  in  the  bold- 
est opposition  to  the  hateful  law. 

A  few  days  previous  to  the  close  of  the  sessic  a,  in  May,  1765, 


636,  GEORGE    WYTHE. 

resolutions  were  offered  to  the  consideration  of  the  house  by  Mr. 
Henry,  asserting,  in  the  most  spirited  style,  the  rights  of  the  colo- 
nists, alleging  that  the  legislature  of  Virginia  had  the  sole  and  ex- 
clusive power  of  taxing  its  citizens. 

These  resolutions  created  an  extraordinary  alarm  in  the  house, 
and  the  most  violent  debates  ensued.  Not  only  were  they  opposed 
by  the  advocates  of  the  measures  of  the  royal  government,  and  by 
the  aristocracy  of  the  state,  but  even  some  of  the  warmest  friends 
of  American  independence  endeavoured  to  prevent  their  adoption. 
Among  the  latter  we  find  Wythe.  Their  opposition  was,  however, 
not  founded  on  any  difference  of  principle,  but  because  the  petition, 
memorial,  and  remonstrance  of  the  preceding  session  had  already 
expressed  the  same  sentiments,  and  made  the  same  assertions  of 
right;  and  answers  to  those  documents  were  yet  to  be  expected. 
Notwithstanding  the  daring  language  of  the  resolutions,  the  oppo- 
sition of  the  ministerial  party  in  the  house,  and  the  dread  of  the 
best  friends  of  our  liberties,  of  plunging  the  colony  unprepared, 
feeble,  and  without  defence,  into  hostility  with  Great  Britain,  the 
bold  and  sublime  eloquence  of  Henry  achieved  a  victory.  The  re- 
solutions were  all  adopted  after  some  immaterial  alterations  in  each 
of  them ;  but  the  fifth,  and  strongest,  was  passed  by  a  majority  of 
a  single  vote.  Henry  did  not  attend  the  sitting  of  the  following  day, 
and  then,  the  alarm  of  a  majority  of  burgesses,  caused  them  by  a 
timid  vote  to  expunge  the  fifth  resolution  from  the  journals. 

During  the  session  of  1768,  Wythe  was  a  member  of  the  house 
of  burgesses,  in  which  he  held  a  prominent  station,  when  the  famous 
resolutions  were  adopted,  by  which  Virginia  asserted  in  determined 
language,  her  exclusive  right  of  taxation,  in  all  cases  whatsoever; 
complained  of  the  violation  of  the  British  constitution,  by  recent 
acts  of  parliament;  and  firmly  remonstrated  against  the  oppression 
of  holding  trials  in  England,  on  persons,  for  offences  committed  in 
the  colonies. 

The  dissolution  of  the  house,  did  not  produce  any  effect  favourable 
to  the  royal  cause.  The  same  members,  without  any  exception, 
were  returned,  and  the  spirit  of  resistance  increased  in  strength. 
Wythe,  as  a  member  of  the  house,  was  bold  and  determined  in  the 
position  he  had  taken.  On  the  one  hand,  the  liberties  of  his  coun- 
try were  threatened  ;  and  on  the  other,  his  character,  nay,  his  life 
itself  was  placed  in  danger.  But  no  human  consideration  was 
equivalent  to  his  love  of  liberty  and  fidelity  to  his  country. 

Thomas  Jefferson  had  been  the  pupil  of  Wythe,  and  under  his 


GEORGE    WYTHE.  637 

auspices,  was  introduced  to  the  bar.  The  sentiments  of  the  friend 
and  counsellor,  which  were  instil'ed  by  instruction  and  example, 
were  exhibited  to  the  world  in  the  "  Summary  View  of  the  Rights 
of  British  America:"  and  now  in  the  same  venerable  public  body, 
the  preceptor  and  pupil  stood  forth  as  vindicators  of  the  rights  and 
privileges  of  their  injured  countrymen,  and  as  undeviating  advocates 
of  that  system  of  government,  which  has  since  been  so  happily  es- 
tablished. 

From  this  time  until  1775,  Wythe  continued  his  unabated  exer- 
tions in  favour  of  independence.  On  the  first  rising  of  the  colonists, 
he  joined  a  corps  of  volunteers,  and  evinced  his  promptness  to  sup- 
port the  cause  which  he  had  advocated  in  the  senate,  by  a  resort  to 
arms  in  the  field.  But  his  country,  at  this  important  period,  required 
the  united  talents  of  her  ablest  statesmen  ;  and  in  August,  1775,  he 
was  appointed  one  of  the  delegates  from  his  native  state,  to  that 
congress,  which,  in  the  succeeding  year,  declared  the  independence 
of  America. 

In  consequence  of  this  great  change  in  the  form  of  government, 
and  in  order  to  strengthen  and  confirm  the  principles  of  the  revolu- 
tion, the  house  of  assembly  of  Virginia,  by  a  resolution  of  the  fifth 
of  November,  1776,  appointed  Thomas  Jefferson,  Edmond  Pendle- 
ton, George  Wythe,  George  Mason,  and  Thomas  Ludwell  Lee,  a 
committee  to  revise  the  laws  of  the  state,  with  such  alterations  as 
the  change  in  the  form  and  principles  of  the  government,  and  other 
circumstances  required.  So  industrious  were  Jefferson,  Pendleton, 
and  Wythe,  in  this  great  work  of  legislation,  that  on  the  eighteenth 
of  June,  1779,  one  hundred  and  twenty-six  bills  were  prepared,  and 
reported  to  the  general  assembly. 

Of  this  extensive  work  of  legislation,  Wythe  executed  the  revision 
of  those  laws  which  had  been  enacted  during  the  period  commencing 
with  the  revolution  in  England,  and  ending  with  the  establishment 
of  the  new  government  here,  except  the  acts  for  regulating  descents, 
for  religious  freedom,  and  for  proportioning  crimes  and  punishments, 
which  were  part  of  the  labours  of  Mr.  Jefferson. 

In  1777,  the  distinguished  learning  of  Wythe  in  parliamentary 
law  and  proceedings,  caused  him  to  be  chosen  speaker  of  the  house 
of  delegates  ;  towards  the  close  of  the  same  year,  he  was  appointed 
one  of  the  three  judges  of  the  high  court  of  chancery  of  Virginia  : 
and  on  the  subsequent  change  in  the  organization  of  the  court  of 
equity,  was  constituted  sole  chancellor  ;  which  high  station  he  filled 
with  the  strictest  integrity  for  more  than  twenty  years.  Whilst  in 
68 


638  GEORGE    WYTHE. 

tilts  office  he  published  a  collection  q£  Chancery  Reports,  which,  by 
legal  characters,  are  held  in  high  estimation. 

Chancellor  Wythe  was  the  first  judge  who  decided  that  the  claims 
of  English  merchants  and  other  individuals  previous  to  and  during 
the  revolution,  were  recoverable,  and  such  decisions  was  given  in 
cases  where  the  state  of  Virginia  was  a  party.  The  firmness  of  the 
judge  in  resisting  the  torrent  of  popular  prejudice,  is  not  the  less 
to  be  commended  because  mere  duty  was  performed  ;  a  new  and 
important  question  had  arisen — the  complainant  was  an  alien,  a  late 
enemy;  the  respondent  was  a  commonwealth:  the  judge  an  officer 
of  the  respondent's  creating  ;  the  current  of  opinion  set  against  the 
legality  of  the  claim,  and  a  nation  awaited  the  decision  of  the  court 
of  equity. 

George  Wythe,  living,  was  the  fountain  of  justice — dead,  his 
spotless  integrity  has  erected  him  a  durable  monument  in  the  me- 
mory of  his  countrymen. 

Wythe  had  suffered  much  during  the  revolution  in  his  pecuniary 
circumstances.  Not  only  did  he  devote  his  time  and  property  to  the 
public  service,  but  the  greater  part  of  his  slaves  which  he  inherited 
from  his  father,  was  carried  over  to  the  enemy  by  the  dishonest 
manager  of  his  Hampton  estate.  His  immediate  relatives,  however, 
benefitted  during  his  life  by  his  generosity.  One  half  of  his  estate 
in  Elizabeth  City  he  settled  on  his  nephew,  and  of  the  remaining 
part,  being  sold,  the  payment  of  the  purchase  money  was  protracted 
during  many  years.  Thus  his  resources  were  limited,  and  although 
his  salary  as  chancellor  did  not  exceed  three  hundred  pounds  per 
annum,  by  economy  and  judicious  management,  he  discharged  his 
debts,  preserved  his  independence,  and  was  enabled,  besides,  to 
perform  many  conspicuous  and  estimable  actions  of  private  charity. 
The  professorship  of  law,  in  the  college  of  William  and  Mary,  for 
some  time  gave  him  an  additional  income  ;  but  the  arduous  duties 
of  chancellor,  induced  him,  on  his  removal  to  the  city  of  Richmond, 
to  vacate  the  chair. 

In  December,  1786,  he  was  selected  by  the  legislature,  together 
with  Washington,  Henry,  Randolph,  Blair,  Madison  and  Mason,  as 
delegates  to  meet  the  proposed  convention,  to  revise  the  federal 
constitution.  His  country  never  losing  sight  of  his  distinguished 
patriotism  and  abilities,  when  occasion  required  his  services,  we 
again  find  him  a  conspicuous  member  of  the  great  public  body  as- 
sembled at  Richmond,  in  1787,  to  take  into  view  the  adoption  or 
rejection   of  the  lately  framed  constitution  of  the   United   States. 


GEORGE     WYTHE.  gog 

Subsequently,  he  was  twice  a  member  of  the  presidcntal  electoral 
college  of  Virginia,  and  presided  with  great  distinction  and  applause 
over  its  meetings. 

Amidst  all  his  public  services,  throughout  all  his  private  life,  the 
devotion  of  Wythe  to  his  country,  his  scrupulous  discharge  of  the 
duties  of  his  office,  and  his  universal  benevolence  of  disposition, 
were  eminently  apparent.  Some  of  the  greatest  luminaries  at  the 
bar,  and  in  the  senate,  that  Virginia  has  produced,  were  instructed 
in  science  and  led  up  to  the  steep  of  Fame  by  George  Wythe.  In 
the  list  of  his  pupils  we  may  enumerate  two  presidents  of  the  United 
States,  a  chief  justice,  and  others,  who  by  their  abilities  and  virtues 
are  entitled  to  the  most  distinguished  honours  of  their  country.  Not 
confining  his  efforts  to  those  situations  in  which  duty  impelled  him 
to  exercise  the  great  faculties  of  his  mind  for  the  public  advantage, 
his  active  philanthropy  induced  him  to  institute  a  private  school, 
in  which  his  great  pleasure  was  to  impart  instruction  to  such  young 
persons  as  wished  for  improvement :  demanding  no  compensation, 
his  reward  was  found  in  virtuously  educating  republican  citizens, 
who  would  transmit  to  posterity  the  pure  principles  of  the  venerable 
sage  and  statesman. 

In  emancipating  his  slaves,  Wythe  did  not  cast  them  on  the  world 
friendless  and  needy  ;  he  gave  them  sufficient  to  free  them  from 
want,  and  his  own  example  had  taught  them  industrious  habits. 
He  had  also  carried  his  benevolent  disposition  to  the  extent  of  im- 
parting instructions  to  a  negro  boy,  whom  he  had  taught  the  Latin 
and  Greek  languages,  and  who  was  considerably  advanced  in  science, 
but  unfortunately  died  a  few  days  before  his  benefactor.  An  unas- 
suming modesty,  a  simplicity  of  manners,  and  a  general  equanimity 
of  temper,  were  his  distinguishing  personal  characteristics  through- 
out life.  It  was  his  daily  endeavour  to  live  a  Christian,  and  he 
effectually  succeeded. 

His  long  life  of  public  usefulness  was  closed,  in  exhibiting  an 
additional  proof  of  fervent  devotion  to  the  interests  of  the  commu- 
nity. Tortured  on  the  bed  of  death,  with  agonies  produced  by 
poison  taken  in  s'ome  portion  of  his  aliment,  he  was  immersed  in 
the  study  of  cases,  yet  pending  in  his  court ;  regretting,  as  long  as 
his  senses  continued,  the  delay  and  consequent  expense  which  would 
be  incurred  by  the  parties,  should  his  illness  prove  fatal.  He  died 
in  the  midst  of  this  benevolent  anxiety,  on  the  eighth  of  June,  1806, 
in  the  eighty-first  year  of  his  age. 

In  his  death,  Virginia  mourned  one  of  her  most  favoured  sons 


(340  GEORGE    WYTHE. 

but  the  cause  of  his  sudden  loss  spread  an  additional  gloom  over 
the  darkness  of  her  grief.  No  doubt  remained  of  his  death  being 
produced  by  violence,  and  suspicion  fell  upon  one,  who,  if  guilty, 
would  have  added  the  blackest  ingratitude  to  the  most  detestable 
of  crimes. 

By  his  last  will  he  bequeathes  a  great  part  of  his  property  in 
trust,  to  support  his  three  freed  negroes,  a  woman,  a  man  and 
a  boy,  during  their  lives  ;  after  several  legacies,  particularly  one, 
"  of  his  books  and  philosophical  apparatus,  to  his  valued  friend 
Thomas  Jefferson,  president  of  the  United  States,"  the  remainder 
of  his  estate  is  devised  to  George  Wythe  Sweney,  the  grandson  of 
his  sister. 

During  the  lifetime  of  Wythe,  his  freedman  died,  and  by  a  codicil 
to  the  will,  the  legacy  to  the  freedboy  is  increased,  with  a  provision, 
that  if  he  should  die  before  his  full  age,  the  bequest  to  him  should 
enure  to  the  benefit  of  Sweney,  the  residuary  legatee. 

A  few  days  before  the  death  of  Wythe,  a  second  codicil  is  dated; 
in  this  instrument  the  freedboy  is  mentioned  as  having  "  died  this 
morning :" — all  the  devises  to  George  Wythe  Sweney  are  revoked, 
and  the  whole  of  the  chancellor's  estate  is  left  to  the  other  grand- 
children of  his  sister,  the  brothers  and  sisters  of  Sweney,  to  be 
equally  divided  between  them. 

The  sudden  death  of  the  negro  boy;  the  revocation  of  the  former 
devises;  the  suspicions  of  the  community,  fatally  confirmed  by  the 
death  of  Wythe  himself,  all  tend  to  the  conclusion  that  poison  was 
introduced  amongst  the  provisions  of  the  household.  The  residuary 
legatee  of  the  first  will,  submitted  to  a  public  trial,  on  the  charge 
of  poisoning  his  uncle  and  freedboy:  an  acquittal  by  a  jury  has 
caused  a  veil  to  be  dropped  over  the  transaction  revolting  to 
humanity;  and  the  solemn  decision  of  a  criminal  court,  has  shown 
to  the  world,  that  although  the  lamented  Wythe  died  by  poison,  yet 
legal  certainty  cannot  be  attached  to  his  murderer. 

He  had  been  twice  married  ;  he  had  one  child,  which  died  in  in- 
fancy, and  no  issue  survived  him. 

Mr.  Jefferson,  to  whom  we  are  indebted  for  some  of  the  facts  of 
the  proceeding  narrative,  has  thus  drawn  the  portrait  of  the  instruc- 
tor of  his  youth,  the  friend  of  his  age,  and  his  compatriot  through 
life. 

"  No  man  ever  left  behind  him  a  character  more  venerated  than 
George  Wythe.  His  virtue  was  of  the  purest  kind ;  his  integrity 
inflexible,  and  his  justice  exact;  of  warm  patriotism,  and  devoted 


GEORGE    WYTHE.  641 

as  he  was  to  liberty,  and  the  natural  and  equal  rights  of  men,  he 
might  truly  be  called  the  Cato  of  his  country,  without  the  avarice 
of  the  Roman ;  for  a  more  disinterested  person  never  lived.  Tem- 
perance and  regularity  in  all  his  habits,  gave  him  general  good 
health,  and  his  unaffected  modesty  and  suavity  of  manners  endeared 
him  to  every  one.  He  was  of  easy  elocution,  his  language  chaste, 
methodical  in  the  arrangement  of  his  matter,  learned  and  logical 
in  the  use  of  it,  and  of  great  urbanity  in  debate.  Not  quick  of  ap- 
prehension, but  with  a  little  time,  profound  in  penetration,  and 
sound  in  conclusion.  In  his  philosophy  he  was  firm,  and  neither 
troubling,  nor  perhaps  trusting  any  one  with  his  religious  creed,  he 
left  to  the  world  the  conclusion,  that  that  religion  must  be  good  which 
could  produce  a  life  of  such  exemplary  virtue. 

"  His  stature  was  of  the  middle  size,  well  formed  and  propor- 
tioned, and  the  features  of  his  face,  manly,  comely,  and  engaging. 
Such  was  George  Wythe,  the  honour  of  his  own,  and  model  of  future 
times." 

2V 


RICHARD   HENRY   LEE 


To  censure  a  just  pride  of  ancestry  would  be  to  lessen  the  incen- 
tives of  virtue ;  and  since  he  who  was  the  idol  of  a  people's  worship 
has  declared,  even  when  holding  up  to  scorn  the  folly  of  aristocracy, 
"  that  the  glory  of  our  forefathers  is  a  light  to  their  posterity,"  it 
may  be  permitted  to  observe,  that  Richard  Henry  Lee  traces  his 
descent  from  one  of  the  most  ancient  and  distinguished  families  in 
Virginia. 

To  Richard  Henry  Lee,  who  was  born  on  the  twentieth  of 
January,  1732,  in  Westmoreland  county,  Virginia,  seems  to  have 
descended  an  hereditary  care  of  his  native  state,  for  his  maternal 
grandfather  and  uncle,  held  with  credit  to  themselves  and  advan- 
tage to  their  country,  seats  in  the  king's  council,  of  which  his  father 
was  president,  and  his  great  grandfather  in  that  line,  was  Governor 
Ludwell,  of  North  Carolina. 

Fashion  prompted,  or  necessity  urged,  in  the  infancy  of  the 
colony,  such  as  could  afford  the  expense,  to  send  their  children  to 
England  to  be  educated.  Wakefield  in  Yorkshire,  then  a  flourish- 
ing school,  was  selected  for  Mr.  Lee.  The  classic  pursuits  and 
chaste  style  of  Mr.  Lee  in  after  life,  may  give  a  favourable  opinion 
of  his  docility  and  talent.  To  studies  calculated  to  form  the  cha- 
racter of  a  firm  patriot,  an  enlightened  statesman  and  an  elegant 
scholar  was  his  attention  devoted,  free  from  the  restrictions  which 
professional  duties  impose. 

Ethics,  in  its  most  extensive  meaning,  and  the  philosophy  of  his- 
tory were  his  favourite  pursuits;  the  manuscript  systems  of  which, 
compiled  from  his  reading,  or  deduced  from  his  own  thoughts,  are 
yet  in  existence  to  prove  the  force  of  his  intellect,  the  closeness  of 
his  application,  and  the  depth  of  his  research,  by  the  judicious  views 
and  lucid  arrangement  which  these  extensive  notes  of  study  exhibit. 
In  the  retirement  of  his  brother's  family,  where  he  had  access  to  a 
well-chosen  library,  these  were  composed  with  persevering  indus- 
try, between  the  time  of  his  return  from  school  in  his  nineteenth 
642 


RICHARD      HENRY     LEE 


RICHARD    HENRY    LEE.  g45 

year,  and  that  period  when  the  cries  of  the  frontier  settlers,  undei 
the  tomahawk  and  scalping  knife  of  the  Indians,  pierced  the  hearts 
of  the  Virginians  in  the  low  countries,  and  the  volunteers  of  West- 
moreland invited  him  to  lead  them  to  protect  the  living  and  avenge 
the  dead;  this  was  in  his  twenty-third  year. 

Mr.  Lee  led  the  troops  of  his  native  county  to  General  Braddock, 
and  tendered  his  own  services  with  those  of  the  gallant  band  who 
had  volunteered  in  the  cause  of  their  country;  but  the  blind  courage 
of  Braddock  could  not  see  that  their  assistance  was  necessary,  or 
his  insolent  contempt  of  provincials,  induced  the  belief  that  it  would 
be  useless;  his  death  in  the  first  battle  was  the  forfeit 'of  his  pre- 
sumption or  his  ignorance,  while  Mr.  Lee  returned  to  his  home, 
and  to  those  civil  duties  which  have  given  him  a  place  in  history, 
and  his  name  to  the  remotest  posterity. 

In  1757,  Mr.  Lee  was  appointed  justice  of  the  peace  for  the 
county;  but  his  election  to  the  house  of  burgesses,  which  happened 
in  the  same  year,  was  derived  from  a  more  legitimate  source  of 
power.  The  petition  of  the  other  magistrates  to  the  governor, 
praying  that  the  commission  of  Richard  Henry  Lee  might  be  so 
dated  as  to  permit  his  election  to  the  office  of  president  of  the 
court  before  the  time  which  his  appointment  legally  allowed,  proves, 
if  not  his  fitness  for  office,  their  conviction  that  he  had  discharged 
his  duty  in  an  efficient  and  satisfactory  manner. 

Want  of  confidence,  induced  by  philosophic  research  and  solitary 
study,  or  dissatisfaction,  from  the  manner  in  which  business  was 
done  in  the  house  of  burgesses,  retarded  Mr.  Lee's  advancement  as 
an  orator  or  leader  of  a  party,  but  not  his  progress  in  knowledge  or 
his  attention  to  the  interests  of  his  constituents.  He  remained  in 
the  house  of  burgesses  till  conflict  with  his  colleagues  removed  his 
natural  diffidence,  till  the  strength  of  his  mind  was  excited  by  the 
important  duties  of  his  station,  and  he  acquired  for  himself  the  well- 
merited  title  of  the  Cicero  of  America. 

The  first  debate  in  which  he  took  an  active  part,  was  on  the  limit- 
ation of  slavery.  The  classic  purity,  conciseness,  and  strength  of 
argument  which  this  speech  exhibits,  may  justify,  perhaps,  the  in- 
troduction of  a  few  passages.  Mr.  Lee  thus  addressed  the  speaker 
against  slavery  and  the  slave  trade : 

"  As  the  consequences,  sir,  of  the  determination  which  we  must 
make  in  the  subject  of  this  day's  debate,  will  greatly  affect  posterity 
as  well  as  ourselves,  it  surely  merits  our  most  serious  attention.  If 
this  be  bestowed,  it  will  appear  both  from  reason  and  experience, 


646  RICHARD    HEN EY    LEE. 

that  the  importation  of  slaves  into  this  colony  has  been,  and  will  be 
attended  with  effects  dangerous  to  our  political  and  moral  interest. 
When  it  is  observed  that  some  of  our  neighbouring  colonies,  though 
much  later  than  ourselves  in  point  of  settlement,  are  now  far  before 
us  in  improvement,  to  what,  sir,  can  we  attribute  this  strange  but 
unhappy  truth?  The  reason  seems  to  be  this,  that  with  their  whites, 
they  import  arts  and  agriculture,  while  we  with  our  blacks,  exclude 
both.  Nature  has  not  particularly  favoured  them  with  superior  fer- 
tility of  soil,  nor  do  they  enjoy  more  of  the  sun's  cheering  influence, 
yet  greatly  have  they  oustript  us. 

"  Were  not  this  sufficient,  sir,  let  us  reflect  on  our  dangerous 
vicinity  to  a  powerful  neighbour;  and  that  slaves,  from  the  nature 
of  their  situation,  can  never  feel  an  interest  in  our  cause,  because 
they  see  us  enjoying  every  privilege  and  luxury,  and  find  security 
established,  not  for  them,  but  for  others ;  and  because  they  observe 
their  masters  in  possession  of  liberty  which  is  denied  to  them,  they 
and  their  posterity  being  subject  for  ever  to  the  most  abject  and 
mortifying  slavery.  Such  people  must  be  natural  enemies,  and 
consequently  their  increase  dangerous  to  the  society  in  which  they 
live.  *##*»#* 

"I  have  seen  it  observed  by  a  great  writer,  that  Christianity,  by 
introducing  into  Europe  the  truest  principles  of  humanity,  universal 
benevolence,  and  brotherly  love,  had  happily  abolished  civil  slavery. 
Let  us,  who  profess  the  same  religion,  practise  its  precepts,  and  by 
agreeing  to  this  duty,  convince  the  world  that  we  know  and  practise 
our  true  interests,  and  that  we  pay  a  proper  regard  to  the  dictates 
of  justice  and  humanity." 

At  the  earliest  manifestation  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain  to  ex- 
tend over  the  colonies  the  prerogative  of  taxation  without  represen- 
tation, Mr.  Lee  entered  vigorously  into  every  measure  of  opposition. 
The  address  to  the  king  on  the  Declaratory  Act,  the  memorial,  and 
the  remonstrance  to  both  houses  of  parliament,  proclaimed  to  the 
British  ministry  the  feelings  of  the  colony  of  Virginia.  The  whole 
subject  was  brought  before  the  house  of  burgesses  by  Richard  Henry 
Lee,  and  he  was  on  the  committee  to  prepare  these  two  documents; 
for  the  two  first,  his  country  is  indebted  to  his  pen,  as  the  manu- 
scripts in  possession  of  his  family  prove. 

Early  in  the  session  of  1765,  the  celebrated  Patrick  Henry,  whom 
we  have  noticed  more  fully  in  a  preceding  biography,  proposed  the 
celebrated  resolutions  against  the  stamp  act,  which  are  there  in- 
serted.    At  the  time,  Mr.  Lee  had  not  reached  the  seat  of  govern- 


RICHARD    HENRY    LEE.  (J47 

merit;  he  came,  however,  soon  enough  to  support  them  in  the  dis- 
cussion; and  it  was  by  their  united  exertions  that  these  resolutions 
were  carried,  in  opposition  to  the  timidity  of  some,  and  the  resist- 
ance of  others,  whom  corruption  or  perverted  judgment  blinded  to 
their  country's  welfare. 

The  boldness  and  enterprising  spirit  of  these  great  men  were 
equal;  their  application  to  business  and  indefatigable  industry  were 
not,  as  they  too  often  are,  the  handmaids  of  ambition,  or  the  result 
of  their  lust  of  power.  With  equal  lustre,  these  twin  brothers  of 
liberty  shone  amid  the  darkness  of  danger,  and  the  horrors  of  war, 
cheering  and  guiding  their  country  through  seas  of  difficulty  and 
peril,  to  freedom  and  to  glory.  Men  knew  not  which  most  to  admire 
in  the  debate — the  overwhelming  might  of  the  one,  or  the  resistless 
persuasion  of  the  other;  nor  would  it  be  possible  now  to  fix  with 
precision  the  amount  of  the  debt  of  gratitude  which  is  due  to  them, 
not  only  from  their  native  state,  but  from  the  whole  Union. 

In  the  arduous  task  which  Mr.  Lee  proposed  to  himself  of  break- 
ing down  that  wall  which,  in  Virginia,  had  hitherto  divided  the  pa- 
tricians from  the  people,  no  mode  more  effectual  offered,  than  to 
unite  his  fellow  citizens  in  one  association,  bound  together  by  their 
hatred  of  the  chain  which  tyrannical  power  had  cast  around  them. 
This  he  performed;  and  men  of  all  parties  in  Westmoreland  county 
united  to  oppose  the  stamp  act,  binding  themselves  to  each  other,  to 
God,  and  their  country,  to  resist  that  abject  and  detestable  slavery. 

But  their  opposition  was  not  confined  to  words:  for,  soon  after  the 
formation  of  this  society,  Mr.  Lee  having  heard  that  one  of  his  fel- 
low citizens  was  sufficiently  abandoned  in  principle  to  accept  an 
office  under  such  an  act,  so  offensive  to  the  people,  so  destructive 
of  their  rights,  summoned  the  association,  and  leading  them  to  the 
the  residence  of  the  collector,  compelled  him  to  give  up  the  stamped 
paper  in  his  possession,  to  destroy  his  commission,  and  to  swear 
that  thenceforth  he  would  not  be  instrumental  in  the  distribution  of 
stamps. 

While  we  approve  the  measures  of  Mr.  Lee,  and  acknowledge 
that  he  had  a  mind  to  conceive  and  patience  to  execute  the  most 
arduous  designs,  may  it  not  be  thought  that  disappointed  ambition 
mingling  with,  may  have  tainted  purer  motives,  since  it  is  known 
that  he  was  an  unsuccessful  candidate  for  the  situation  of  collector 
of  stamp  duties?  Such  a  charge  was  brought  by  those  who  sought 
to  weaken  the  efficacy,  by  impugning  the  motives  of  his  opposition  to 
tyranny;  and  he  found  it  necessary  to  state  in  the  Virginia  Gazette, 
69  2  v  2 


648  RICHARD    HENRY    LEE. 

that  an  offer  had  been  made  to  him  by  a  friend,  which  he  promised 
to  accept;  but  a  few  days'  deliberation  convinced  him  of  the  conse- 
quences of  the  measure  to  his  country,  and,  therefore,  he  forwarded 
no  duplicate  of  his  letter,  but  pursued  such  a  course  before  the  ap- 
pointment was  made,  as  effectually  prevented  his  nomination. 

The  resistance  of  the  colonies  made  it  impossible  to  execute  the 
stamp  act;  the  failure  of  the  revenue  expected  from  it,  exposed  even 
to  the  English  its  illegality ;  so  that  when  the  personal  feelings  of 
the  king  removed  its  supporters  from  his  councils,  the  new  adminis- 
tration lessened  the  difficulties  of  their  station,  without  impairing 
their  popularity,  by  a  repeal  of  the  odious  measure.  Mr.  Lee  joined 
in  the  general  joy  of  his  countrymen,  but  was  not  satisfied;  for  the 
repeal  was  accompanied  with  a  clause,  declaring  the  power  of  par- 
liament to  bind  the  colonies. 

The  domestic  politics  of  Virginia,  at  this  season,  were  not  with- 
out difficulty.  The  dangerous  influence  of  the  treasurer  in  the  house 
of  burgesses,  were  increased  by  the  fact  that  he  also  occupied  the 
situation  of  speaker.  The  consequences  of  the  union  of  these  two 
offices  in  the  same  person  were  apparent  to  all;  but  to  effect  their 
separation,  the  combined  energies  of  the  patriotic  party  were  neces- 
sary— directed  by  Mr.  Lee,  and  supported  by  Mr.  Henry.  The  mo- 
tion of  Mr.  Lee,  "  that  they  be  now  separated  and  filled  by  different 
persons,"  was  advocated  by  Patrick  Henry,  and  vigorously  opposed 
by  the  royal  party;  but  it  finally  brought  power  to  the  patriots,  and 
security  to  the  colony. 

Mr.  Lee  was  early  and  correctly  informed  of  the  proceedings  of 
the  British  parliament,  and  promptly  acted  on  his  information.  The 
disobedience  of  New  York  to  the  law  for  the  "quartering  of  the 
military,"  and  the  consequent  suspension  of  its  legislative  assembly, 
hastened  the  crisis,  and  convinced  all  men  of  intelligence  that  the 
union  of  the  colonies  offered  the  only  chance  of  safety.  To  this 
outrage  on  the  rights  of  freemen,  temperate  remonstrance  was  first 
opposed;  and  the  address  to  the  king  was  moved  in  the  house  of 
burgesses,  and  written  by  Mr.  Lee,  stating  the  grievances  under 
which  the  colonies  laboured  in  consequence  of  the  laws  for  imposing 
duties  on  tea,  for  the  quartering  of  the  soldiery,  and  praying  redress. 

Massachusetts  and  Virginia,  knowing  the  powerful  influence  of 
corresponding  societies,  contend  each  for  the  honour  of  having  first 
established  them,  "to  watch  the  conduct  of  the  British  parliament, 
to  spread  more  widely  correct  information  on  topics  connected  with 
the  interests  of  the  colonies,  and  to  form  a  closer  union  of  the  men 


RICHARD    HENRY    LEE.  649 

of  influence  in  each."  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  several  years 
before  this  circumstance,  the  plan  had  been  formed  and  matured  by 
Mr.  Lee;  this  is  evident  from  a  letter  of  his  to  John  Dickenson  of 
Pennsylvania,  and  from  the  verbal  testimony  of  Colonel  Gadsden 
of  South  Carolina,  who  stated  that  in  the  year  1768  he  had  been 
invited  by  Mr.  Lee  to  become  a  member  of  a  corresponding  society, 
"  the  object  of  which  was,  to  obtain  a  mutual  pledge  from  the  mem- 
bers to  write  for  the  public  journals  or  papers  of  their  respective 
colonies,  and  to  converse  with,  and  inform  the  people  on  the  subject 
of  their  rights  and  wrongs,  and  upon  all  seasonable  occasions,  to 
impress  upon  their  minds  the  necessity  of  a  struggle  with  Great 
Britain  for  the  ultimate  establishment  of  independence." 

The  event  alone,  and  the  glorious  termination  of  the  contest,  could 
not  shield  from  the  charge  of  rashness  or  wild  ambition,  Mr.  Lee's 
scheme  of  severing  from  the  parent  stem  the  flourishing  scion,  be- 
fore a  certainty  that  it  had  yet  spread  its  roots  sufficiently  wide  to 
imbibe  its  own  nourishment;  for  it  is  known  that  the  issue  is  often 
directed  by  a  power  beyond  our  control,  which  consults  better  for 
us  than  we  for  ourselves.  But  the  letters  of  his  brother,  Dr.  Arthur 
Lee,  convinced  him  of  the  necessity  there  was  for  making  a  choice, 
and  his  countrymen  will  approve  the  conduct  of  him  who  chose  the 
probability  of  achieving  liberty  at  the  risk  of  life,  before  the  inevi- 
table certainty  of  abject  and  degrading  slavery.  Dr.  Lee,  then  in 
England,  wrote  to  him  in  1768  as  follows:  "once  more  let  me 
remind  you  that  no  confidence  is  to  be  reposed  in  the  justice  or 
mercy  of  Britain,  and  that  American  liberty  must  be  entirely  of 
American  fabric."  On  such  assurances  from  one  so  competent  to 
form  a  correct  opinion,  aided  by  his  own  deductions  from  the  course 
of  events,  the  fixed  resolution  of  Mr.  Lee  to  propose  the  indepen- 
dence of  his  country  might  have  been  characterized  as  virtuous  and 
prudent. 

Early  in  the  session  of  1769,  Mr.  Lee  called  the  attention  of  the 
house  of  burgesses  of  Virginia  to  the  late  acts  of  the  British  par- 
liament. His  resolutions  in  opposition  to  the  assumed  right  to  bind 
the  colonies,  were  characterized  by  some  as  the  overflowings  of  a 
seditious  and  disloyal  madness,  and  produced  the  dissolution  of  the 
house;  but  not  until  he  had  as  chairman  of  a  committee  on  the 
judiciary  and  internal  relations,  brought  in  his  report  recommending 
the  improvement  of  the  navigation  of  the  Potomac  as  high  as  Fort 
Cumberland,  thus  evincing  not  only  devotion  to  the  cause  of  his 
country,  but  a  deep  penetration  into  her  best  interests. 


050  RICHARD    HENRY    LEE. 

The  dissolution  of  the  house  of  burgesses  concentrated  the  oppo- 
sition to  the  English  ministry;  the  members  having  met  in  a  private 
house,  recommended  their  fellow  citizens  to  refrain  from  the  luxuries, 
and  even  necessaries  of  life,  if  any  of  these  were  not  the  productions 
of  their  native  land.  Their  advice  operated  as  a  law:  non-importa- 
tion societies  spread  over  the  colony,  which  religiously  observed, 
and  rigorously  enforced,  the  necessary  restrictions. 

Mr.  Lee  was  not  deceived  by  the  calm  intervals  of  hope,  which 
some  of  our  countrymen  permitted  themselves  to  enjoy,  during  the 
years  1770,  and  1771.  He  persevered  in  the  course  which  he  had 
marked  out  for  himself,  and  by  widely  extending  his  correspon- 
dence, spread  that  information  which  the  vigilance  of  his  brother 
furnished. 

Trial  by  jury,  although  in  the  hands  of  the  deputies  of  kings,  it 
may  be  often  an  engine  of  oppression — is  too  unwieldly  to  be  used  for 
tins  purpose,  if  other  means  can  be  applied.  The  English  ministry 
knowing  this,  and  the  sentiments  of  the  people  of  America,  did  not 
believe,  that  among  them,  this  glorious  bulwark  of  liberty  could  be 
turned  against  herself:  hence  they  sought  to  substitute  for  it  the 
forms  of  the  civil  law,  by  extending  the  jurisdiction  of  the  courts 
of  admiralty.  The  act  for  this  purpose  passed  the  British  par- 
liament in  1772,  and  immediately  on  the  meeting  of  the  house  of 
burgesses,  Mr.  Lee,  in  opposition  to  this  unconstitutional  measure, 
proposed  to  address  an  humble  petition  to  his  majesty;  which,  after 
reciting  the  grievances  of  his  faithful  subjects,  should  pray,  "that 
he  would  be  most  graciously  pleased  to  recommend  the  repeal  of 
the  acts  passed  for  the  purpose  of  raising  a  revenue  in  America,  and 
for  subjecting  American  property  to  the  determination  of  admiralty 
courts,  where  the  constitutional  trial  by  jury  is  not  permitted." 

While  many,  during  the  following  year,  1773,  listened  with  me- 
lancholy attention  to  the  rumours  spread  abroad,  in  consequence 
of  the  burning,  at  Providence,  of  the  Gaspie  schooner,  and  the 
threatening  aspect  which  the  court  of  inquiry  assumed,  Mr.  Lee 
only  sought  accurate  information  on  the  subject.  For  this  purpose, 
he  commenced  a  correspondence  with  the  intrepid  patriot  Samuel 
Adams,  which  they  afterwards  continued,  having  been  appointed  by 
the  legislatures  of  their  respective  states,  members  of  committees 
on  this  subject.  This  correspondence  exhibits  so  much  dignified 
resentment,  and  firm  determination,  united  with  dispassionate  ob- 
servation and  calm  reasoning,  as  would  obtain  for  it,  even  from  the 
enemies  of  America,  respect  and  consideration. 


RICHARD    HENRY    LEE.  651 

Lord  North,  the  king's  minister,  suffered  no  passion  to  divert,  no 
pursuit  of  pleasure  to  withdraw  him  from  his  deliberate  design 
of  destroying  the  liberties  of  this  country.  Plausible,  deep,  and 
treacherous,  he  caused  the  duty  acts  to  be  so  far  repealed,  as  would 
have  imposed  on  the  patriots  of  America  a  perplexing  alternative, 
civil  war  for  a  trifling  amount  of  taxes,  or  submission  to  a  precedent 
of  destructive  tendency,  had  not  the  opposition  of  the  inhabitants 
of  Boston  to  the  modified  duty  bill,  taken  the  ministry  by  surprise, 
and  caused  them  in  their  wrathful  impatience  to  propose,  and  the 
parliament  to  enact,  a  new  and  unheard  of  punishment,  very  dis- 
proportionate to  the  offence. 

The  first  intelligence  of  this  violent  measure  of  the  parliament 
was  received  by  Mr.  Lee,  from  his  brother  Dr.  Arthur  Lee,  then  in 
London,  while  the  house  of  burgesses  was  in  session;  the  resolution 
of  the  house  to  spend  the  day  on  which  this  act  was  to  take  effect, 
as  a  day  of  fasting,  humiliation  and  prayer,  caused  the  governor 
again  to  dissolve  it.  Mr.  Lee  proposed  that  the  members  of  the 
house  should  assemble,  and  as  representatives  of  the  people,  recom- 
mend the  meeting  of  a  general  congress.  They  met:  but  the  ma- 
jority possessing  less  ardour,  or  as  they  thought,  less  rashness  than 
Mr.  Lee,  pursued  a  more  dilatory  course.  An  address  to  the  people 
was  drawn  up  by  Mr.  Lee,  and  approved  by  the  meeting,  recom- 
mending the  committee  of  correspondence  to  obtain  the  sentiments 
of  the  other  colonies  on  the  expediency  of  a  meeting  of  deputies, 
"  to  deliberate  on  those  general  measures  which  the  united  interests 
of  America  may  from  time  to  time  require."  The  meeting  then 
adjourned  till  the  first  day  of  August. 

An  incursion  of  the  Indians,  on  the  frontiers  of  Virginia,  fur- 
nished a  cause  or  afforded  a  pretext  to  the  governor,  for  summoning 
a  new  house  of  burgesses.  He,  therefore,  issued  writs  for  a  new 
house,  returnable  on  the  eleventh  of  August,  thus  offering  to  the 
representatives  an  opportunity  of  meeting  in  the  usual  manner. 
He  was,  however  disappointed;  for  he  saw  the  most  distinguished 
men  in  the  colony  meet,  at  the  call  of  the  people,  on  the  first  of 
August,  1774,  to  compose  the  first  assembly  of  Virginia. 

After  having  advocated  in  this  assembly  his  favourite  measure 
with  all  the  fervour  of  his  nature  and  the  power  of  his  eloquence, 
Mr.  Lee  had  the  gratification  to  be  deputed  by  it,  with  Washington 
and  Henry,  as  delegates  to  a  continental  congress.  This  august 
body  met  at  Philadelphia,  on  the  fifth  of  September,  1774.  It  is 
said  that  silence,  awful  and  protracted,  preceded  "the  breaking  of 


(352  RICHARD    HENRY    LEE. 

the  last  seal"  in  tliis  assembly,  and  that  astonishment  and  applause 
filled  the  house  when  this  was  done  by  Patrick  Henry.  The  thrill 
of  exultation  and  glow  of  excitement  might  have  subsided  into 
dejection  or  sunk  into  lassitude,  had  not  Mr.  Lee  perceived,  "the 
quiver  on  every  lip,  the  gleam  on  every  eye."  With  the  quickness 
of  intuition,  he  saw,  that  a  small  impulse  could  turn  this  mass  of 
agitated  feeling  to  evil  or  to  good;  he  rose;  the  sweetness  of  his 
language,  and  harmony  of  his  voice  soothed,  but  did  not  suppress 
the  emotions  of  the  meeting;  while,  with  the  most  persuasive 
eloquence,  he  taught  that  there  was  but  one  hope  for  his  country, 
and  that  was  in  the  vigour  of  her  resistance. 

In  Wirt's  Life  of  Patrick  Henry,  it  is  assumed,  that  Richard 
Henry  Lee  was  unfitted  for  the  details  of  business;  and  it  seems  to 
be  inferred,  that,  when  the  topics  of  declamation  were  exhausted, 
he  whose  powers  could  only  be  applied  to  excite  or  assuage  the 
passions  of  a  multitude,  must  have  lost  much  of  the  influence  which 
he  had  at  first  acquired.  His  failure  in  composition  is  in  the  same 
place  asserted ;  but  this  assertion,  would  seem  to  be  a  corollary,  from 
a  principle  which  the  author  himself  denies,  that  eloquence  in  speech 
and  in  writing  are  rarely  united;  or  it  may  rest  on  the  report  of 
others,  or  be  the  fancy  of  his  own  powerful  imagination,  believed 
without  thought,  and  rashly  asserted  as  a  fact. 

Mr.  Lee  was  a  member  of  the  leading  committees  of  this  session  ; 
to  prepare  an  address  to  the  king  of  England,  to  the  people  of  Bri- 
tain, and  to  the  colonies.  The  committe  for  the  first,  were  Messrs. 
Lee,  Adams,  Johnson,  Rutledge  and  Henry  ;  they  reported  a  draught 
of  a  petition  on  the  twenty-first  of  October,  which  was  recommitted 
for  the  purpose  of  embodying  proposed  amendments,  and  Mr.  Dick- 
enson was  added  to  the  committee.  The  amended  petition  was 
brought  in  on  the  twenty-fourth,  and  finally  adopted.  Of  this,  as 
well  as  of  the  original  one,  Mr.  Lee  has  been  generally  considered 
as  the  author,  but  justice  requires  that  this  eloquent  composition 
should  be  assigned  to  him  who  truly  wrote  it.  On  the  presentation 
of  the  first  petition,  which  had  been  drawn  up  by  Mr.  Lee,  with  all 
the  energy  natural  to  his  character,  and  with  a  bold  assertion  of 
opinions,  which,  though  coincided  in  by  most  of  the  delegates,  it  was 
deemed  somewhat  imprudent  yet  to  express,  Mr.  Dickenson  was 
added,  as  we  have  mentioned,  to  the  committee,  and  to  his  pen  the  do- 
cument is  to  be  assigned.  Messrs.  Lee,  Livingston,  and  Jay,  were 
the  committee  to  prepare  a  memorial  to  the  people  of  British  Ame- 
rica, and  an  address  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain  ;  in  the  committee 


RICHARD    HENRY    LEE.  653 

it  was  agreed  that  Mr.  Lee  should  prepare  a  draught  of  the  former, 
the  first  in  order  and  importance,  and  that  Mr.  Jay  should  sketch 
the  other,  which  was  accordingly  done.  On  the  twenty-first  of  Oc- 
tober, the  committee  reported  a  draught  of  the  memorial ;  it  was 
debated  by  paragraphs,  and,  with  some  amendments,  approved.  It 
has  always  been  believed  that  the  memorial  was  written  by  Mr. 
Lee,  nor  have  any  reasons  to  doubt  it  come  to  our  knowledge. 
Messrs.  Cashing,  Lee,  and  Dickenson  were  appointed  to  prepare  an 
address  to  the  people  of  Quebec,  and  it  has  often  been  said,  and 
never  contradicted,  that  this  address  was  written  by  Mr.  Dickenson. 

The  committees  to  state  the  rights  and  grievances  of  the  several 
colonies,  and  to  devise  the  most  effectual  means  of  carrying  into 
effect  the  resolution  of  non-intercourse  with  Britain,  were  not  less 
important  than  the  foregoing  committees,  and  of  these  Mr.  Lee  was 
also  a  member.  He  knew,  that  in  the  convulsion  of  states,  courage 
and  vigorous  enterprise  give  safety;  in  such  periods  inactivity  is 
certain  destruction,  while  bold  temerity  is  often  crowned  with  suc- 
cess; he  believed  that  to  linger  in  doubt,  in  such  a  state  of  affairs, 
might  be  ruin  to  their  cause  ;  and  in  this  belief,  he  proposed  the 
following  resolutions:  "Resolved,  that,  as  we  find  the  reason,  de- 
clared in  the  preamble  to  the  act  of  parliament  for  raising  a  revenue 
in  America,  to  be  for  supplying  the  civil  government,  the  adminis- 
tration of  justice,  and  for  protecting,  defending  and  securing  the 
colonies,  the  congress  recommend  it  to  those  colonies,  in  which  it 
is  not  already  done,  to  provide  constitutional,  competent,  and  ho- 
nourable support  for  the  purposes  of  government  and  administration 
of  justice  ;  and  that  as  it  is  quite  unreasonable  that  the  mother 
country  should  be  at  the  expense  of  maintaining  standing  armies  in 
North  America  for  its  defence,  and  that  administration  may  be  con- 
vinced that  this  is  unnecessary  and  improper,  as  North  America  is 
able,  willing,  and,  under  providence,  determined  to  defend,  protect, 
and  secure  itself,  the  congress  do  most  earnestly  recommend  to  the 
several  colonies,  that  a  militia  be  forthwith  appointed  and  well  disci- 
plined, and  that  it  be  well  provided  with  proper  arms."  This  motion 
was  not  carried  in  the  form  here  given  ;  the  manuscript  from  which 
it  is  taken  is  in  the  handwriting  of  Mr.  Lee,  with  the  following  me- 
morandum superscribed,  "  A  motion  made  in  congress  by  Richard 
Henry  Lee  to  apprise  the  public  of  danger,  and  of  the  necessity  of 
putting  the  colonies  in  a  state  of  defence  ;  a  majority  had  not  spirit 
to  adopt  it." 

Mr.  Lee  hailed  with  joy  the  spirit  which   pervaded  the  Suffolk 


654  RICHARD    HENRY    I,EE. 

resolutions,  and  cheered  under  their  sufferings  the  inhabitants  of 
Boston  ;  with  the  feelings  of  a  man  for  whom  property,  and  home, 
and  life,  have  no  allurements,  when  destitute  of  that  which  gives 
a  charm  to  them  all,  the  possession  of  liberty,  he  moved,  "  that  the 
congress  are  of  opinion  that  it  is  inconsistent  with  the  honour  and 
safety  of  a  free  people,  to  live  within  the  control  and  exposed  to  the 
injuries  of  a  military  force  not  under  the  government  of  the  civil 
power."  The  moderation  of  congress,  however,  enabled  them  to 
see  the  evils  which  had  arisen  to  other  governments  from  too  much 
legislation  ;  hence  they  rejected  Mr.  Lee's  resolution,  believing  that 
it  was  a  subject  on  which  the  people  of  Boston  ought  to  have  an  un- 
prejudiced choice. 

In  1775,  Mr.  Lee  was  unanimously  returned  to  the  assembly  of 
Virginia.  The  proposal  of  Patrick  Henry,  to  arm  the  militia  of  the 
colony,  met  with  opposition  in  this  assembly;  but  the  coldest  nature 
must  have  been  animated,  the  firmest  prejudice  moved,  even  the 
strongest  reason  shaken,  had  reason  been  in  opposition,  by  the  rapid 
communication  of  the  passion  for  liberty,  through  the  eloquence  of 
a  Henry  and  a  Lee.  "  Give  me  liberty,  or  give  me  death,"  the 
concluding  sentiment  of  the  mover  of  the  resolution,  rung  through 
the  assembly,  and  the  cords  of  every  heart  were  vibrating  in  unison  ; 
the  choice,  however,  was  not  made,  till  his  friend  and  supporter  as- 
sured them  on  the  faith  of  holy  writ,  "that  the  race  was  not  to  the 
swift,  nor  the  battle  to  the  strong ;  and  if,  (said  Mr.  Lee,)  the  lan- 
guage of  genius  may  be  added  to  inspiration,  I  will  say  with  our 
immortal  bard, 

Thrice  is  he  armed  who  hath  his  quarrel  just : 
And  he  but  naked,  though  locked  up  in  steel, 
Whose  conscience  with  injustice  is  oppressed." 

They  then  became  impatient  of  speech,  their  souls  were  on  fire 
for  action,  the  motion  was  carried,  and  Washington,  Henry,  and 
Lee,  with  others,  appointed  to  prepare  the  plan  called  for  by  the 
resolution. 

The  second  congress  met  on  the  tenth  of  May,  1775 ;  to  it  Mr. 
Lee  was  deputed  by  the  convention  of  his  native  state,  having  first 
received  their  thanks  "  for  his  cheerful  undertaking  and  faithful  dis- 
charge of  the  trust  reposed  in  him  during  the  session  of  the  last 
congress."  About  this  time  the  fond  hope  of  peace  and  reconcilia- 
tion, which  the  timid  had  hitherto  cherished,  fled;  and  preparation 
for  a  vigorous  resistance  was  seriously  desired  by  all.     Washington 


RICHARD    HENRY    LEE.  655 

had  been  called  to  the  command  of  the  armies,  by  the  unanimous 
voice  of  congress  ;  and  his  commission  and  instructions  were  furnish- 
ed by  Mr.  Lee,  as  one  of  a  committee  appointed  for  that  purpose. 
To  prepare  munitions  of  war;  to  encourage  the  manufacture  of  salt- 
petre and  arms ;  to  devise  a  plan  for  the  more  rapid  communication 
of  intelligence,  were  all  works  of  vast  importance,  and  the  wisdom 
of  congress  availed  itself  of  the  knowledge  and  intellect  of  Mr.  Lee, 
by  appointing  him  on  each  of  the  committees  to  carry  these  mea- 
sures into  effect. 

The  second  address  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain,  in  the  name 
of  this  congress,  is  the  production  of  his  pen.  Its  sentiments  are 
sublime;  its  style  chaste  and  elegant;  its  reproaches  dignified,  and 
its  expostulations  fervid.  For  eloquence  and  depth  of  feeling,  it  is 
not  surpassed  by  any  of  the  state  papers  of  that  period,  and  well 
merits  the  eulogy  pronounced  on  the  writings  of  congress  by  the  first 
Lord  Chatham.  Speaking  in  the  house  of  lords,  that  nobleman  thus 
expressed  himself:  "  When  you  consider  their  decency,  firmness, 
and  wisdom,  you  cannot  but  respect  their  cause,  and  wish  to  make 
it  your  own.  For  myself,  I  must  declare  and  avow,  that  in  all  my 
reading,  and  it  has  been  my  favourite  pursuit,  that  for  solidity  of 
reasoning,  force  of  sagacity,  and  wisdom  of  conclusion,  under  all 
the  circumstances,  no  nation  or  body  of  men  can  stand  in  prefer- 
ence to  the  general  congress  at  Philadelphia." 

A  short  recess  in  the  month  of  August,  enabled  Mr.  Lee  to  retire 
to  his  native  state,  but  not  to  leisure  and  repose;  for  he  was  pre- 
sent in  the  assembly,  summoned  by  the  royal  governor,  to  consider 
what  were  called  the  conciliatory  propositions  of  Lord  North.  These, 
however,  when  their  sophistry  was  exposed,  were  found  to  be  as  un- 
reasonable as  insidious.  The  opinion  of  congress  was  the  voice  of 
the  colonies,  that  "they  seemed  to  be  held  up  to  the  world,  to  de- 
ceive it  into  a  belief  that  there  was  nothing  in  dispute  but  the  mode 
of  levying  taxes." 

On  the  thirteenth  of  September  the  congress  again  met  for  busi- 
ness. The  period  had  now  arrived  for  the  independence  of  the 
colonies  ;  and  the  convention  of  Virginia  had  instructed  her  dele- 
gates to  urge  the  congress  solemnly  to  declare  it.  Mr.  Lee  was 
chosen  to  move  the  resolution  in  congress;  he  knew  that  the  im- 
placable hatred  of  tyrants  would  pursue  him  for  revenge,  and  that, 
the  uncertain  issue  of  war  might  place  him  in  their  power;  but 
foreign  states  could  form  no  alliance  with  rebels,  and  England  was 
not  resting  on  her  own  mighty  resources:  necessity  urged,  and  Mr. 
70  2W 


65o  RICHARD    HENRY    LEE. 

Lee  had  ever  listened  to  the  voice  of  his  country;  he  depended  for 
his  safety  on  the  extent  of  her  territories,  her  capabilities  of  defence, 
and  the  alliances  which  the  Declaration  of  Independence  would  pro- 
cure; or  he  despised  the  consequences,  and  was  deaf  to  the  sugges- 
tions of  fear.  On  the  seventh  of  June,  1776,  Mr.  Lee  moved  "that 
these  United  Colonies  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  free  and  indepen- 
dent states;  that  they  are  absolved  from  all  allegiance  to  the  British 
crown;  and  that  all  political  connexion  between  them  and  the  state 
of  Great  Britain  is,  and  ought  to  be,  totally  dissolved." 

This  motion,  which  was  followed  by  a  protracted  debate  of  seve- 
ral days,  was  introduced  by  one  of  the  most  luminous  and  eloquent 
speeches  ever  delivered  by  its  illustrious  mover.  "Why,  then,  sir, 
(says  Mr.  Lee,  in  conclusion,)  why  do  we  longer  delay?  Why  still 
deliberate?  Let  this  happy  day  give  birth  to  an  American  republic. 
Let  her  arise,  not  to  devastate  and  to  conquer,  but  to  re-establish 
the  reign  of  peace  and  of  law.  The  eyes  of  Europe  are  fixed  upon 
us;  she  demands  of  us  a  living  example  of  freedom,  that  may  ex- 
hibit a  contrast,  in  the  felicity  of  the  citizen,  to  the  ever-increasing 
tyranny  which  desolates  her  polluted  shores.  She  invites  us  to  pre- 
pare an  asylum,  where  the  unhappy  may  find  solace,  and  the  per- 
secuted repose.  She  entreats  us  to  cultivate  a  propitious  soil,  where 
that  generous  plant  which  first  sprung  and  grew  in  England,  but  is 
now  withered  by  the  poisonous  blasts  of  Scottish  tyranny,  may  revive 
and  flourish,  sheltering  under  its  salubrious  and  interminable  shade 
all  the  unfortunate  of  the  human  race.  If  we  are  not  this  day  want- 
ing in  our  duty,  the  names  of  the  American  legislators  of  1776  will  be 
placed  by  posterity  at  the  side  of  Theseus,  Lycurgus,  and  Romulus — 
of  the  three  Williams  of  Nassau,  and  of  all  those  whose  memory  has 
been,  and  ever  will  be,  dear  to  virtuous  men  and  good  citizens." 

On  the  tenth  of  June  it  was  resolved,  "  that  the  consideration  of 
the  resolution  respecting  independence  be  postponed  till  the  first 
Monday  in  July  next;  and  in  the  meanwhile,  that  no  time  be  lost, 
in  case  the  congress  agree  thereto,  that  a  committee  be  appointed 
to  prepare  a  declaration  to  the  effect  of  the  said  resolution." 

On  the  same  day,  an  express  from  Virginia  informed  Mr.  Lee  of 
the  dangerous  illness  of  some  members  of  his  family,  which  made 
his  presence  there  absolutely  necessary:  leave  was  obtained  by  him 
to  withdraw  from  his  duties  in  congress,  and  it  was  left  to  others  to 
perfect  his  measures.  According  to  the  rules  of  parliamentary  pro- 
cedure, the  original  mover  of  an  approved  resolution  is  usually 
chairman  of  the  committee,  and  appointed  to  draught  any  consequent 


RICHARD    HENRY    LEE.  057 

report.  In  the  absence  of  the  mover,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  elected  to 
that  honour. 

In  consequence  of  his  great  exertions  to  procure  a  declaration  of 
independence,  and  his  able  support  of  the  freedom  of  his  country, 
Mr.  Lee  was  exposed  to  the  more  immediate  and  implacable  hatred 
of  the  king  of  England  and  his  ministers.  It  is  asserted,  that  had 
the  arms  of  England  prevailed,  the  surrender  of  Washington  and 
Lee  would  have  been  demanded  as  a  preliminary  to  any  treaty. 
The  rudeness  of  individuals  cannot  he  charged  upon  their  nation ;  yet 
that  men  in  the  garb  and  rank  of  gentlemen,  could  not  refrain  from 
expressing  to  the  sons  of  Mr.  Lee,  then  at  school  in  St.  Bees,  "  the 
hope  that  their  father's  head  might  soon  be  seen  on  Tower-hill," 
may  serve  to  show  the  light  in  which  he  was  viewed  by  the  royalists 
of  that  day.  The  desire  of  the  enemy  to  cut  off,  by  any  means,  so 
able  a  supporter  of  the  rights  of  America,  was  only  equalled  by  the 
solicitude  of  his  fellow  citizens  to  secure  his  safety  and  happiness. 

During  his  absence  from  congress,  a  British  captain  of  marines, 
with  a  strong  party  of  men  from  vessels  of  war  then  in  the  Potomac, 
broke  into  his  house  at  midnight,  and  by  threats  and  bribes  endea- 
voured to  prevail  on  his  domestics  to  betray  their  master;  for  it  was 
understood  that  Mr.  Lee  was  in  the  vicinity.  Honourably  deccitfid, 
the  servants  assured  the  party  that  he  had  already  set  out  for  Phila- 
delphia, although  he  was  then  only  a  few  miles  from  his  farm. 

The  absence  of  Mr.  Lee  from  congress  continued  till  the  beginning 
of  August,  1776;  but  immediately  on  his  return,  he  was  appointed 
on  the  most  important  committees.  He  took  a  distinguished  part 
in  preparing  a  plan  of  treaties  with  foreign  nations,  and  in  recon- 
ciling the  people  to  the  almost  dictatorial  powers  of  Washington; 
he  furnished  instructions  for  our  ministers  to  foreign  states;  and 
many  of  the  letters-  addressed  by  congress  to  these  ministers,  are 
the  productions  of  his  pen. 

From  his  return  to  congress  till  June,  1777,  he  continued  to  sus- 
tain the  great  weight  of  business  which  his  talents  and  persevering 
industry  drew  upon  him,  and  walked  through  the  same  luminous 
path  of  glory  as  in  the  former  congress.  But  in  such  dazzling 
brightness  of  fame,  not  to  have  cast  some  shade,  would  have  argued 
him  more  than  man.  The  malice  of  the  envious  and  the  monarchists, 
or  the  meritorious  vigilance  of  pure  republicans,  charged  Richard 
Henry  Lee  with  toryism  and  disaffection  to  his  country;  his  receiv- 
ing rents  in  kind,  and  not  in  colonial  money,  was  the  fact  on  which 
they  rested  so  odious  an   imputation.     From  whatever  motive  the 


658  RICHARD    HENRY    LEE. 

accusation  proceeded,  it  gained  strength  in  its  progress;  and  sus- 
picion, which  in  such  periods  almost  ceases  to  be  a  vice,  caused  it 
to  be  generally  believed. 

Regard  for  his  reputation,  as  well  as  for  his  health,  which  con- 
tinued anxiety  for  the  welfare  of  his  country  had  impaired,  induced 
Mr.  Lee  to  solicit  leave  of  absence,  and  to  return  to  Virginia.  He 
there  demanded  an  inquiry  by  the  assembly  into  the  nature  of  the 
allegations  against  him.  The  senate  attended,  and  their  presence 
gave  additional  solemnity  to  the  scene.  The  result  was  the  fol- 
lowing resolution :  "  That  the  thanks  of  this  house  be  given  by  the 
speaker  to  Richard  Henry  Lee,  for  the  faithful  services  he  has  ren- 
dered his  country,  in  discharge  of  his  duty  as  one  of  the  delegates 
from  this  state  in  general  congress." 

Mr.  Lee,  on  the  resignation  of  Mr.  Mason,  was  appointed  to  fill 
the  vacancy  in  congress,  and  continued,  with  his  usual  devotion  to 
his  country,  to  discharge  all  the  duties  of  his  station.  His  health, 
however,  daily  declined:  and  finally  forced  him,  during  the  sessions 
of  1778  and  1779,  to  withdraw  at  intervals  from  the  overwhelming 
business  which  he  could  not  longer  sustain. 

No  subject  of  more  importance  to  the  United  States  had  yet  come 
before  congress,  than  the  instructions  necessary  to  be  given  to  minis- 
ters, who  were  to  negotiate  treaties  with  foreign  powers.  The  firm- 
ness and  enlightened  views  of  Mr.  Lee  were  peculiarly  conspicuous 
in  the  debates  on  that  subject.  No  sectional  jealousy  nor  individual 
state  interest  could  affect  his  mind :  the  prosperity  of  the  east,  the 
grandeur  of  the  west,  received  alike  his  solicitude  and  care.  The 
right  to  the  fisheries  and  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  were  by  him 
thought  necessary  to  secure  these  objects;  and  the  journals  of  1779, 
which  record  the  votes  on  this  discussion,  frequently  present  him 
alone,  of  the  Virginia  delegation,  supporting  these  rights  as  the 
ultimatum  of  the  United  States  in  any  negotiation. 

Mr.  Lee,  indeed,  at  this  period,  either  from  his  feelings  or  judg- 
ment, or  perhaps  from  both,  seems  to  have  identified  himself,  in  a 
considerable  degree,  with  the  interest  of  the  eastern  states,  so  far 
even  as  to  think  of  that  portion  of  the  country  as  his  future  resi- 
dence. In  1778,  November  twenty-ninth,  writing  to  Mr.  Whipple, 
he  says,  "Nothing  can  be  more  pleasing  to  me  in  my  retirement, 
than  to  hear  from  my  friends  :  and  the  pleasure  will  be  increased, 
when  they  inform  me  that  the  vessel  of  state  is  well  steered,  and 
likely  to  be  conveyed  safely  and  happily  into  port.  My  clear  opinion 
s.  that  this  good  work  must  be  chiefly  done  by  the  eastern  pilots. 


RICHARD    HENRY    LEE.  (559 

Tlicy  first  taught  us  to  dread  the  rock  of  despotism,  and  I  rest  with 
confidence  on  their  skill  in  the  future  operations."  And  again, 
writing  to  Mr.  Adams,  "  Independently  of  a  general  principle  of 
philanthropy,  I  feel  myself  interested  in  the  establishment  of  a  wise 
and  free  republican  government  in  Massachusetts,  where  yet  I  hope 
to  finish  the  remainder  of  my  days.  The  hasty,  unpersevering,  aristo- 
cratic genius  of  the  south  suits  not  my  disposition,  and  is  inconsistent 
with  my  views  of  what  must  constitute  social  happiness  and  security." 

The  enemy  had,  at  this  period,  turned  their  attention  to  the 
southern  states,  and  were  carrying  on  against  the  coast  of  Virginia 
a  predatory  and  harassing  warfare  ;  and  Mr.  Lee  was  appointed, 
as  lieutenant  of  the  county,  to  the  command  of  the  militia  of  West- 
moreland. In  the  field,  he  was  as  distinguished  for  firmness,  energy, 
activity,  and  judgment,  as  he  had  been  in  the  councils  of  the  nation  ; 
and  although  none  of  the  counties  on  the  Potomac  were  more  ex- 
posed than  Westmoreland,  his  judicious  disposal  of  the  troops  under 
his  command  protected  it  from  the  distressing  incursions  to  which 
the  others  were  subjected.  The  testimony  of  Generals  Weedon  and 
Greene,  in  favour  of  the  military  arrangements  for  defence  made 
by  Mr.  Lee,  are  not  more  honourable  to  his  fame  than  the  complaints 
of  the  enemy:  "that  they  could  not  set  foot  on  Westmoreland  with- 
out having  the  militia  immediately  upon  them."  Such  was  the 
language  of  Captain  Grant,  who,  at  this  time,  with  a  few  British 
schooners  and  tenders,  kept  possession  of  the  Potomac,  and  ravaged 
the  counties  on  both  its  banks. 

The  nature  of  this  command  prevented  any  distinguished  exploit, 
yet  the  frequent  skirmishes  with  the  enemy  rendered  it  peculiarly 
dangerous.  On  one  occasion,  in  an  attempt  to  seize  a  tender  of 
the  enemy,  which  had  been  driven  ashore,  Mr.  Lee  narrowly  es- 
caped ;  for,  while  he  was  rallying  his  scattered  company,  which  the 
long  guns  from  the  boats  of  the  enemy,  and  the  small  arms  of  a  de- 
tachment on  shore  had  thrown  into  confusion,  his  attention  was  so 
occupied,  that  his  horse  fell  with  him,  amid  the  broken  and  insecure 
grounds  on  the  beach,  only  a  few  yards  from  the  advance  of  the 
British  troops.  His  presence  of  mind  did  not  forsake  him  in  so  un- 
toward an  accident,  and  he  was,  by  great  skill,  able  to  cover  the 
retreat  of  his  little  party  without  considerable  loss  on  his  side. 

During  the  years  1780,  1781,  1782,  Mr.  Lee  would  not  accept  a 

seat  in  congress,  from  a  belief  that  his  services  in  the  assembly  of  his 

native  state,  would  be  more  profitable  to  his  country;  particularly  at 

that  time  when  the  establishing  of  her  government,  and  some  of  her 

2  w  2 


600  RICHARD    HENRY    LEE. 

most  important  concerns,  were  under  consideration.  Among  those, 
three  subjects  were  more  particularly  prominent,  and  most  frequently 
agitated  in  the  house,  the  making  paper  money  a  legal  tender  at  its 
nominal  value ;  the  payment  of  British  debts ;  and  a  capitation  tax  for 
the  support  of  the  clergy ;  or,  as  the  advocates  of  the  measure  called 
it,  "  a  general  assessment  for  the  support  of  the  Christian  religion." 

With  respect  to  the  payment  of  British  debts,  and  the  policy  of 
making  paper  money  a  legal  tender,  Mr.  Lee  was  constantly  op- 
posed to  his  friend  Patrick  Henry,  and  they  both,  among  the  new 
political  characters  who  had  risen  high  in  public  estimation,  contin- 
ued to  keep  their  place  far  in  the  van.  The  vivid  and  interesting 
comparison  of  the  merits  of  these  great  men,  at  the  time  of  which 
we  treat,  is  given  by  a  correspondent  of  the  author  of  the  Life  of 
Patrick  Henry.  "  I  met  with  Patrick  Henry  in  the  assembly,  in 
May,  1783  ;  I  also  then  met  with  Richard  Henry  Lee.  These  two 
gentlemen  were  the  great  leaders  of  the  house  of  delegates,  and 
were  almost  constantly  opposed.  There  were  many  other  great  men 
who  belonged  to  that  body,  but  as  orators,  they  cannot  be  named 
with  Henry  or  Lee.  Mr.  Lee  was  a  polished  gentleman.  He  had 
lost  the  use  of  one  of  his  hands,  but  his  manner  was  perfectly  grace- 
ful. His  language  was  always  chaste,  and  although  somewhat  too 
monotonous,  his  speeches  were  always  pleasing:  yet  he  did  not 
ravish  your  senses  nor  carry  away  your  judgment  by  storm.  His 
was  the  mediate  class  of  eloquence,  described  by  Rollin  in  -his  belles 
lettres.  He  was  like  a  beautiful  river,  meandering  through  a  flowery 
mead,  but  which  never  overflowed  its  banks.  It  was  Henry  who 
was  the  mountain  torrent,  that  swept  away  every  thing  before  it ;  it 
was  he  alone  who  thundered  and  lightened,  lie  alone  attained  that 
sublime  species  of  eloquence,  also  mentioned  by  Rollin." 

To  impede  the  payment  of  British  debts,  Mr.  Lee  thought  a  vio- 
lation of  all  principles  of  honesty  and  national  honour,  and  declared, 
"  that  it  would  have  been  better  to  have  remained  the  honest  slaves 
of  Britain,  than  become  dishonest  freemen."  He  eloquently  urged, 
that  to  encourage  citizens  to  make  light  of  the  faith  of  contracts, 
was  to  undermine  the  principles  of  virtue,  on  which  alone  republicans 
may  rest  secure.  "  I  am  very  far  from  desiring  that  the  law  should 
place  these  contracts  literally  as  they  were ;  but  substantially,  it 
seems  just  that  they  should  be.  Public  justice,  demands  that  the  true 
meaning  and  genuine  spirit  of  contracts,  should  be  complied  with." 

The  sovereignty  and  independence  of  the  United  States,  were 
now   acknowledged  by  England ;  and    the    provisional  articles  of 


RICHARD    HENRY    LEE.  661 

peace,  embraced  those  measures  winch  Mr.  Lee  had  so  strenuously 
supported.  The  sheathed  sword  required  no  longer  an  arm  to  wield 
it,  but  the  deliberative  council  might  still  be  aided  by  the  voice  of 
experience.  Mr.  Lee,  therefore,  willingly  accepted  the  mark  of 
confidence  and  attachment  with  which  the  people  of  Virginia  again 
honoured  him,  and  took  his  seat  in  congress,  on  the  first  of  Novem- 
ber, 1784.  The  highest  office  under  the  old  confederation  was  then 
vacant,  and  on  the  thirtieth  of  the  month  a  sufficient  number  of 
states  having  assembled,  Mr.  Lee  was  raised  to  the  presidential 
chair.  The  delegates  to  congress  were  unanimous  in  their  choice; 
the  congratulations  of  Washington  and  Samuel  Adams  were  re- 
echoed by  every  state  in  the  union,  and  were  well  merited  by  the 
vigour,  zeal,  and  patriotism  which  the  president  of  congress  exhibited 
in  that  high  office.  Every  department  of  public  business  shared 
his  attention  ;  his  correspondence  with  ministers,  and  his  intercourse 
with  diplomatists  of  foreign  courts,  were  marked  with  dignity  and 
republican  plainness  and  sincerity.  When  his  time  of  service  ex- 
pired, he  retired  to  the  bosom  of  his  family,  with  the  satisfaction  of 
having  faithfully  discharged  the  trust  reposed  in  him,  lfiYving  re- 
ceived "the  thanks  of  congress  for  his  able  and  faithful  discharge 
of  the  duties  of  president,  while  acting  in  that  station." 

Mr.  Lee  was  not  a  member  of  the  convention  which  discussed  and 
adopted  the  federal  constitution  ;  but  he  was  strongly  opposed  to  its 
adoption  without  amendment ;  its  tendency,  he  thought,  was  to  con- 
solidation, and  he  believed  that  despotism  would  be  the  result  of 
subjecting  such  an  extent  of  country,  interests  so  various,  and  peo- 
ple so  numerous  to  one  national  government.  He  recommended, 
however,  the  most  cool,  collected,  full  and  fair  discussion  of  that 
all-important  subject.  "If  it  be  found  right,  (said  Mr.  Lee,)  adopt 
it ;  if  wrong,  amend  it,  at  all  events ;  for,  to  say  that  bad  govern- 
ments must  be  adopted  for  fear  of  anarchy,  is  really  saying  that  we 
should  kill  ourselves  for  fear  of  dying." 

As  the  first  senator  from  Virginia  under  the  new  constitution,  he 
proposed  several  amendments,  the  adoption  of  which  seemed  to  him 
to  have  lessened  the  apprehended  danger.  He  continued  to  hold 
the  honourable  and  important  trust  of  senator  of  the  United  States, 
with  great  satisfaction  to  his  native  state  and  advantage  to  his 
country,  till  enfeebled  health  induced  him  to  withdraw  from  public 
life,  and  seek  that  repose  which  is  so  agreeable  to  declining  years, 
and  that  enjoyment,  which  a  mind  like  his,  always  receives  within 
the  circle  of  domestic  retirement.    On  the  twenty-second  of  October. 


(3(52  RICHARD    HENRV    LEE. 

1792,  the  senate  and  house  of  delegates  of  Virginia,  unanimously 
agreed  to  a  vote  of  thanks,  in  these  words  :  "  Resolved,  unanimously, 
that  the  speaker  be  desired  to  convey  to  Richard  Henry  Lee,  the 
respects  of  the  senate;  that  they  sincerely  sympathize  with  him  in 
those  infirmities  which  have  deprived  their  country  of  his  valuable 
services;  and  that  they  ardently  wish  he  may,  in  his  retirement, 
with  uninterrupted  happiness  close  the  evening  of  a  life,  in  which 
he  hath  so  conspiciously  shone  forth  as  a  statesman  and  a  patriot; 
that  while  mindful  of  his  many  exertions,  to  promote  the  public  in- 
terests, they  are  particularly  thankful  for  his  conduct  as  a  member 
of  the  legislature  of  the  United  States." 

The  preceding  sketch  may  give  some  idea  of  the  public  services 
of  Mr.  Lee,  but  who  can  depict  him  in  that  sphere  of  which  he  was 
the  centre?  giving  light  and  happiness  to  all  around  him,  possessing 
all  the  enjoyment  which  springs  from  virtue,  unblemished  fame, 
blooming  honours,  ardent  friendship,  elegance  of  taste,  and  a  highly 
cultivated  mind.  His  hospitable  mansion  was  open  to  all;  the  poor 
and  the  distressed  frequented  it  for  relief  and  consolation,  the  young 
for  instniction,  the  old  for  happiness;  while  a  numerous  family  of 
children,  the  offspring  of  two  marriages,  clustered  around  and 
clung  to  each  other  in  fond  affection.  Enough  has  been  said  to 
show  the  extent  of  his  acquirements,  and  the  refinement  of  his 
taste,  the  solidity  of  his  judgment,  and  the  vividness  of  his  imagina- 
tion ;  but  the  personal  appearance  of  such  a  man  may  be  an  object 
of  curiosity  to  posterity.  His  person  was  tall  and  well  proportioned  ; 
his  face  was  on  the  Roman  model;  his  nose  Caisarian;  the  port  and 
carriage  of  his  head  leaning  persuasively  forward;  and  the  whole 
contour  noble  and  fine.  The  eye  which  shed  intelligence  over  such 
features,  had  softness  and  composure  as  its  prevailing  character- 
istic, till  it  glowed  in  debate  or  radiated  in  conversation.  His  voice 
wa3  clear  and  melodious,  and  was  modulated  by  the  feeling  which 
swayed  his  bosom.  The  progress  of  time  was  insensible  to  those 
who  listened  to  his  conversation,  and  he  entwined  himself  around 
the  minds  of  his  hearers,  fixing  his  memory  on  their  hearts.  In  the 
vigour  of  his  mind,  amid  the  honours  of  the  world  and  its  enjoyments, 
be  had  declared  his  belief  in  Jesus  Christ  as  the  Saviour  of  men. 

Mr.  Lee  breathed  his  last  on  the  nineteenth  of  June,  1794,  in  the 
sixty-fourth  year  of  his  age,  at  Chantilly,  Westmoreland  county, 
Virginia,  a  few  weeks  before  the  celebration  of  the  day  on  which 
his  eloquent  tongue  and  intrepid  mind,  had  given  birth  to  the  inde- 
pendence of  his  country. 


RES    OF    THOMAS  JEFFERSON    MONTICELLO 


THOMAS   JEFFERSON. 


The  great  tragic  poet  of  antiquity  has  observed,  and  historians 
and  philosophers  in  every  age  have  repeated  the  observation,  that 
no  one  should  be  pronounced  happy,  till  death  has  closed  the  period 
of  human  uncertainty.  Yet,  if  to  descend  into  the  vale  of  life  be- 
loved and  honoured;  to  see  the  labours  of  our  earlier  years  crowned 
with  more  than  hoped  for  success;  to  enjoy,  while  living,  that  fame 
which  is  usually  bestowed  only  beyond  the  tomb;  if  these  could 
confer  aught  of  happiness,  on  this  side  the  grave,  then  may  the 
subject  of  our  memoir  be  esteemed  truly  happy. 

Thomas  Jefferson  was  descended  from  a  family,  which  had 
been  long  settled  in  his  native  province  of  Virginia.  His  father, 
Peter  Jefferson,  was  a  gentleman  well  known  in  the  province.  He 
was  appointed  in  the  year  1747,  one  of  the  commissioners  for  deter- 
mining the  division  line  between  Virginia  and  North  Carolina,  an 
office  which  would  seem  to  indicate  at  once  considerable  scientific 
knowledge,  integrity,  firmness,  and  discernment. 

Thomas  Jefferson  was  born  on  the  second  day  of  April,  (O.  S.) 
1743,  at  Shadwell,  in  Albemarle  county,  Virginia,  and  on  the  death 
of  his  father,  succeeded  to  an  ample  and  unembarrassed  fortune. 
But  little  is  known  of  the  incidents  of  his  early  life.  We  first  hear 
of  him  as  a  student  in  the  college  of  William  and  Mary,  at  Wil- 
liamsburg, and  then,  ignorant  of  his  success  on  the  youthful  arena 
of  literary  fame,  find  him  a  student  of  law,  under  the  celebrated 
George  Wythe,  afterwards  chancellor  of  the  state  of  Virginia. 
With  this  gentleman  he  was  united,  not  merely  by  the  ties  of  pro- 
fessional connexion,  but  by  a  congeniality  of  feeling,  and  similarity 
of  views,  alike  honourable  to  them  both;  the  friendship  formed  in 
youth  was  cemented  and  strengthened  by  age,  and  when  the  vene- 
rable preceptor  closed  his  life,  in  1806,  he  bequeathed  his  library 
and  philosophical  apparatus  to  a  pupil  and  friend  who  had  already 
proved  himself  worthy  of  his  instruction  and  regard. 

Mr.  Jefferson  was  called  to  the  bar  in  the  year  1766;  and  pur- 
71  665 


C66  THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

sued  the  practice  of  his  profession,  with  zeal  and  success.  In  the 
short  period  during  which  he  continued  to  devote  himself  to  it, 
without  the  interruption  of  political  objects,  he  acquired  very  con- 
siderable reputation,  and  there  still  exists  a  monument  of  his  early 
labour  and  useful  talents,  in  a  volume  of  Reports  of  adjudged  cases 
in  the  Supreme  courts  of  Virginia,  compiled  and  digested,  amid  the 
engagements  of  active  professional  occupation. 

But  he  came  into  life  at  a  period  when  those  who  possessed  the 
confidence  of  their  fellow  citizens,  and  the  energy  and  talents  re- 
quisite for  public  life,  were  not  long  permitted  to  remain  in  a  pri- 
vate station,  and  pursue  their  ordinary  affairs;  he  was  soon  called 
to  embark  in  a  career  of  more  extensive  usefulness,  and  to  aim  at 
higher  objeets — ingenium  illustre  altioribus  studiis  juvenis  admodum 
dedit,  quo  firmior  adversus  fortuita  rempublicam  capesseret.  We 
find  him  accordingly,  as  early  as  the  year  1769,  a  distinguished 
member  of  the  legislature  of  Virginia,  associated  with  men  whose 
names  are  inscribed  among  the  first  and  most  determined  champions 
of  our  rights.  Ever  since  the  year  1763,  a  spirit  of  opposition  to 
the  British  government  had  been  gradually  arising  in  the  province. 
The  attachment  to  England  was,  indeed,  considerable  in  all  the 
colonies,  and  in  Virginia  it  was  more  than  usually  strong;  yet  such 
was  the  rash  course  pursued  by  the  British  ministry,  that  a  very 
brief  space  was  sufficient  to  dissolve,  in  every  breast  that  glowed 
with  national  feeling,  the  ties  which  had  been  formed  by  blood,  by 
time,  and  by  policy;  and  to  prove  that  there  was  no  hazard  too 
great  to  be  encountered  for  the  establishment  of  institutions  which 
would  secure  the  country  from  a  repetition  of  insults  that  could  only 
end  in  the  most  abject  slavery.  It  will  not  be  doubted,  that  Mr. 
Jefferson  was  among  the  first  to  perceive  the  only  course  that  could 
be  adopted;  his  own  expressive  language  portrays  at  once  the  suf- 
ferings of  the  country,  and  the  necessity  of  resistance. 

"The  colonies"  he  says,  in  alluding  to  this  period,  "were  taxed 
internally  and  externally;  their  essential  interests  sacrificed  to  in- 
dividuals in  Great  Britain;  their  legislatures  suspended;  charters 
annulled;  trials  by  juries  taken  away;  their  persons  subjected  to 
transportation  across  the  Atlantic,  and  to  trial  by  foreign  judicato- 
ries;  their  supplications  for  redress  thought  beneath  answer;  them 
selves  published  as  cowards  in  the  councils  of  their  mother  country 
and  courts  of  Europe;  armed  troops  sent  amongst  them  to  enforce 
submission  to  these  violences;  and  actual  hostilities  commenced 
against   them.      No   alternative  was   presented,   but   resistance   or 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON.  667 

unconditional  submission.  Between  these  there  could  be  no  hesi- 
tation.    They  closed  in  the  appeal  to  arms." 

On  the  first  of  January,  1772,  Mr.  Jefferson  married  the  daughter 
of  Mr.  Wayles,  an  eminent  lawyer  of  Virginia ;  an  alliance  by  which 
lie  at  once  gained  an  accession  of  strength  and  credit;  and  secured 
in  the  intervals  of  public  business,  (which  indeed  were  few)  the  do- 
mestic happiness  he  was  so  well  fitted  to  partake  and  to  enjoy.  Its 
duration,  however,  was  but  short;  in  little  more  than  ten  years, 
death  deprived  him  of  his  wife,  and  left  him  the  sole  guardian  of 
two  infant  daughters,  to  whose  education  he  devoted  himself  with  a 
constancy  and  zeal,  which  might  in  some  degree  compensate  for 
the  want  of  a  mother's  care  and  instruction. 

On  the  twelfth  of  March,  1773,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  appointed  a 
member  of  the  first  committee  of  correspondence,  established  by 
the  colonial  legislatures;  an  act  already  alluded  to  as  one  of  the 
most  important  of  the  revolution. 

The  year  1774  found  Mr.  Jefferson  still  an  active  member  of  the 
legislature  of  Virginia.  The  passage  of  the  Boston  port  act,  and 
the  bills  which  immediately  followed  it,  had  filled  up  the  measure  of 
insult  and  oppression.  At  this  crisis,  Mr.  Jefferson  wrote  and  pub- 
lished his  "Summary  View  of  the  Rights  of  British  America;" 
having  devoted  to  its  composition  all  the  leisure  he  could  obtain 
from  the  labours  of  his  public  situation;  although  these  had  become 
by  this  time,  from  his  active  and  energetic  character,  extremely 
arduous. 

This  pamphlet  he  addressed  to  the  king,  as  the  chief  officer  of  the 
people,  appointed  by  the  laws  and  circumscribed  with  definitive 
power  to  assist  in  working  the  great  machine  of  government  erected 
for  their  use,  and  consequently  subject  to  their  superintendence.  He 
reminded  him,  that  our  ancestors  had  been  British  freemen;  that 
they  had  acquired  their  settlements  here  at  their  own  expense  and 
blood;  that  it  was  for  themselves  they  fought — for  themselves  they 
conquered,  and  for  themselves  alone  they  had  a  right  to  hold.  That 
they  had  indeed  thought  proper  to  adopt  the  same  system  of  laws 
under  which  they  had  hitherto  lived,  and  to  unite  themselves  under 
a  common  sovereign ;  but  that  no  act  of  theirs  had  ever  given  a 
title  to  that  authority  which  the  British  parliament  arrogated.  That 
the  crown  had  unjustly  commenced  its  encroachments,  by  distributing 
the  settlements  among  its  favourites  and  the  followers  of  its  for- 
tunes; that  it  then  proceeded  to  abridge  the  free  trade,  which  the 
colonies  possessed  as  of  natural  right,  with  all  parts  of  the  world* 


OfiS  THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

and  that  afterwards  offices  were  established  of  little  use,  but  to  ac- 
commodate the  ministers  and  favourites  of  the  crown.  That  during 
the  reign  of  the  sovereign  whom  he  immediately  addressed,  the  vio- 
lation of  rights  had  increased  in  rapid  and  bold  succession ;  being 
no  longer  single  acts  of  tyranny,  that  might  be  ascribed  to  the  acci- 
dental opinion  of  a  day:  but  a  series  of  oppressions,  pursued  so  un- 
alterably through  every  change  of  ministers,  as  to  prove  too  plainly 
a  deliberate  and  systematical  plan  of  reducing  the  colonies  to  slavery. 
He  next  proceeds,  in  a  style  of  the  boldest  invective,  to  point  out 
the  several  acts  by  which  this  plan  had  been  enforced,  and  enters 
against  them  a  solemn  and  determined  protest.  He  then  considers 
the  conduct  of  the  king  as  holding  an  executive  authority  in  the 
colonies,  and  points  out,  without  hesitation,  his  deviation  from  the 
line  of  duty;  he  asserts,  that  by  the  unjust  exercise  of  his  negative 
power,  he  had  rejected  laws  of  the  most  salutary  tendency ;  that  he 
had  defeated  repeated  attempts  to  stop  the  slave  trade  and  abolish 
slavery  ;  thus  preferring  the  immediate  advantages  of  a  few  African 
corsairs  to  the  lasting  interests  of  America,  and  to  the  rights  of 
human  nature,  deeply  wounded  by  this  infamous  practice.  That  in- 
attentive to  the  necessities  of  his  people,  he  had  neglected  for  years 
the  laws  which  were  sent  for  his  inspection;  and  that  assuming  a 
power,  for  advising  the  exercise  of  which,  the  English  judges  in  a 
former  reign  had  suffered  death  as  traitors  to  their  country,  he  had 
dissolved  the  representative  assemblies,  and  refused  to  call  others. 
That  to  enforce  these  and  other  arbitrary  measures,  he  had  from 
time  to  time  sent  over  large  bodies  of  armed  men,  not  made  up  of 
the  people  here,  nor  raised  by  the  authority  of  their  laws.  That  to 
render  these  proceedings  still  more  criminal,  instead  of  subjecting 
the  military  to  the  civil  powers,  he  had  expressly  made  the  lattei 
subordinate  to  the  former.  That  these  grievances  were  thus  laid 
before  their  sovereign,  with  that  freedom  of  language  and  sentiment 
which  became  a  free  people,  whom  flattery  would  ill  beseem,  when 
asserting  the  rights  of  human  nature;  and  who  knew,  nor  feared  to 
say,  that  kings  are  the  servants — not  the  proprietors  of  the  people. 
In  these  sentiments,  bold  as  they  were,  his  political  associates 
united  with  him.  They  resolved  that  the  first  of  June,  the  day  on 
which  the  operation  of  the  Boston  port  bill  was  to  commence,  should 
be  set  apart  by  the  members  as  a  day  of  fasting,  humiliation,  and 
prayer;  "devoutly  to  implore  the  divine  interposition,  for  averting 
the  heavy  calamities  which  threatened  destruction  to  their  civil 
rights,  and  the  evils  of  a  civil  war;  and  to  give  them  one  heart  and 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON.  QQ$ 

one  mind  to  oppose,  by  all  just  and  proper  means,  every  injury  to 
American  rights." 

Such  proceedings  greatly  exasperated  Lord  Dunmore,  the  royal 
governor  of  the  province.  He  threatened  a  prosecution  for  high 
treason  against  Mr.  Jefferson,  who  boldly  avowed  himself  the  author 
of  the  obnoxious  pamphlet,  and  dissolved  the  house  of  burgesses 
immediately  after  the  publication  of  their  resolution.  Notwith- 
standing these  arbitrary  measures,  the  members  met  in  their  private 
capacities,  and  mutually  signed  a  spirited  declaration,  wherein  they 
set  forth  the  unjust  conduct  of  the  governor,  which  had  left  them 
this,  the  only  method,  to  point  out  to  their  countrymen  the  measures 
they  deemed  the  best  fitted  to  secure  their  rights  and  liberties  from 
destruction  by  the  heavy  hand  of  power.  They  told  them  that  they 
could  no  longer  resist  the  conviction,  that  a  determined  system  had 
been  formed  to  reduce  the  inhabitants  of  British  America  to  slavery, 
and  strongly  recommended  a  close  alliance  with  their  sister  colonies, 
the  formation  of  committees  of  correspondence,  and  the  annual 
meeting  of  a  general  congress;  earnestly  hoping  that  a  persistence 
in  those  unconstitutional  principles  would  not  compel  them  to  adopt 
measures  of  a  character  more  decisive. 

The  year  1775  opened  in  England  with  attempts,  at  once  by  the 
friends  and  the  enemies  of  the  colonies,  to  effect  a  reconciliation. 
Perhaps  the  period  had  passed  away,  when  success  was  to  be  ex- 
pected from  the  efforts  of  the  former;  but  even  an  experiment  on 
their  plan  was  not  allowed  to  be  made.  The  house  of  lords  received, 
with  chilling  apathy,  the  proposition  submitted  by  the  energy,  the 
patriotism,  and  the  experience  of  the  dying  Chatham;  and  the 
house  of  commons  listened,  without  conviction,  to  the  well-digested 
plans  of  Mr.  Burke,  brought  forward  as  they  were,  with  an  eloquence 
unequalled  perhaps  in  the  records  of  any  age  or  country,  and  sup- 
ported by  that  intuitive  quickness  of  perception,  that  astonishing 
correctness  of  foresight,  which  so  often  marked  his  political  pre- 
dictions. 

The  ministry  were  determined  that  the  reconciliation,  if  indeed 
they  ever  sincerely  wished  for  one,  should  proceed  from  themselves, 
and  be  made  on  their  own  terms;  they  offered  that  so  long  as  the 
colonial  legislatures  should  contribute  a  fair  proportion  for  the  com- 
mon defence,  and  for  the  support  of  the  civil  government,  no  tax 
should  be  laid  by  parliament ;  but  that  the  amount  raised  by  these 
means  should  be  disposable  by  that  body. 

On  the  first  of  June,  1775,  Lord  Dunmore  presented  to  the  legis- 
2X 


G70  THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

lature  of  Virginia  the  resolution  of  the  British  parliament.  It  was 
referred  immediately  to  a  committee,  and  Mr.  Jefferson  was  selected 
to  frame  the  reply.  This  task  he  performed  with  so  much  strength 
of  argument,  enlightened  patriotism,  and  sound  political  discretion, 
that  the  document  has  been  ever  considered  as  a  state  paper  of  the 
highest  order. 

Mr.  Jefferson  had  been  elected  on  the  twenty-seventh  of  March, 
1775,  one  of  the  members  to  represent  Virginia  in  the  general  con- 
gress of  the  confederated  colonies  already  assembled  at  Philadel- 
phia. When  about  to  leave  the  colony,  a  circumstance  is  said  to 
have  occurred  to  him,  and  to  Mr.  Harrison  and  Mr.  Lee,  his  fellow 
delegates,  that  conveyed  a  noble  mark  of  the  unbounded  confidence 
which  their  constituents  reposed  in  their  integrity  and  virtue.  A 
portion  of  the  inhabitants,  who,  far  removed  from  the  scenes  of 
actual  tyranny,  which  were  acted  in  New  England,  and  pursuing 
uninterruptedly  their  ordinary  pursuits,  could  form  no  idea  of  the 
slavery  impending  over  them,  waited  on  their  three  representatives, 
just  before  their  departure,  and  addressed  them  in  the  following  terms: 

"You  assert  that  there  is  a  fixed  design  to  invade  our  rights  and 
privileges;  we  own  that  we  do  not  see  this  clearly:  but  since  you 
assure  us  that  it  is  so,  we  believe  the  fact.  We  are  about  to  take  a 
very  dangerous  step;  but  we  confide  in  you,  and  are  ready  to  sup- 
port you  in  every  measure  you  shall  think  proper  to  adopt." 

On  Wednesday,  the  twenty-first  of  June,  1775,  Mr.  Jefferson  ap- 
peared and  took  his  seat  in  the  continental  congress ;  and  it  was  not 
long  before  he  became  conspicuous  among  those  most  distinguished 
by  their  abilities  and  ardour.  In  a  few  days  after  his  arrival,  he 
was  made  a  member  of  a  committee  appointed  to  draw  up  a  decla- 
ration setting  forth  the  causes  and  necessity  of  resorting  to  arms; 
a  task  which,  like  all  the  other  addresses  of  this  congress,  was  exe- 
cuted with  singular  ability,  and  in  which  it  is  more  than  probable 
the  Virginia  delegate  took  no  inconsiderable  part. 

In  July,  the  resolution  of  the  house  of  commons  for  conciliating 
the  colonies,  which  had  been  presented  to  the  different  legislatures, 
and  to  which,  as  we  have  already  related,  Mr.  Jefferson  had  framed 
the  reply  of  Virginia,  was  laid  before  congress.  He  was  immedi- 
ately named  a  member  of  the  committee  to  whom  it  was  referred, 
and  in  a  few  days  a  report  was  presented,  embracing  the  same  ge- 
neral views  as  his  own,  and  repeating  that  the  neglect  with  which 
all  our  overtures  were  received,  had  destroyed  every  hope  but  that 
of  reliance  on  our  own  exertions. 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON.  071 

On  the  eleventh  of  August,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  again  elected  a 
delegate  from  Virginia,  to  the  third  congress.  During  the  winter, 
his  name  appears  very  frequently  on  the  journals  of  that  assembly, 
and  we  find  him  constantly  taking  an  active  part  in  the  principal 
matters  which  engaged  its  attention. 

With  the  commencement  of  the  year  1776,  the  affairs  of  the  co- 
lonies, and  certainly  the  views  of  their  political  leaders,  began  to 
assume  a  new  aspect,  one  of  more  energy,  and  with  motives  and 
objects  more  decided  and  apparent.  Eighteen  months  had  passed 
away  since  the  colonists  had  learned  by  the  entrenchments  at  Bos- 
ton, that  a  resort  to  arms  was  an  event,  not  beyond  the  contempla 
tion  of  the  British  ministry.  Nearly  a  year  had  elapsed,  since  the 
fields  of  Concord  and  Lexington  had  been  stained  with  hostile  blood  ; 
during  this  interval,  armies  had  been  raised,  vessels  of  war  had 
been  equipped,  fortifications  had  been  erected,  gallant  exploits  had 
been  performed,  and  eventful  battles  had  been  lost  and  won  ;  yet 
still  were  the  provinces  bound  to  their  British  brethren,  by  the  ties 
of  a  similar  allegiance  ;  still  did  they  look  upon  themselves  as  mem- 
bers of  the  same  empire,  subjects  of  the  same  sovereign,  and  part- 
ners in  the  same  constitution  and  laws. 

Every  expedient,  however,  short  of  unconditional  separation,  had 
now  been  tried  by  congress — but  in  vain.  It  appeared  worse  than 
useless,  longer  to  pursue  measures  of  open  hostility,  and  yet  to  hold 
out  the  promises  of  reconciliation.  The  time  had  arrived  when  a 
more  decided  stand  must  be  taken — the  circumstances  of  the  nation 
demanded  it,  the  success  of  the  struggle  depended  on  it.  The  best 
and  wisest  men  had  become  convinced,  that  no  accommodation 
could  take  place,  and  that  a  course  which  was  not  marked  by  deci- 
sion, would  create  dissatisfaction  among  the  resolute,  while  it  would 
render  more  uncertain  the  feeble  and  the  wavering. 

During  the  spring  of  1776,  therefore,  the  question  of  independence 
became  one  of  very  general  interest  and  reflection  among  all  classes 
of  the  nation.  It  was  taken  into  consideration  by  some  of  the  colo- 
nial legislatures,  and  in  Virginia  a  resolution  was  adopted  in  favour 
of  its  immediate  declaration. 

Under  these  circumstances,  the  subject  was  brought  directly  be 
fore  congress,  on  Friday,  the  seventh  of  June,  1776.  It  was  dis- 
cussed very  fully  on  the  following  Saturday  and  Monday,  and  we 
have  already  mentioned,  that  after  the  debate,  they  came  to  the  de- 
termination to  postpone  the  further  consideration  of  it  until  the  first 
of  July  following.     In  the  mean  while,  however,  that  no  time  might 


673  THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

be  lost,  in  case  the  congress  should  agree  thereto,  a  committee  was 
appointed  to  prepare  a  declaration,  "That  these  United  Colonies 
are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  free  and  independent  states  ;  that 
they  are  absolved  from  all  allegiance  to  the  British  crown  ;  and  that 
all  political  connexion  between  them  and  the  state  of  Great  Britain 
is,  and  ought  to  be,  totally  dissolved." 

This  committee  consisted  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  Mr.  J.  Adams,  Mr. 
Franklin,  Mr.  Sherman,  and  Mr.  R.  R.  Livingston  ;  and  to  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson, the  chairman  of  the  committee,  was  ultimately  assigned  the 
important  duty  of  preparing  the  draught  of  the  document,  for  the 
formation  of  which  they  had  been  appointed. 

The  task  thus  devolved  on  Mr.  Jefferson,  was  of  no  ordinary 
magnitude  ;  and  required  the  exercise  of  no  common  judgment  and 
foresight.  To  frame  such  a  document,  was  the  effort  of  no  common 
mind.  That  of  Mr.  Jefferson  proved  fully  equal  to  the  task.  His 
labours  received  the  immediate  approbation  and  sanction  of  the 
committee;  and  their  opinion  has  been  confirmed  by  the  testimony 
of  succeeding  years,  and  of  every  nation  where  it  has  been 
known. 

On  the  twenty-eighth  of  June,  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
was  presented  to  congress,  and  read.  On  the  first,  second,  and 
third  of  July,  it  was  taken  into  very  full  consideration  ;  and  on  the 
fourth,  it  was  agreed  to  after  several  alterations,  and  considerable 
omissions  had  been  made  in  the  draught,  as  it  was  first  framed  by 
the  commitee. 

It  has  been  mentioned  in  the  life  of  Richard  Henry  Lee,  that,  as 
the  original  mover  of  the  resolution  for  independence,  the  usage  of 
deliberative  assemblies  would  have  assigned  to  him  the  duty  of 
preparing  the  declaration,  had  he  not  been  absent.  This  circum- 
stance, united  with  a  feeling  of  true  regard,  and  a  long  co-operation 
in  bringing  about  the  great  result,  induced  Mr.  Jefferson  to  send 
Mr.  Lee  a  copy  of  the  original  draught  as  well  as  of  the  amend- 
ments made  by  congress  ;  these  he  accompanied  with  a  letter,  dated 
the  eighth  of  July,  1776,  in  which  he  says  : 

"  Dear  Sir — For  news,  I  refer  you  to  your  brother,  who  writes 
on  that  head.  I  enclose  you  a  copy  of  the  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence, as  agreed  to  by  the  house,  and  also  as  originally  framed  ; 
you  will  judge  whether  it  is  the  better  or  worse  for  the  critics.  I 
shall  return  to  Virginia  after  the  eleventh  of  August.  I  wish  my 
successor  may  be  certain  to  come  before  that  time ;  in  that  case,  I 
shall  hope  to  see  you,  and  not  Wythe,  in  convention,  that  the  busi- 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON.  67« 

ncss  of  government,  which  is  of  everlasting  concern,  may  receive 
your  aid.     Adieu,  and  believe  me  to  be,  <fcc." 

During  the  summer  of  this  year,  177C,  Mr.  Jefferson  took  an  ac- 
tive part  in  the  deliberations  and  business  of  congress  ;  his  name 
appears  on  the  journals  of  the  house  very  often,  and  he  was  a  mem- 
ber of  several  highly  important  committees.  Being  obliged,  how- 
ever, to  return  to  Virginia,  he  was,  during  his  absence,  appointed, 
in  conjunction  with  Dr.  Franklin  and  Mr.  Dcane,  a  commissioner 
to  the  court  of  France,  for  the  purpose  of  arranging  with  that  na- 
tion a  measure,  now  become  of  vital  necessity,  the  formation  of 
treaties  of  alliance  and  commerce.  But  owing  at  once  to  his  ill 
health,  the  situation  of  his  family,  and  the  embarrassed  position  of 
public  affairs,  especially  in  his  own  state,  he  was  convinced  that  to 
remain  in  America,  would  be  more  useful  than  to  go  abroad  ;  and  in 
a  letter  to  congress  of  the  eleventh  of  October,  he  declined  the  ap- 
pointment. 

From  this  period,  during  the  remainder  of  the  revolutionary  war, 
Mr.  Jefferson  chiefly  devoted  himself  to  the  service  of  his  own  state. 
In  June,  he  had  been  a  third  time  elected  a  delegate  to  congress, 
but  in  October  following,  he  resigned  his  situation  in  that  body,  and 
was  succeeded  by  Benjamin  Harrison.  The  object  which  now  chiefly 
engaged  him  was  the  improvement  of  the  civil  government  of  Vir- 
ginia. In  May  preceding,  immediately  on  the  disorganization  of 
the  colonial  system,  the  convention  assembled  at  Williamsburg,  had 
turned  their  attention  to  the  formation  of  a  new  plan  of  government  ,- 
and  with  a  haste,  which  bespeaks  rather  the  ardour  of  a  zealous  and 
oppressed  people  for  the  assertion  of  their  own  rights,  than  the  calm- 
ness and  deliberation  that  should  attend  an  act,  in  which  their  future 
welfare  was  so  deeply  involved,  they  adopted  their  constitution  in 
the  following  month.  Mr.  Jefferson  was  at  this  time  absent  in  Phi- 
ladelphia, a  delegate  to  congress  ;  foreseeing  the  inevitable  result 
of  the  contest  between  the  colonies  and  the  mother  country,  he  had, 
for  a  long  while,  devoted  much  reflection  and  research  to  maturing 
a  plan  for  a  new  government,  and  had  already  formed  one,  on  the 
purest  principles  of  republicanism.  This  draught  he  transmitted  to 
the  convention  ;  but  unfortunately,  the  one  that  they  had  hastily 
framed,  had  received  a  final  vote  on  the  day  it  reached  Williamsburg. 
The  debate  had  already  been  ardent  and  protracted;  the  members 
were  wearied  and  exhausted  ;  and,  after  making  a  few  alterations, 
and  adopting  entire  the  masterly  preamble  which  Mr.  Jefferson  had 
prefixed,  it  was  thought  expedient  for  the  present,  to  adhere  to 
72  2x2 


674  THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

the  original  plan,  imperfect  as  on  all  hands  it  was  acknowledged 
to  be. 

The  extremes  of  right  and  wrong  are  said  very  closely  to  ap- 
proach each  other.  An  incident  in  the  political  history  of  Virginia, 
does  not  invalidate  the  maxim.  In  June,  this  constitution  had  been 
adopted,  breathing  in  every  article  the  most  vehement  spirit  of  equal 
rights,  and  established  on  the  downfall  of  arbitrary  rule.  In  the 
following  December,  a  serious  proposition  was  made  to  establish  a 
dictator,  "  invested  with  every  power,  legislative,  executive,  and 
judiciary,  civil,  and  military,  of  life  and  of  death,  over  our  persons 
and  over  our  properties."  To  the  wise  and  good  of  every  party, 
such  a  scheme  could  not  but  appear  as  absurd  as  it  was  dangerous. 
In  Mr.  Jefferson,  it  found  a  ready  and  successful  opponent  at  the 
time,  and  he  has  devoted  to  its  consideration  and  censure  a  few 
pages  of  his  later  works. 

A  wiser  plan  was  adopted  to  relieve  the  state  from  its  difficulties, 
by  a  careful  revision  of  its  laws.  A  commission  was  appointed  for 
this  purpose,  consisting  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  Edmond  Pendleton, 
George  Wythe,  George  Mason,  and  Thomas  Ludwell  Lee,  who  cm- 
ployed  themselves  zealously  in  their  task,  from  the  commencement 
of  the  year  1777,  to  the  middle  of  1779.  In  that  period  it  is  said, 
their  industry  and  zeal  prepared  no  less  than  one  hundred  and 
twenty-six  bills,  from  which  are  derived  all  the  most  liberal  features 
of  the  existing  laws  of  the  commonwealth.  The  method  they  pur- 
sued was  marked  with  prudence  and  intelligence.  It  is  thus  de- 
scribed by  Mr.  Jefferson  himself: 

"  The  plan  of  the  revisal  was  this.  The  common  law  of  Eng- 
land, by  which  is  meant  that  part  of  the  English  law  which  was 
anterior  to  the  date  of  the  oldest  statutes  extant,  is  made  the  basis 
of  the  work.  It  was  thought  dangerous  to  attempt  to  reduce  it  to  a 
text:  it  was  therefore  left  to  be  collected  from  the  usual  monuments 
of  it.  Necessary  alterations  in  that,  and  so  much  of  the  whole  body  of 
the  British  statutes,  and  acts  of  assembly,  as  were  thought  proper  to 
be  retained,  were  digested  into  a  hundred  and  twenty-six  new  acts, 
in  which  simplicitly  of  style  was  aimed  at,  as  far  as  was  safe." 

In  the  account  which  Mr.  Jefferson  has  given  of  this  revisal  of 
the  laws  of  Virginia,  he  has,  with  the  modesty  of  true  greatnes,  sup- 
pressed every  word  which  could  indicate  his  own  participation  in  an 
employment  so  highly  honourable.  As  regards  Mr.  Jefferson  it 
should  be  mentioned,  that  in  addition  to  the  prominent  and  labori- 
ous share  which  he  undertook  in  the  general  revision,  Virginia  owes 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON.  rj7.r> 

to  his  enlightened  mind  alone,  the  most  important  and  beneficial 
changes  in  her  code.  The  laws  forbidding  the  future  importation 
of  slaves;  converting  estates  tail  into  fees  simple;  annulling  the 
rights  of  primogeniture;  establishing  schools  for  general  education; 
sanctioning  the  right  of  expatriation;  and  confirming  the  rights  of 
freedom  in  religious  opinion,  were  all  introduced  by  him,  and  were 
adopted  at  the  time  they  were  first  proposed,  or  at  a  subsequent 
period  ;  in  addition  to  these,  he  brought  forward  a  law  proportioning 
crimes  and  punishments,  which  was  afterwards  passed  under  a  dif- 
ferent modification. 

To  enter  into  the  details  of  these  laws,  would  lead  us  from  the 
object,  as  it  would  far  exceed  the  limits  of  this  slight  sketch;  yet  to 
the  lawyer  and  politician,  they  may  be  recommended  as  containing 
many  invaluable  lessons  in  legal  and  political  science,  and  to  those 
who  have  been  accustomed  to  view  this  great  statesman  rather  as 
author  of  the  ingenious  theories,  than  a  lawgiver  skilled  in  the 
practical  details  of  government,  and  the  useful  application  of  laws 
to  the  great  exigencies  of  civil  society,  they  will  speak  more  than 
the  most  laboured  panegyric. 

Nor  was  it  in  public  duties  alone  that  Sir.  Jefferson  was  employed  ; 
with  a  zeal  alike  honourable  and  useful,  he  devoted  his  attention  to 
the  personal  welfare  of  those  of  the  enemy,  whom  the  chances  of 
war  had  placed  within  his  reach.  The  troops  taken  at  Saratoga 
were  removed  to  the  neighbourhood  of  Charlottesville,  in  Virginia, 
which  was  selected  as  the  place  of  their  destination.  Mr.  Jefferson, 
aided  by  Mr.  Hawkins  the  commissary  general,  and  the  benevo- 
lent dispositions  of  his  fellow  citizens,  adopted  every  plan  to  alle- 
viate the  distresses  of  the  troops,  and  to  soften  as  much  as  possible 
the  hardships  of  captivity.  Indeed  his  hospitality  and  generous 
politeness  to  these  unfortunate  strangers,  was  such  as  to  secure 
their  lasting  friendship  and  esteem. 

On  the  first  of  June,  1779,  the  term  for  which  Mr.  Henry,  the 
first  republican  governor  of  Virginia,  had  been  chosen,  having  ex- 
pired, Mr.  Jefferson  was  elected  to  fill  that  office.  The  time  was 
one  at  which  its  duties  had  become  arduous  and  difficult;  it  was  at 
that  period  of  the  war,  when  the  British  government,  had  increased 
the  usual  horrors  of  warfare,  by  the  persecution  of  the  wretched 
prisoners  who  fell  into  their  hands.  The  governor  of  Virginia, 
among  others,  promptly  expressed  his  determination  to  adopt,  as 
the  only  resource  against  a  system  of  warfare  so  barbarous  and 
unheard   of,   a  retaliation  on   the    British   prisoners   in   his   power. 


C76  THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

This  course,  for  a  short  time,  produced  on  the  part  of  the  enemy 
an  excess  of  cruelty,  especially  against  the  officers  and  soldiers  of 
Virginia;  it  was,  however,  without  avail;  the  measure  was  the  last 
resort,  brought  on  by  a  long  course  of  unfeeling  conduct,  and  the 
only  remedy  that  was  left.  The  policy  of  the  measure  was  proved 
by  its  ultimate  success ;  and  the  British  government,  when  taught 
by  experience,  acknowledged  the  correctness  of  a  principle  they  had 
refused  to  listen  to,  when  urged  only  by  the  dictates  of  humanity 
and  the  usages  of  civilized  society. 

In  the  year  1780,  Virginia,  which  had  hitherto  been  distant  from 
the  seat  of  actual  warfare,  was  threatened  with  invasion  from  the 
south.  In  the  spring,  the  ferocious  Tarleton  had  made  his  appear- 
ance on  her  southern  borders,  marking  his  path  with  unusual  bar- 
barity. Immediately  after  him,  followed  the  main  army  under 
Lord  Cornwallis.  It  was  then  time  for  Virginia  to  exert  herself. 
Troops  were  rapidly  raised  and  sent  off  to  the  south,  artillery  and 
ammunition  were  collected,  lines  of  communication  established,  and 
every  preparation  made  to  meet  the  enemy.  It  is  needless  to  re- 
mark, that  all  the  former  habits  and  pursuits  of  the  governor,  had 
been  of  a  kind  little  likely  to  fit  him  for  military  command ;  but 
aware  of  the  importance  of  energy  and  exertion  at  such  a  crisis,  he 
bent  his  mind  to  the  new  task  which  fortune  had  thrown  upon  him, 
with  alacrity  and  ardour.  He  was,  however,  surrounded  by  diffi- 
culties, destitute  of  arms  and  military  stores,  and  without  informa- 
tion of  the  movements  of  the  enemy. 

The  legislature,  becoming  fully  aware  of  their  danger,  adopted 
the  most  vigorous  measures  for  the  increase  and  support  of  the 
southern  army.  They  conferred  on  the  governor  new  and  extra- 
ordinary powers;  and  that  officer  exerted  himself  in  every  mode, 
which  ingenuity  could  suggest,  to  ward  off  the  approaching  danger. 

While  however  all  eyes  were  turned  to  the  south,  a  sudden 
attack  in  another  quarter  was  the  more  disastrous,  as  it  was  the 
less  expected. 

Arnold,  whose  treachery  seems  to  have  increased  the  natural 
daring  and  recklessness  of  his  temper,  aware  of  the  unprotected 
situation  of  Virginia  on  the  sea  board,  formed  a  plan  for  an  attack 
on  that  quarter.  He  set  sail  from  New  York,  with  sixteen  hundred 
men,  and  supported  by  a  number  of  armed  vessels,  ascended  James 
river,  and  landed  about  fifteen  miles  below  Richmond.  All  the 
militia  of  the  state,  that  could  be  supplied  with  arms,  had  been 
alreadj  called   out,  and   placed  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Williams- 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON.  677 

burg,  under  the  orders  of  General  Nelson.  This  event  seemed  to 
leave  the  governor  almost  without  resource ;  he  saw  the  enemy 
within  a  few  miles  of  the  capital  of  the  slate,  which  was  entirely 
undefended;  he  collected  hastily  about  two  hundred  half-armed 
militia,  whom  he  placed  under  the  command  of  Baron  Steuben,  for 
ihe  purpose  of  protecting  the  removal  of  the  records  and  military 
stores  across  James  river;  he  superintended  their  movements  in 
person  with  the  utmost  zeal,  courage,  and  prudence;  and  he  was 
seen  coolly  issuing  his  orders,  until  the  enemy  had  actually  entered 
the  lower  part  of  the  town,  and  begun  to  flank  it  with  their  light  horse. 

Although  Arnold  had  thus  succeeded  in  plundering  and  laying 
waste  the  country,  the  governor  determined,  if  possible,  that  the 
traitor  should  not  escape  with  impunity ;  he  believed  that  a  plan 
for  his  capture,  prudently  formed,  and  boldly  executed,  would  be 
attended  with  success.  The  scheme  appears  to  have  been  devised 
with  sagacity  and  matured  with  prudence.  Men  were  found  with- 
out difficulty,  bold  enough  and  ready  to  undertake  this  scheme;  but 
it  was  rendered  unavailing  by  the  cautious  prudence  of  Arnold,  who 
avoided  every  exposure  to  such  a  danger. 

Frustrated  in  this  plan,  the  governor  turned  his  attention  to 
another,  on  a  bolder  scale,  in  which  he  was  to  be  aided  by  General 
Washington  and  the  French  fleet.  The  latter,  then  at  Rhode 
Island,  were  to  sail  immediately  for  James  river,  to  prevent  the 
escape  of  the  enemy  by  sea,  while  a  large  body  of  troops  should  be 
collected  on  shore,  for  the  purpose  of  blockading  them,  and  ulti- 
mately compelling  a  surrender.  On  the  eighth  of  March,  Mr. 
Jefferson  thus  writes  to  the  commander-in-chief:  "We  have  made 
on  our  part,  every  preparation  which  we  were  able  to  make.  The 
militia  proposed  to  operate,  will  be  upwards  of  four  thousand  from 
this  state,  and  one  thousand  or  twelve  hundred  from  Carolina,  said 
to  be  under  General  Gregory.  The  enemy  are  at  this  time,  in  a 
great  measure,  blockaded  by  land,  there  being  a  force  on  the  east 
side  of  Elizabeth  river.  They  suffer  for  provisons,  as  they  are 
afraid  to  venture  far,  lest  the  French  squadron  should  be  in  the 
neighbourhood,  and  come  upon  them.  Were  it  possible  to  block  up 
the  river,  a  little  time  would  suffice  to  reduce  them  by  want  and 
desertions;  and  would  be  more  sure  in  its  event  than  any  attempt 
by  storm."  The  French  fleet,  however,  encountered,  on  their 
arrival  at  the  Chesapeake  a  British  squadron  of  equal,  if  not  supe- 
rior force,  by  which  they  were  driven  back  ;  by  these  means  the 
plan  was  defeated,  and  Arnold  again  escaped. 


678  THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

The  disasters  of  Virginia,  and  the  difficulties  of  the  governor 
however,  were  not  yet  at  an  end.  Arnold  had  scarcely  left  the 
coast,  when  Cornwallis  entered  the  state  on  the  southern  frontier. 
Never  was  a  country  less  prepared  to  repel  invasion.  For  this 
purpose,  the  militia  was  the  only  force;  and  the  resort  even  to  this 
was  limited  by  the  deficiency  of  arms.  The  governor  used  every 
effort,  however,  to  increase  its  efficacy.  When  it  was  sent  into  the 
field,  he  called  into  service  a  number  of  officers  who  had  resigned,  or 
been  thrown  out  of  public  employment  by  reductions  of  continental 
regiments  for  want  of  men,  and  gave  them  commands;  an  expedient 
which,  together  with  the  aid  of  the  old  soldiers  scattered  in  the 
ranks,  produced  a  sudden  and  highly  useful  degree  of  skill,  dis- 
cipline, and  subordination.  Men  were  drafted  for  the  regular  regi- 
ments, and  considerable  detachments  of  the  militia  were  sent  to  the 
south;  and  a  number  of  horses,  essentially  necessary,  were  rapidly 
obtained  by  an  expedient  of  Mr.  Jefferson's.  Instead  of  using  a 
mercenary  agency,  he  wrote  to  an  individual,  generally  a  member 
of  assembly,  in  each  of  the  counties  where  they  were  to  be  had,  to 
purchase  a  specified  number  with  the  then  expiring  paper  money. 
This  expedient  met  with  a  success  highly  important  to  the  common 
cause.  Nor  was  it  sufficient  to  protect  his  -own  state  alone ;  aid  was 
demanded  for  the  Carolinas :  and  this,  though  increasing  the  desti- 
tution and  distress  at  home,  was  furnished  to  a  very  considerable 
extent.  At  length,  however,  exhausted  by  her  efforts  to  aid  her  sis- 
ter states,  almost  stript  of  arms,  without  money,  and  harassed  on  the 
east  and  on  the  west  with  formidable  invasions,  Virginia  appeared 
at  last  without  resource. 

On  the  second  of  June,  the  term  for  which  Mr.  Jefferson  had 
been  elected  expired,  and  he  returned  to  the  situation  of  a  private 
citizen,  after  having  conducted  the  affairs  of  his  state  through  a 
period  of  difficulty  and  danger,  without  any  parallel  in  its  preceding 
or  subsequent  history,  and  with  the  utmost  prudence  and  energy. 

Two  days  after  his  retirement  from  the  government,  and  when 
on  his  estate  at  Monticello,  intelligence  was  suddenly  brought  that 
Tarleton,  at  the  head  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  horse,  had  left  the 
main  army  for  the  purpose  of  surprising  and  capturing  the  mem- 
bers of  assembly  at  Charlottesville.  The  house  had  just  met,  and 
was  about  to  commence  business  when  the  alarm  was  given;  they 
had  scarcely  taken  time  to  adjourn  informally,  to  meet  at  Staunton 
on  the  seventh,  when  the  enemy  entered  the  village  in  the  confident 
expectation  of  an  easy  prey.     The  escape  was  indeed  narrow,  but 


THOMAS    JEFFERbON.  (j*9 

no  one  was  taken.  In  pursuing  the  legislature,  however,  the  go- 
vernor was  not  forgotten;  a  troop  of  horse  under  a  Captain  M'Leod 
had  been  despatched  to  Monticello — fortunately  with  no  better  suc- 
cess. The  intelligence  received  at  Charlottesville  was  soon  conveyed 
thither,  the  distance  between  the  two  places  being  very  short.  Mr. 
Jefferson  immediately  ordered  a  carriage  to  be  in  readiness  to  carry 
off  his  family,  who,  however,  breakfasted  at  leisure  with  some 
guests.  Soon  after  breakfast,  and  when  the  visitors  had  left  the 
house,  a  neighbour  rode  up  in  full  speed,  with  the  intelligence  that 
a  troop  of  horse  was  then  ascending  the  hill.  Mr.  Jefferson  now 
sent  off  his  family,  and  after  a  short  delay  for  some  indispensable 
arrangements,  mounted  his  house,  and  taking  a  course  through  the 
woods,  joined  them  at  the  house  of  a  friend,  where  they  dined.  It 
would  scarcely  be  believed  by  those  not  acquainted  with  the  fact, 
that  this  flight  of  a  single  and  unarmed  man  from  a  troop  of  cavalry, 
whose  whole  legion  too  was  within  supporting  distance,  and  whose 
main  object  was  his  capture,  has  been  the  subject  of  volumes  of 
reproach,  in  prose  and  poetry,  serious  and  sarcastic. 

In  times  of  difficulty  and  danger,  it  is  seldom  that  the  actions  of 
the  wisest  and  the  best  can  escape,  without  censure.  Notwithstand- 
ing the  wisdom  and  energy  of  Governor  Jefferson's  administration, 
it  did  not  escape  censure  ;  yet  it  would  seem  almost  useless  to  record 
imputed  errors  and  unfounded  charges  with  regard  to  him,  which 
have  passed  into  oblivion  by  the  lapse  of  years,  were  it  not  in  some 
degree  a  duly  not  to  pass  unnoticed  events  which,  in  their  own  day 
at  least,  excited  considerable  attention. 

The  meeting  of  the  legislature  at  Staunton  was  attended  by  seve- 
ral members  who  had  not  been  present  at  Richmond,  at  the  period 
of  Arnold's  incursion.  One  of  these,  Mr.  George  Nicholas,  actuated, 
it  is  said,  by  no  unkind  feelings,  yet  it  must  be  acknowledged  with 
a  patriotism  somewhat  too  ardent,  accused  the  late  governor  of 
great  remissness  in  his  measures  on  that  occasion,  and  moved  for 
an  inquiry  relative  to  them.  To  this,  neither  Mr.  Jefferson  nor  his 
friends  had  the  least  objection,  nor  did  they  make  the  slightest  op- 
position. The  ensuing  session  of  the  legislature  was  the  period 
fixed  for  the  investigation:  but  before  it  arrived,  Mr.  Nicholas,  con- 
vinced that  the  charges  were  unfounded,  in  the  most  honourable  and 
candid  manner  declined  the  farther  prosecution  of  the  affair.  In 
the  mean  time,  that  he  might  be  placed  on  equal  ground  for  meet- 
ing the  inquiry,  one  of  the  representatives  of  his  county  resigned 
his  seat,  and  Mr.  Jefferson  was  unanimously  elected  in  his  place. 


G80  THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

When  the  house  assembled,  no  one  appeared  to  bring  forward  the 
investigation ;  he,  however,  rose  in  his  place,  and  recapitulating  the 
charges  which  had  been  made,  stated  in  brief  terms  his  own  justifi- 
cation. His  remarks  were  no  sooner  concluded,  than  the  house 
passed  unanimously  the  following  resolution: 

"Resolved,  That  the  sincere  thanks  of  the  general  assembly  be 
given  to  our  former  governor,  Thomas  Jefferson,  for  his  impartial, 
upright,  and  attentive  administration  whilst  in  office.  The  assem- 
bly wish,  in  the  strongest  manner,  to  declare  the  high  opinion  they 
entertain  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  ability,  rectitude,  and  integrity,  as 
chief  magistrate  of  this  commonwealth,  and  mean,  by  thus  publicly 
avowing  their  opinion,  to  obviate  and  to  remove  all  unmerited 
censure." 

Mr.  Jefferson  has  already  appeared  before  us  as  a  writer  of  no 
ordinary  talents;  but  it  has  been  in  one  point  of  view  solely — that 
of  a  politician.  Great  as  were  his  skill  and  knowledge  as  a  states- 
man, and  active  as  were  his  labours  for  the  public  good,  we  find  him 
in  the  year  1781,  snatching  sufficient  leisure  amid  the  tumult  and 
confusion  of  politics  and  war,  to  compose  a  work  devoted  exclu- 
sively to  science.  M.  De  Marbois,  the  secretary  of  the  French  lega- 
tion in  the  United  States,  at  the  suggestion  it  is  supposed  of  his 
own  court,  proposed  to  Mr.  Jefferson  a  number  of  questions  rela- 
tive to  the  state  of  Virginia,  embracing  a  general  view  of  its  geogra- 
phy, natural  productions,  statistics,  government,  history,  and  laws. 
To  these,  Mr.  Jefferson  returned  answers  full  of  learning  and  re- 
search ;  so  much  so,  that  the  gentleman  to  whom  they  were  addressed, 
found  it  necessary  to  have  a  few  copies  printed  in  the  French  lan- 
guage, for  the  use  exclusively,  however,  of  his  friends,  among  whom 
the  work  had  excited  great  interest.  From  one  of  these  copies,  a 
translation  was  surreptitiously  made  into  English;  and  this  induced 
Mr.  Jefferson  at  length,  in  the  year  1787,  to  publish  the  work  him- 
self, under  the  simple  title  it  still  retains,  of  "Notes  on  Virginia." 
The  principal  charms  of  this  little  volume  arc  the  unpretending  sim- 
plicity of  its  style,  and  the  variety  of  its  information.  After  a  lapse 
of  more  than  forty  years,  we  are  surprised  at  the  slow  advances  we 
have  made  in  the  subjects  of  which  it  treats;  and  when  we  reflect 
on  the  wild  state  of  the  country  at  that  period,  the  comparatively 
narrow  bounds  within  which  was  contained  all  of  civilization  and 
knowledge,  we  look  with  astonishment  at  the  facts  that  industry 
could  thus  accumulate.  The  reader  will  not  perhaps  regret  that  he 
chose  public  life  as  the  great  theatre  of  his  ambition,  but  he  will 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON.  681 

acknowledge  that  his  fame  would  probably  have  been  as  great  in 
the  more  peaceful  pursuits  of  science. 

About  the  close  of  the  year  1782,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  appointed  a 
minister  plenipotentiary,  to  join  the  commissioners  in  Europe,  who 
were  to  determine  on  the  conditions  of  a  treaty  of  peace,  which  it 
was  expected  would  soon  be  entered  into.  In  December  he  arrived 
nt  Philadelphia,  in  order  to  embark.  Congress  immediately  or- 
dered, that  during  his  stay  in  that  city,  he  should  have  full  access  to 
the  archives  of  the  government. 

The  minister  of  France  offered  him  the  French  frigate  Romulus, 
which  was  then  at  Baltimore,  for  his  passage  ;  but,  before  the  ice 
would  permit  her  to  leave  the  port,  intelligence  was  received,  that 
preliminaries  of  peace  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain 
had  been  signed.  Mr.  Jefferson  wrote  to  congress  from  Baltimore, 
to  inquire  whether  the  occasion  of  his  services  was  not  passed,  and 
they,  of  course,  dispensed  with  his  leaving  America. 

On  the  sixth  of  June,  1783,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  again  elected  a 
delegate  to  congress,  from  the  state  of  Virginia,  but  he  did  not  take 
his  seat  in  that  body  until  the  fourth  of  November  following.  The 
part  which  he  immediately  acted,  was,  of  course,  a  prominent  one, 
and  we  find  him  at  once  engaged  in  all  the  principal  measures  that 
occupied  the  public  attention.  Early  in  December,  letters  were  re- 
ceived from  the  commissioners  in  France,  accompanied  with  the 
definitive  treaty  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  which 
had  been  signed  at  Paris  on  the  third  of  September.  They  were 
immediately  referred  to  a  committee,  of  which  Mr.  Jefferson  was 
chairman.  On  the  fourteenth  of  January,  1784,  on  the  report  of 
this  committee,  the  treaty  was  unanimously  ratified,  thus  putting  an 
end  to  the  eventful  struggle  between  the  two  countries,  and  confirm- 
ing the  independence  which  had  already  been  gained.  On  the 
thirtieth  of  March,  he  was  elected  chairman  of  congress,  and  chair- 
man also  of  a  grand  committee,  instructed  to  revise  the  institution 
of  the  treasury  department,  and  report  such  alterations  as  they 
should  deem  expedient.  This  they  did,  in  an  able  report  on  the 
fifth  of  April,  embracing  a  general  and  comprehensive  view  of  the 
finances  of  the  country  ;  a  subject  of  infinite  difficulty,  and  present- 
ing obstacles  which  threatened  to  disturb  the  harmony  of  the  union, 
to  embarrass  its  councils,  and  obstruct  its  operations. 

About  this  period,  an  opportunity  was  offered  to  Mr.  Jefferson, 
of  expressing  again,  as  he  had  already  so  frequently  done,  his  earn- 
est desire  to  provide  for  the  emancipation  of  the  negroes,' and  the 
73  2Y 


682  THOMAS    JEFFERSON 

entire  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  United  States.  Being  appointed 
chairman  of  a  committee,  to  which  was  assigned  the  task  of  forming 
a  plan  for  the  temporary  government  of  the  Western  Territory,  he 
introduced  into  it  the  following  clause  :  "That  after  the  year  1800 
of  the  Christian  era,  there  shall  be  neither  slavery  nor  involuntary 
servitude  in  any  of  the  said  states,  otherwise  than  in  punishment  of 
crimes,  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  convicted  to  have  been 
personally  guilty."  When  the  report  of  the  committe  was  presented 
to  congress,  these  words  were,  however,  struck  out. 

On  the  seventh  of  May,  congress  resolved  that  a  minister  pleni- 
potentiary should  be  appointed,  in  addition  to  Mr.  Adams  and  Dr. 
Franklin,  for  the  purpose  of  negotiating  treaties  of  commerce.  To 
this  office  Mr.  Jefferson  was  immediately  elected,  and  orders  were 
issued  to  the  agent  of  marine,  to  provide  suitable  accommodations 
for  his  passage  to  Europe. 

In  July,  he  sailed  from  the  United  States,  and  joined  the  other 
commissioners  at  Paris,  in  the  following  month.  Full  powers  were 
given  to  them,  to  form  alliances  of  amity  and  commerce  with  fo- 
reign states,  and  on  the  most  liberal  principles.  In  this  useful  de- 
sign, they  were  occupied  for  a  year,  but  not  with  the  success  that 
congress  had  anticipated;  they  succeeded  in  their  negotiations,  only 
with  the  governments  of  Morocco  and  Prussia.  The  treaty  with 
the  latter  power,  is  so  remarkable  for  some  of  the  provisions  it  con- 
tains, that  it  may  be  looked  upon  as  an  experiment  in  diplomacy  and 
national  law.  By  it,  blockades  of  every  description  were  abolished, 
the  flag  covered  the  property,  and  contrabands  were  exempted  from 
confiscation,  though  they  might  be  employed  for  the  use  of  the  cap- 
tor, on  payment  of  their  full  value.  This,  it  is  said,  is  the  on'y  con- 
vention ever  made  by  America,  in  which  the  latter  stipulation  is 
introduced,  nor  is  it  known  to  exist  in  any  other  modern  treaty. 

With  Great  Britain,  also,  a  negotiation  was  attempted,  but  with- 
out success.  The  treaty  of  the  preceding  year,  had,  indeed,  dis- 
solved for  ever  the  bands  by  which  the  two  countries  were  united; 
but  the  ties  of  consanguinity,  religion,  manners,  and,  perhaps,  of 
interest,  seemed  to  point  out  by  nature,  an  alliance  somewhat  more 
intimate,  than  that  which  usually  exists  between  independent  states. 
To  effect  this,  Mr.  Jefferson  and  Mr.  Adams  crossed  over  to  Lon- 
don ;  and  so  anxious  were  they  to  promote  a  cordial  connexion  be- 
tween the  two  countries,  that  among  the  terms  they  proposed  to 
offer,  was  a  mutual  exchange  of  naturalization  to  the  citizens  and 
vessels  oT  either  nation,  in  every  thing  relating  to  commerce  or  com- 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON.  (533 

mercial  navigation.  On  reaching  London,  they  were  received  by 
the  government  with  great  respect.  For  several  years  after  the 
treaty  of  independence,  Great  Britain  does  not  appear  to  have  be- 
stowed much  attention  on  her  intercourse  with  America.  Every 
attempt  to  procure  a  conference  was  evaded  ;  the  period  for  which 
the  general  commission  was  issued,  was  on  the  eve  of  expiring;  and, 
after  a  fruitless  visit  of  seven  weeks  to  London,  Mr.  Jeft'erson  re- 
turned to  Paris. 

On  the  tenth  of  March,  1785,  Mr.  Jeft'erson  was  unanimously  ap- 
pointed by  congress,  to  succeed  Dr.  Franklin  as  minister  plenipoten- 
tiary at  the  court  of  Versailles  ;  and  on  the  expiration  of  bis  commis- 
sion in  October,  1787,  he  was  again  elected  to  the  same  honourable 
situation.     He  remained  in  France  until  October,  1789. 

While  Mr.  Jeft'erson  resided  in  France,  he  was  engaged  in  many 
diplomatic  negotiations  of  considerable  importance  to  this  country, 
though  not  of  sufficient  general  interest  to  require  here  a  lengthened 
recital.  Among  the  principal  benefits  then  obtained,  and  continued 
to  the  United  States  until  the  period  of  the  French  revolution,  were 
the  abolition  of  several  monopolies,  and  the  free  admission  into 
France  of  tobacco,  rice,  whale  oil,  salted  fish,  and  flour;  and  of  the 
two  latter  articles  into  the  French  West  India  Islands. 

During  the  period  of  his  ministry,  Mr.  Jeft'erson  took  advantage 
of  the  leisure  he  occasionally  enjoyed  to  make  an  excursion  to  Hol- 
land, and  another  to  Italy.  Each  offered  a  useful  lesson  to  a  philo- 
sopher and  statesman,  the  representative  of  a  young  and  rising 
nation.  Years  had  passed  away,  loaded  with  public  cares,  since  he 
had  indulged  in  those  pursuits  which  formed  so  favourite  an  occu- 
pation for  his  mind ;  and  now,  placed  at  once  in  the  midst  of  learning 
and  elegance,  admired  for  his  genius,  beloved  for  his  modesty  and 
kindness,  received  with  open  arms  by  the  men  whose  names  were 
most  conspicuous  for  their  talents  and  virtues,  it  will  be  readily 
believed,  that  he  enjoyed  the  new  scene  around  him  with  peculiar 
interest.  The  Abbe  Morrellet  translated  his  little  work  on  Virginia, 
Condorcet  and  D'Alembert  claimed  him  as  their  friend,  and  he  was 
invited  and  welcomed  among  the  literary  institutions  and  circles  of 
Paris.  His  letters,  written  at  this  time  to  his  friends  in  America, 
display  the  versatility  of  his  genius,  and  the  attention  he  constantly 
bestowed  on  whatever  was  calculated  to  embellish  or  benefit  society. 

It  was  while  Mr.  Jefferson  was  in  France,  that  the  federal  con- 
stitution was  framed,  from  a  general  conviction  of  its  necessity. 
But  however  Mr.  Jefferson   had  contributed  to  impress  this  neces- 


684  THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

sity,  and  had  communicated  his  ideas  to  his  friends,  he  of  course 
nad  no  personal  share  in  its  formation. 

In  the  month  of  October,  1789,  Mr.  Jefferson  obtained  leave  of 
absence  for  a  short  time,  and  returned  to  the  United  States.  While 
he  was  abroad,  the  new  government  had  been  successfully  organized. 
In  filling  the  executive  offices,  the  president  had,  with  that  wisdom 
which  marked  all  the  acts  of  his  public  life,  carefully  selected  those 
whose  talents  or  previous  employments,  rendered  them  peculiarly 
fit  for  the  duties  of  the  stations  to  which  they  were  appointed. 
After  his  arrival  from  France,  and  while  on  his  way  to  Virginia, 
Mr.  Jefferson  received  a  letter  from  the  president,  offering  him  the 
option  of  becoming  secretary  of  state,  or  returning  to  France,  as 
minister  plenipotentiary  to  that  court.  His  feelings  and  his  habits, 
alike  urged  him  to  the  latter,  but  he  could  not,  and  did  not  refuse 
to  acquiesce  in  the  very  strong  desire  expressed  by  the  president, 
that  he  would  afford  the  aid  of  his  talents  to  the  administration  at 
home. 

Of  all  the  offices  under  the  government  of  the  United  States, 
there  is  no  one,  perhaps,  which  calls  for  the  exercise  of  such  various 
abilities,  such  extensive  knowledge  of  laws  and  facts,  such  prompt 
decision  on  questions  involving  principles  of  the  highest  political 
import,  as  the  department  of  state;  and  in  proportion  to  the  infancy 
of  the  office  itself,  and  the  new  and  peculiar  situation  of  the  govern- 
ment, was  the  difficulty  of  the  task  assumed  by  Mr.  Jefferson.  The 
subsequent  events  of  his  political  life  have  been  tinged  by  the  hue 
of  party,  and  perhaps  the  time  has  not  arrived  when  we  can  view 
them  with  strict  impartiality,  and  weigh  the  policy  of  his  measures 
without  dwelling  too  much  on  circumstances  merely  temporary  or 
local.  But  all  unite  in  the  candid  acknowledgment,  that  the  duties 
of  this  station  were  performed  with  a  prudence,  intelligence,  and 
zeal,  honourable  to  himself  and  useful  to  his  country.  In  the  inter- 
course with  foreign  nations,  the  laws  of  a  strict  neutrality,  at  a 
period  of  peculiar  difficulty,  were  maintained  with  unyielding  firm- 
ness and  consummate  ability;  the  dignity  of  the  nation  was  remem- 
bered and  supported ;  and  the  interests  of  the  citizens  were 
cherished  and  protected.  At  home,  he  turned  his  attention  to 
objects  of  a  minuter  character,  but  of  equal  importance;  he  laid 
before  congress,  from  time  to  time,  reports  on  various  branches  of 
domestic  policy,  which  displayed  at  once  the  extent  and  variety  of 
his  genius,  the  depth  of  his  information,  and  the  zeal  with  which  he 
applied  them  both  to  the  peculiar  duties  of  his  situation.     It  has 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON.  685 

been  observed,  that  these  papers  evince  not  only  the  feelings  of  a 
patriot  and  the  judgment  of  an  accomplished  statesman,  but  display, 
at  the  same  time,  uncommon  talents  and  knowledge  as  a  mathema- 
tician and  natural  philosopher,  the  deepest  research  as  an  historian, 
and  even  an  enlarged  and  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  business 
and  concerns  of  a  merchant. 

Mr.  Jefferson  had  scarcely  entered  on  his  office,  when  congress 
referred  to  him  a  subject  whose  nature  and  importance  called  for 
the  exercise  of  a  mature  judgment,  while  its  intricacy  was  such, 
as  to  require  in  the  investigation,  more  than  ordinary  scientific 
knowledge.  They  directed  him  to  prepare  and  report  a  plan,  for 
establishing  a  uniform  system  of  currency,  weights,  and  measures 
This  was  a  subject  which,  it  was  admitted  on  all  hands,  demandet 
very  serious  attention.  It  had  already  attracted  the  notice  of  the 
most  enlightened  European  nations;  and  a  partial  experiment  in 
one  branch,  that  of  the  public  currency,  had  been  received  through- 
out the  United  States,  with  general  approbation  and  unexpected 
success.  The  established  system  of  weights  and  measures,  was 
alike  inconvenient  and  absurd.  In  the  ages  of  feudal  ignorance 
when  the  sallies  of  passion,  the  dictates  of  unrestrained  ambition, 
or  the  gratification  of  each  changing  caprice,  were  all  that  a  mo- 
narch asked  as  the  foundation  of  his  laws,  it  was  at  least  not  incon- 
sistent, that  the  length  of  his  arm  or  foot  should  regulate  the 
measures  of  the  nation.  But  the  necessities  of  modern  commercial 
intercourse  seem  to  demand  a  scale  more  certain  and  convenient, 
while  the  improvements  of  modern  science,  offered  standards  of 
unerring  correctness  and  uniformity.  The  first  object  that  presents 
itself  in  such  an  inquiry,  is  the  discovery  of  some  measure  of  inva- 
riable length.  For  this  purpose,  Mr.  Jefferson  proposed  to  select  a 
pendulum  vibrating  seconds;  and  after  answering  the  various  ob- 
jections which  may  be  made  to  such  a  standard,  he  submits  to  con- 
gress two  alternative  plans  for  its  adoption.  By  the  first,  he  pro- 
poses, that  if,  in  the  opinion  of  congress,  the  difficulty  of  changing 
the  established  habits  of  the  nation,  renders  it  expedient  to  retain 
the  present  weights  and  measures,  yet  that  they  should  be  rendered 
uniform  and  invariable,  by  bringing  them  to  the  same  invariable 
standard.  With  this  view,  he  enters  minutely  into  the  details  of 
the  present  system,  its  history,  the  remarkable  coincidence  to  be 
discovered  in  some  of  its  varieties,  its  useless  inconsistencies,  and 
the  extreme  ease,  and  trifling  variation,  with  which  it  may  be  ren- 
dered uniform  and  stable.  But,  in  the  second  place,  he  proceeds 
2y2 


086  THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

to  say,  "if  it  be  thought,  that  either  now  or  at  any  future  time,  the 
citizens  of  the  United  States  may  be  induced  to  undertake  a  thorough 
reformation  of  their  whole  system  of  measures,  weights,  and  coins, 
reducing  every  branch  to  the  same  decimal  ratio  already  established 
in  their  coins,  and  thus  bringing  the  calculation  of  the  principal 
affairs  of  life  within  the  arithmetic  of  every  man  who  can  multiply 
and  divide  plain  numbers,  greater  changes  will  be  necessary." 

On  the  eighteenth  of  January,  1791,  Mr.  Jefferson  made  a  report, 
as  secretary  of  state,  on  the  subject  of  tonnage  duties  payable  by 
France.  Very  soon  after  the  meeting  of  the  first  congress,  the 
same  subject  had  been  discussed  in  that  body,  with  considerable 
animation,  and  an  act  had  passed  the  house  of  representatives, 
embracing  a  discrimination  in  these  duties  highly  favourable  to 
France.  The  principle  thus  adopted,  coincided  with  the  general 
sentiments  of  the  nation,  and  appeared  to  be  called  for,  not  by  this 
circumstance  only,  but  by  the  strongest  dictates  of  national  grati- 
tude, as  well  as  those  of  sound  policy.  The  discrimination,  how- 
ever, was  rejected  by  the  senate,  and  the  house  of  representatives 
were  obliged  reluctantly  to  yield.  What  it  was  thus  deemed  inex- 
pedient to  grant,  even  as  a  matter  of  favour  or  policy,  the  French 
government  demanded  as  a  right,  under  the  treaty  of  amity  and 
commerce  of  1778.  The  demand  was  referred  to  Mr.  Jefferson, 
by  the  president,  and  elicited  from  him  the  able  report  to  which  we 
have  alluded. 

But  the  foreign  relations  of  the  country  were  not  the  only  subject 
on  which  the  opinions  of  congress  were  divided,  during  the  session 
of  1791.  The  secretary  of  the  treasury,  in  introducing  his  cele- 
brated system  of  finance,  had  recommended  the  establishment  of  a 
national  bank,  as  necessary  to  its  easy  and  prosperous  administra- 
tion. A  bill,  conforming  to  the  plan  he  suggested,  was  sent  down 
from  the  senate,  and  was  permitted  to  proceed  unmolested,  in  the 
house  of  representatives,  to  a  third  reading.  On  the  final  question, 
however,  a  great,  and  it  would  seem  an  unexpected  opposition,  was 
made  to  its  passage  ;  and,  after  a  debate  of  considerable  length, 
which  was  supported  on  both  sides  with  ability,  and  with  that  ardour 
which  was  naturally  excited  by  the  importance  attached  by  each 
party  to  the  principle  in  contest,  the  question  was  put,  and  the  bill 
carried  in  the  affirmative  by  a  majority  of  nineteen  voices. 

The  point  which  had  been  argued  with  so  much  zeal  in  the  house 
of  representatives,  was  examined  not  less  deliberately  by  the  ex- 
ecutive.    The  advice  of  each  minister,  with  his  reasoning  in  sup- 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON.  (337 

port  of  it,  was  required  in  writing,  and  their  arguments  were  con- 
sidered by  the  president  with  all  that  attention  which  the  magni- 
tude of  the  question,  and  the  interest  taken  in  it  by  the  opposing 
parties,  so  eminently  required. 

The  opinion  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  and  it  agreed  with  that  of  the  at- 
torney general,  was  decided.  He  believed  that  congress,  in  the 
passage  of  the  bill,  had  clearly  transcended  the  powers  granted  them 
by  the  constitution. 

The  views  of  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  were  equally  decided, 
in  favour  of  the  establishment.  The  president,  after  receiving  their 
opinions,  weighing  their  reasons,  and  examining  the  subject,  deli- 
berately made  up  his  mind  in  favour  of  the  constitutionality  of  the 
law,  and  gave  it  the  sanction  of  his  name. 

On  the  first  of  February,  1791,  Mr.  Jefferson  presented  to  the 
house  of  representatives,  an  elaborate  and  valuable  report,  on  the 
subject  of  the  cod  and  whale  fisheries.  Before  the  revolution,  a 
large  number  of  seamen,  and  a  great  amount  of  tonnage,  were 
successfully  employed  in  this  trade;  but  during  the  war  it  had  been 
almost  annihilated,  and  now  required  the  immediate  and  efficient 
aid  of  the  government  to  restore  it.  It  was  too  valuable  to  be  ne- 
glected. To  a  maritime  nation,  its  preservation  was  of  vital  and 
acknowledged  importance.  It  afforded  employment  and  subsistence 
to  the  inhabitants  of  a  sandy  and  rocky  district,  who  had  no  resource 
in  agriculture  ;  by  augmenting  the  quantity  of  food,  it  reduced  the 
prices  of  all  the  necessaries  of  life,  and  thus  improved  the  condition 
of  the  labouring  classes,  especially  on  the  sea  coast ;  it  was  the 
means  of  rearing  and  supporting  a  hardy  race  of  men ;  useful  alike 
in  extending  and  defending  the  commerce  of  the  country,  as  it  af- 
forded a  sure  nursery  of  excellent  seamen,  both  for  the  public  ves- 
sels, and  the  rapidly  increasing  trade  of  the  United  States;  an 
object  of  immense  importance,  when  the  scarcity  of  labour,  and  the 
readiness  with  which  employment  could  be  found,  in  less  arduous  pur- 
suits, were  taken  into  view.  Impressed  with  these  considerations, 
congress  very  early  determined  to  give  the  subject  that  investiga- 
tion, which  its  importance  demanded.  The  report  of  Mr.  Jefferson 
was  accordingly  made.  In  it  he  enters,  with  sufficient  minuteness, 
into  an  historical  view  of  the  rise  and  progress  of  the  trade,  both 
among  ourselves  and  foreign  nations  ;  he  points  out  distinctly  the 
facilities  afforded  by  our  situation,  the  cheapness  and  excellence 
of  our  vessels,  and  the  superiorly  of  our  mariners  ;  the  disadvan- 
tages under  which  we  labour,  from  the  prohibitory  policy  of  other 


688  THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

nations,  and  the  means  they  have  used,  directly  and  indirectly,  to 
destroy  our  trade  ;  and  concludes  with  recommending  to  congress, 
the  adoption  of  such  measures  as  he  conceives  sufficient  to  restore 
the  confidence  and  energy  of  those  engaged  in  it,  to  defeat  the  efforts 
of  foreign  governments,  and  open  new  markets  for  our  enterprise. 
The  utility  of  these  measures  was  acknowledged,  and  the  adoption 
of  this  policy  has  secured  to  us  a  branch  of  trade  and  domestic  en- 
terprise, which  cannot  be  too  highly  appreciated. 

Towards  the  close  of  this  year,  1791,  Mr.  Jefferson  became  in- 
volved in  a  discussion  with  Mr.  Hammond,  the  British  minister,  of 
considerable  length  and  importance.  It  arose,  in  the  first  instance, 
out  of  the  provisions  in  the  original  treaty  of  peace,  between  the 
United  States  and  Great  Britain.  Soon  after  the  termination  of  the 
war,  each  party  had  charged  the  other  with  a  violation  of  its  en- 
gagements. The  charge  could  not  be  entirely  controverted  by 
either.  At  length,  however,  the  opening  of  a  diplomatic  intercourse, 
by  the  reception  of  Mr.  Hammond  and  the  appointment  of  Mr. 
Pinckney,  seemed  to  afford  a  proper  opportunity  for  bringing  these 
differences  to  a  close,  and  for  fixing  the  principles,  which  might 
serve  as  the  basis  of  a  definitive  commercial  arrangement  between 
the  two  countries.  Accordingly,  soon  after  the  arrival  of  the  British 
minister,  Mr.  Jefferson  called  his  attention  to  the  seventh  article  of 
the  treaty,  which  contained  stipulations  against  carrying  away  ne- 
groes or  destroying  any  American  property  ;  and  secured  the  re- 
moval or  evacuation  by  the  British  forces,  of  all  posts  within  the 
limits  of  the  United  States.  To  this  letter  Mr.  Hammond  promptly' 
replied,  that  his  government  had  only  been  induced  to  suspend  the 
execution  of  that  article,  by  the  non-compliance  of  the  United  States 
with  the  engagements  they  had  made,  in  the  same  treaty,  to  secure 
the  payment  of  debts  justly  due  to  British  creditors;  and,  to  stop 
all  confiscations  and  prosecutions  against  British  subjects.  This  was 
followed  on  both  sides,  by  an  exposition  of  the  various  circumstances 
relied  on  to  support  the  grounds  that  had  been  respectively  assumed  ; 
and  while,  on  the  one  hand,  the  refusal  to  evacuate  the  military  sta- 
tions was  acknowledged,  it  cannot,  on  the  other,  be  denied,  that  the 
terms  of  the  treaty  did  not  appear,  in  several  important  instances, 
to  have  been  strictly  complied  with.  To  account  for  this,  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson, on  the  twenty-second  of  May,  addressed  to  Mr.  Hammond 
a  long  and  circumstantial  letter.  To  this  letter,  no  reply  was  ever 
received  ;  and,  although  the  subject  was  from  time  to  time  renewed, 
it  seems  to  have  been  attended  with  no  other  result,  than  confirming 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON.  (jgt) 

each  party  in  its  original  impressions.  The  whole  controversy  was 
finally  merged  in  the  more  important  differences  which  afterwards 
arose  between  the  two  countries,  and  was  incorporated  at  length 
in  the  definitive  negotiations  which  terminated  in  the  treaty  of 
1794. 

Nor  was  Great  Britain  the  only  country,  with  which  the  United 
States  were,  about  this  time,  involved  in  a  controversy  of  much 
delicacy  and  importance.  As  early  as  the  revolutionary  war,  the 
Spanish  government  appears  to  have  contemplated,  with  considera- 
ble apprehension,  the  probable  future  strength  of  the  new  republic 
and  to  have  strongly  desired  to  restrain  it,  within  the  most  confine 
limits,  towards  the  south  and  west.  After  the  conclusion  of  the 
war,  attempts  to  form  a  treaty  had  been  repeatedly  made,  but  with- 
out any  advance  towards  an  agreement  on  the  point  of  difference 
between  the  two  countries.  These  points  were  chiefly,  the  settle- 
ment of  our  boundaries,  the  exclusion  of  our  citizens  from  navigating 
the  Mississippi  below  our  southern  limits,  the  interference  with  the 
neighbouring  Indian  tribes,  the  restitution  of  property  carried  away, 
the  surrender  of  fugitives  from  justice  escaping  within  the  territories 
of  each  other,  and  the  arrangement  of  the  general  principles  of  a 
commercial  treaty.  About  the  close  of  the  year  1791,  however 
Mr.  Jefferson  reported  to  the  president,  that  the  Spanish  govern 
merit,  apprised  of  our  solicitude  to  have  some  arrangement  made, 
respecting  the  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  were  ready  to  enter 
into  a  treaty  on  the  subject  at  Madrid.  This,  it  was  true,  referred 
merely  to  one  of  the  matters  then  unsettled,  but  it  was  of  too  much 
importance  to  be  neglected;  and  accordingly  commissioners  were 
appointed  without  delay,  to  proceed  to  Spain,  and  their  powers  were 
extended  to  include  the  other  arrangements,  which  it  was  desired 
should  be  made  between  the  two  countries.  In  the  spring  of  1792, 
Mr.  Jefferson  drew  up  his  observations  on  the  several  subjects  of 
negotiation,  to  be  communicated  by  way  of  instruction  to  the  two 
commissioners.  As  the  negotiation  itself  was  one  of  the  most  diffi- 
cult, intricate,  and  vexatious  in  which  the  government  has  ever 
been  engaged,  so  are  these  documents  among  the  most  important 
and  valuable,  that  have  arisen  out  of  our  relations  with  foreign 
powers. 

The  letter  of  Mr.  Jefferson  thus  concludes:   "  If  we  are  disap- 
pointed in  this  appeal — if  we  are  to  be  forced  into  a  contrary  order 
of  things,  our  mind  is  made  up;  we  shall  meet  it  with  firmness. 
The  necessity  of  our  position  will  supersede  all  appeal  to  calculation 
74 


090  THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

now,  as  it  has  done  heretofore.  We  confide  in  our  own  strength 
without  boasting  of  it:  we  respect  that  of  others  without  fearing 
it.  If  Spain  chooses  to  consider  our  self-defence  against  savage 
butchery  as  a  cause  of  war  to  her,  we  must  meet  her  also  in  war — 
with  regret,  but  without  fear;  and  we  shall  be  happier,  to  the  last 
moment,  to  repair  with  her  to  the  tribunal  of  peace  and  reason." 
All  the  efforts  of  Mr.  Jefferson  were  in  vain ;  the  negotiation  was 
protracted  by  artificial  delays:  and  it  was  not  until  some  years  after, 
that  Spain  reluctantly  consented  to  accede  to  a  few  of  the  proposi- 
tions which  had  been  so  often  and  so  zealously  urged  by  the  United 
States. 

In  the  spring  of  the  year  1793,  a  negotiation  was  begun,  arising 
out  of  circumstances  more  directly  affecting  the  present  and  future 
situation,  and  involving  the  political  rights  of  the  United  States, 
than  any  that  had  occurred  since  the  formation  of  the  constitution. 
It  was  the  question  of  her  neutral  policy  and  rights.  Early  in  April, 
the  declaration  of  war  made  by  France  against  Great  Britain  and 
Holland,  reached  America.  Scarcely  was  this  event  known,  before 
indications  were  given  in  some  of  the  seaports,  of  a  disposition  to 
engage  in  the  unlawful  business  of  privateering  on  the  commerce 
of  the  belligerent  powers.  The  subject  was  too  interesting  and  im- 
portant to  be  treated  either  with  precipitation  or  neglect;  and  on 
the  nineteenth  of  April,  the  heads  of  department  and  the  attorney 
general  met  at  the  president's  house,  to  consult  with  him  on  the 
measures  which  the  occasion  demanded.  The  president  submitted 
to  his  council  a  proclamation,  forbidding  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States  to  take  part  in  any  hostilities  on  the  seas,  with  or  against 
any  of  the  belligerent  powers;  warning  them  against  carrying  to 
any  of  those  powers  articles  deemed  contraband  according  to  the 
modern  usages  of  nations,  and  enjoining  them  from  all  acts  incon- 
sistent with  the  duties  of  a  friendly  nation  towards  those  at  war. 
The  adoption  of  this  proclamation  was  unanimously  advised ;  and 
it  was  accordingly  issued  on  the  twenty-second  of  April. 

The  next  point  submitted  by  the  president,  was  the  propriety  of 
receiving  a  minister  from  the  French  republic;  this  he  was  advised 
lo  do  with  equal  unanimity. 

The  principles  thus  established  were  called  into  immediate  opera- 
tion. The  citizen  Genet,  a  gentleman  of  considerable  talents,  but 
of  a  temper  naturally  ardent,  and  particularly  excited  by  the  pas- 
sions and  politics  of  the  day,  arrived  just  at  this  time  in  Charleston, 
as  minister  from  France.     He  was  welcomed  by  the  people  with 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON.  691 

unbounded  and  ncit  unnatural  enthusiasm,  as  the  first  representative 
of  a  new  republic,  and  the  ambassador  of  an  old  and  generous  ally. 
From  the  publications  of  that  period,  his  progress  through  the  coun- 
try seems  rather  to  have  been  a  triumphal  procession,  than  the  jour- 
ney of  an  unknown  stranger;  and  in  the  failure  of  his  subsequent 
measures,  he  could  look  only  to  their  impropriety,  and  his  own  in- 
temperance or  imprudence.  Either  distrusting  the  concurrence  of 
the  American  government,  or  too  ardent  to  wait  for  it,  in  a  few  days 
after  his  landing  in  Charleston,  he  undertook  to  authorize  the  fitting 
and  arming  of  vessels  in  that  port,  enlisting  men,  and  giving  com- 
missions to  cruise  and  commit  hostilities  on  nations  with  which  the 
United  States  were  at  peace.  These  proceedings,  of  course,  pro- 
duced immediate  complaints;  and  before  the  arrival  of  the  ambas- 
sador at  the  seat  of  government — before  he  was  accredited  as  a 
minister,  a  long  catalogue  of  grievances  committed  by  him,  had  been 
made  to  the  president.  Mr.  Jefferson  immediately  addressed  a  letter 
to  Mr.  Tertian,  the  French  minister,  residing  at  Philadelphia.  In 
it  he  candidly  stated  the  determination  of  the  government,  and  ex- 
pressed his  surprise  at  the  assumption  of  jurisdiction  by  an  officer 
of  a  foreign  power,  in  cases  which  had  not  been  permitted  by  the 
nation  within  whose  limits  it  had  been  exercised. 

Mr.  Genet  arrived  in  Philadelphia  on  the  following  day  ;  and  from 
that  period  a  correspondence  commenced,  which  was  continued  with- 
out interruption  as  long  as  Mr.  Jefferson  occupied  the  department 
of  state.  The  letters  of  Mr.  Jefferson  take  up,  in  succession,  the 
different  assertions  which  were  made,  and  views  which  were  enter- 
tained, by  the  French  ministry;  answering  and  refuting  them,  always 
with  success,  and  frequently  with  singular  happiness  and  ingenuity. 
The  language  and  conduct  he  had  used  in  his  intercourse  with  the 
American  government,  and  the  unwarrantable  expressions  in  which 
he  had  indulged,  when  speaking  of  the  illustrious  man  at  its  head, 
were  treated  with  the  indignation  and  contempt  they  merited.  The 
spirit  of  friendship  for  the  nation  was  carefully  preserved,  while  the 
unauthorized  aggressions  of  its  agent  were  resisted,  and  his  insinua- 
tions repelled  and  denied.  This  correspondence,  indeed,  forms  one 
of  the  most  important  features  in  the  history  of  the  United  States, 
as  it  is  the  foundation  of  a  policy  which  it  has  been  the  invariable 
aim  of  the  government  since  that  period  to  follow;  and  it  contains 
nearly  all  the  important  principles  in  the  conduct  of  a  neutral  nation, 
which  have  since  been  more  fully  developed  and  supported. 

Mr.  Jefferson's  participation  in  the  government  was  now  drawing 


692  THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

to  a  close.  As  his  last  important  official  act,  in  pursuance  of  a  re- 
solution passed  some  time  before,  he  presented  to  congress  on  the 
sixteenth  of  December,  1793,  a  report  on  the  nature  and  extent  of 
the  privileges  and  restrictions  of  the  commercial  intercourse  of  the 
United  States  with  foreign  nations,  and  the  measures  which  he 
(bought  proper  to  be  adopted  for  the  improvement  of  their  com- 
merce and  navigation. 

In  this  report,  which  has  been  ever  considered  as  one  of  great 
importance,  he  enumerates,  in  the  first  place,  the  articles  of  export, 
with  their  value  to  the  several  nations  with  whom  we  have  carried  on 
a  commercial  intercourse.  He  then  proceeds  to  point  out  minutely, 
the  various  restrictions  which  they  have  placed  on  that  intercourse, 
and  calls  the  attention  of  congress  to  the  best  modes  of  removing, 
modifying,  or  counteracting  them.  These  he  states  to  be  twofold : 
first,  by  friendly  arrangements  with  the  several  nations  with  whom 
these  restrictions  exist:  or,  secondly,  by  separate  legislative  acts  for 
countervailing  their  effects. 

He  gave  a  decided  preference  to  friendly  arrangements.  Instead 
of  embarrassing  commerce  under  piles  of  regulating  laws,  duties, 
and  prohibitions,  he  thought  it  was  desirable  that  it  should  be  re- 
lieved from  all  its  shackles  in  all  parts  of  the  world.  If  even  a  sin- 
gle nation  would  unite  with  the  United  States  in  this  system  of  free 
commerce,  he  deemed  it  advisable  to  begin  it  with  that  nation; 
while,  with  regard  to  such  as  supposed,  contrary  to  the  wishes  of 
America,  that  it  was  more  advantageous  to  continue  a  system  of 
prohibitions,  duties,  and  regulations,  it  would  behoove  the  United 
States  to  protect  their  citizens,  their  commerce,  and  navigation,  by 
counter  prohibitions,  duties,  and  regulations  also.  These  views  are 
then  pursued  at  considerable  length — the  protection  of  our  naviga- 
tion strenuously  recommended  ;  the  principles  of  national  reciprocity 
pointed  out  and  enforced ;  and  the  necessity,  or  at  least  the  propriety 
advocated,  should  these  principles  be  neglected,  of  establishing  re- 
gulations and  prohibitions  co-extensive  with  those  experienced  by  the 
United  States:  but  finally  indulging  the  hope  that  friendly  arrange- 
ments may  be  made,  equally  beneficial  to  all  commercial  nations. 

As  this  measure  was  the  last  official  act  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  so  it 
may  be  considered  as  that  which  finally  arrayed  the  statesmen  of 
the  nation  under  the  banners  of  two  great  political  parties  which 
have  since  existed,  and  placed  him  at  the  head  of  those  who,  as  ad- 
vocates of  the  system  he  proposed,  were  for  some  years  in  a  minority 
of  the  legislature.     Connected  with  his  previous  acts,  it  also  sub 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON.  (393 

jected  him  not  only  to  personal  reproach,  but  to  many  charges,  as 
an  unwise  politician,  whose  plans  were  calculated  to  injure  the  com- 
merce of  his  country,  and  involve  it  in  a  foreign  war.  To  this,  how- 
ever, it  might  he  properly  replied,  that  it  was  but  the  continuation 
of  a  system  adopted  immediately  after  the  close  of  the  revolution- 
ary war,  and  to  enforce  which,  had  been  the  prominent  ohject  of  the 
convention  that  terminated  in  the  formation  of  the  federal  constitu- 
tion; that  our  own  maritime  rights  and  commercial  prosperity  could 
be  maintained  only  by  a  proper  discrimination  in  our  intercourse 
with  foreign  nations;  and  that  it  was  directed  solely  against  those 
countries  who  refused  to  enter  into  treaties  with  us,  and  who,  of 
course,  could  have  no  colour  of  complaint,  after  such  refusal.  In 
the  measure  itself,  therefore,  there  was  nothing  opposed  to  the  well- 
settled  policy  of  the  United  States,  and  still  less,  any  thing  which 
could  afford  even  a  plausible  pretext  for  war. 

On  the  thirty-first  of  December,  1793,  Mr.  Jefferson  resigned  the 
office  of  secretary  of  state,  and  retired  once  more  to  private  life. 
At  the  present  day,  when  the  heat  of  prejudice  and  party  has  sub- 
sided, no  one  will  attribute  to  those  who  thus  differed  from  Mr. 
Jefferson,  views  which  were  intentionally  inimical  to  the  interests 
or  prosperity  of  their  country;  but  without  so  doing,  it  may  be 
asserted  that  there  were  so  many  points  of  foreign  and  domestic 
policy,  in  which  the  opinion  of  his  colleagues  varied  from  his  own, 
that  retirement  was  the  only  course  left  for  a  statesman,  who  felt 
the  value  of  his  own  principles,  and  wished  to  act  with  firmness  and 
generosity.  He  carried  with  him  into  his  seclusion,  not  only  the 
kind  feelings  of  the  great  man  who  had  selected  him  for  the  post  he 
had  filled,  but  the  warm  attachment  of  a  large  proportion  of  his 
fellow  citizens. 

From  this  period,  Mr.  Jefferson  devoted  himself  to  the  education 
of  his  family,  the  cultivation  of  his  estate,  and  the  pursuit  of  his 
philosophical  studies,  which  he  had  so  long  abandoned,  but  to  which 
he  now  returned,  with  new  ardour.  Amid  such  employments  there 
is  little  which  a  biographer  can  find  to  notice;  yet  perhaps  it  will 
not  be  considered  superfluous,  to  introduce  the  remarks  which  were 
made  by  a  well  known  French  traveller,  who  visited  him  at  Monti- 
cello,  about  this  time.  "  His  conversation,"  says  the  Duke  de 
l.iancourt,  "  is  of  the  most  agreeable  kind,  and  he  possesses  a  stock 
of  information  not  inferior  to  that  of  any  other  man.  In  Europe  he 
would  hold  a  distinguished  rank  among  men  of  letters,  and  as  such 
he  has  already  appeared  there.  At  present  he  is  employed  with 
2Z 


694  THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

activity  and  perseverance  in  the  management  of  his  farms  and 
buildings,  and  he  orders,  directs,  and  pursues,  in  the  minutest  de- 
tail, every  branch  of  business  relating  to  them.  The  author  of  this 
sketch  found  him  in  the  midst  of  harvest,  from  which  the  scorching 
heat  of  the  sun  does  not  prevent  his  attendance.  His  negroes  are 
nourished,  clothed,  and  treated  as  well  as  white  servants  could  be. 
As  he  cannot  expect  any  assistance  from  the  two  small  neighbouring 
towns,  every  article  is  made  on  his  farm:  his  negroes  are  cabinet 
makers,  carpenters,  masons,  bricklayers,  &c.  The  children  he 
employs  in  a  nail  manufactory,  which  yields  already  a  considerable 
profit.  The  young  and  old  negresses  spin  for  the  clothing  of  the 
rest.  He  animates  them  by  rewards  and  distinctions;  in  fine,  his 
superior  mind  directs  the  management  of  his  domestic  concerns 
with  the  same  abilities,  activity,  and  regularity,  which  he  evinced  in 
the  conduct  of  public  affairs,  and  which  he  is  calculated  to  display 
in  every  situation  of  life." 

The  only  incident  relative  to  him,  during  this  period,  which  we 
find  recorded  in  the  public  documents  of  the  day,  was  his  unanimous 
election,  as  president  of  the  American  Philosophical  Society,  the 
oldest  and  most  distinguished  institution  of  the  kind  in  the  United 
States.  The  chair  had  first  been  filled  by  the  illustrious  Franklin, 
the  great  and  good  patron  of  every  thing  which  tended  to  promote 
the  learning,  science,  or  happiness  of  his  country;  and  by  Ritten- 
house,  the  most  distinguished  astronomer  of  the  age. 

The  situation  of  the  country  did  not,  however,  permit  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son long  to  enjoy  the  pleasures  of  a  private  life.  General  Wash- 
ington had  for  some  time  contemplated  a  retirement  from  office, 
and  in  his  farewell  address  to  the  people  of  the  United  States,  he 
had,  in  the  month  of  September,  1796,  declined  being  considered 
any  longer  a  candidate  for  it.  The  person  in  whom  alone  the 
voice  of  the  whole  nation  could  be  united,  having  thus  withdrawn, 
the  two  great  parties  respectively  brought  forward  their  chiefs. 
Mr.  Jefferson  was  supported  by  the  one,  Mr.  Adams  by  the  other. 
In  February,  1797,  the  votes  for  the  first  and  second  magistrates  of 
the  union  were  opened  and  counted  in  the  presence  of  both  houses; 
and  the  highest  number  appearing  in  favour  of  Mr.  Adams,  and  the 
second  in  favour  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  the  first  was  declared  to  be  the 
president,  and  the  second  the  vice  president  of  the  United  States, 
for  four  years,  to  commence  on  the  fourth  day  of  the  ensuing  March. 
On  that  day,  Mr.  Jefferson  also  took  the  chair  as  president  of  the 
senate,  and  delivered  to  that   body  a  short  address,  in  which  he  ex 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON.  695 

pressed  his  firm  attachment  to  the  laws  and  constitution  of  his 
country,  and  his  anxious  wish  to  fulfil,  with  correctness  and  satis 
faction,  the  duties  of  the  office  to  which  he  had  been  chosen. 

During  the  four  succeeding  years,  much  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  time 
was  passed  tranquilly  at  Monticello.  From  the  nature  of  our  con- 
stitution, there  is  little  which  can  call  the  vice  president  into  the 
prominent  political  duties  of  the  government,  unless  he  is  required 
to  fill  the  station  of  the  chief  magistrate.  It  is  not,  therefore,  a 
matter  of  surprise,  that  during  this  period,  we  find  but  little  notice 
of  him  among  the  public  records  of  the  day. 

As,  however,  the  time  approached  for  a  new  election  of  a  pre- 
sident, the  republican  party  again  selected  Mr.  Jefferson,  as  their 
candidate  for  the  office,  and  with  more  success  than  on  the  preceding 
occasion.  Yet  an  accident,  arising  from  inattention  to  the  consti- 
tution, went  near  to  defeat  the  acknowledged  wishes  and  intentions 
of  the  people,  and  to  place  in  the  executive  chair,  an  individual  to 
whom  it  was  notorious  no  vote  had  been  given  for  that  station. 
The  democratic  party  had  elected  Mr.  Jefferson  as  president,  and 
Mr.  Burr  as  vice  president  of  the  United  States,  by  an  equal  num- 
ber of  votes  ;  but,  as  the  constitution  required  no  specification  of 
the  respective  office  to  which  each  was  selected,  they  came  before 
congress,  neither  having  the  majority  required  by  law.  Under 
these  circumstances,  the  election  devolved  on  the  house  of  repre- 
sentatives, and  the  opponents  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  taking  advantage 
of  the  occurrence,  threw  their  votes  into  the  scale  of  Mr.  Burr.  In 
the  heat  and  violence  of  party,  much  may  be  excused  which  calls 
down  our  severest  animadversions  in  times  of  less  excitement. 
Week  after  week  was  the  nation  kept  in  suspense,  while  a  contest 
was  fiercely  maintained,  by  which  it  was  attempted  to  raise  to  the 
highest  office  of  the  nation,  a  man  who  had  not  received  a  solitary 
vote  from  the  people,  in  opposition  to  one,  who  for  thirty  years  had 
been  a  distinguished  member  of  their  councils,  who  had  held  the 
highest  offices  of  the  government,  who  was  fitted  for  the  station 
alike  by  his  experience,  his  services,  and  his  virtues,  and  who, 
above  all,  was  notoriously  the  choice  of  a  majority  of  the  nation. 
At  length,  after  thirty-five  ineffectual  ballots,  one  of  the  represen- 
tatives of  the  state  of  Maryland,  made  public  the  contents  of  a  letter 
to  himself,  written  by  Mr.  Burr,  in  which  he  declined  all  preten- 
sions to  the  presidency;  and  authorized  him  to  disclaim,  in  his 
name,  any  competition  with  Mr.  Jefferson.  On  this  specific  decla- 
ration, on  the  part  o'*  Mr.  Burr,  two  federal   members,  who  repre- 


(396  THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

sented  the  states  which  had  heretofore  voted  blank,  withdrew,  and 
permitted  the  republican  members  from  those  states  to  become  a 
majority;  and,  instead  of  putting  a  blank  into  the  box,  to  vote 
positively  for  Mr.  Jefferson.  Consequently,  on  the  thirty-sixth 
balloting,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  elected  president.  Colonel  Burr,  be- 
came, of  course,  vice  president. 

On  the  fourth  of  March,  1801,  Mr.  Jefferson  took  the  oath  of 
office  in  the  presence  of  both  houses  of  congress,  and  delivered  his 
inaugural  address.  He  expressed  in  this,  his  sincere  diffidence  in 
his  powers,  properly  to  fulfil  the  task  which  his  countrymen  had 
assigned  him ;  seeing,  as  he  did,  the  honour,  the  happiness,  and  the 
hopes  of  his  beloved  country,  committed  to  the  issue  and  auspices 
of  that  day ;  and  fully  conscious  of  the  magnitude  of  the  under- 
taking, he  indulged  the  hope,  that  as  the  contest  of  opinion  bad 
now  been  settled,  by  the  rules  of  the  constitution,  all  parties  would 
unite,  in  common  efforts  for  the  common  good;  that  harmony  and 
affection,  without  which,  liberty  and  even  life  itself  are  but  dreary 
things,  might  be  restored  to  social  intercourse;  and  that  though 
called  by  different  names,  as  all  were  in  truth  brethren  of  the  same 
principle,  the  invidious  distinctions  of  party  might  cease.  He  ex- 
horted them,  with  courage  and  confidence  to  pursue  the  principles 
of  government  they  had  adopted;  a  government  which  would  re- 
strain men  from  injuring  one  another,  but  leave  them  otherwise 
free  to  regulate  their  own  pursuits  of  industry  and  improvement, 
and  not  take  from  the  mouth  of  labour  the  bread  it  had  earned. 
This  he  said,  was  the  sum  of  good  government:  and  this  necessary 
to  close  the  circle  of  our  felicities. 

It  would  not  be  consistent  either  with  the  character  or  length  of 
this  memoir,  to  enter  into  the  details  of  the  public  measures  of  Mr. 
Jefferson,  while  he  occupied  the  presidential  chair.  His  administra- 
tion embraces  a  long  and  interesting  period  in  the  history  of  our 
country,  distinguished  by  important  measures,  whose  consequences 
have  been  felt  in  later  periods,  and  which  have  led  to  results  affect- 
ing, in  no  inconsiderable  degree,  the  honour  and  prosperity  of  the 
nation.  These  are  subjects  which  demand  the  research  and  deliber- 
ation of  an  acute  historian  ;  the  present  article  aims  to  be  nothing 
more  than  a  cursory,  though  faithful  biography. 

In  December,  1801,  Mr.  Jefferson  sent  his  first  message  to  both 
houses  of  the  legislature.  It  had  been  the  custom  thus  far,  since 
the  formation  of  the  government,  for  the  president  to  deliver  in  per- 
son this  communication  to  congress,  and  for  that  body  to  reply  at 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON.  697 

once  in  a  formal  address.  In  the  change  now  made  by  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son, he  appears  to  have  had  in  view,  at  once,  the  convenience  of 
the  legislature,  the  economy  of  their  time,  their  relief  from  the  em- 
barrassment of  immediate  answers  on  subjects  not  yet  fully  before 
them,  and  the  benefits  thence  resulting  to  the  public  affairs.  In 
these  respects,  its  advantages  have  been  so  apparent,  that  it  has 
been  invariably  adopted  on  every  subsequent  occasion. 

In  addition  to  these  causes,  there  can  be  little  doubt,  however, 
that  this  was  one  of  the  modes  adopted  by  Mr.  Jefferson  to  give  a 
more  popular  feature  to  the  administration.  No  one  had  a  better 
opportunity  of  perceiving  the  influence  of  forms,  even  trifling  ones, 
in  the  affairs  of  government,  or  had  entered  more  fully  into  the 
spirit  of  the  age,  for  abolishing  such  as  were  useless. 

During  the  succeeding  four  years,  the  external  policy  of  the  coun- 
try was  pursued,  so  as  to  increase  its  prosperity  and  to  secure  its 
rights.  The  aggressions  of  the  Tripolitans  were  gallantly  and 
promptly  chastised,  and  the  attempts  made  by  the  agents  of  the 
Spanish  government,  to  violate  their  treaties  and  deprive  our  citi- 
zens of  the  rights  guaranteed  to  them,  of  navigating  the  Mississippi, 
were  immediately  noticed  and  repelled.  The  privileges,  indeed, 
which  had  been  secured  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  western  country, 
were  of  vital  importance  to  its  prosperity  ;  yet  they  had  ever  been 
the  subject  of  jealousy  and  invasion.  We  have  already  seen,  that 
during  Mr.  Jefferson's  administration  of  the  department  of  state, 
this  was  an  object  that  engaged  much  of  his  attention.  That  at- 
tention he  now  renewed,  and,  after  considerable  negotiation,  it  ter- 
minated in  the  purchase  of  Louisiana,  one  of  the  most  important 
acquisitions  ever  made  by  the  people  of  the  United  States.  "  Whilst 
the  property  and  sovereignty  of  the  Mississippi  and  its  waters,"  to 
use  Mr.  Jefferson's  own  language,  "secured  an  independent  outlet 
for  the  produce  of  the  western  States,  and  an  uncontrolled  naviga- 
tion through  their  whole  course,  free  from  collision  with  other  pow- 
ers, and  the  dangers  to  our  peace  from  that  source,  the  fertility  of 
the  country,  its  climate  and  extent,  promise  in  due  season  important 
aids  to  our  treasury,  an  ample  provision  for  our  posterity,  and  a 
wide  spread  for  the  blessings  of  freedom  and  equal  laws."  On  the 
twentieth  December,  1803,  the  territory  was  formally  surrendered 
to  the  United  States  by  the  commissioner  of  France. 

During  the  same  interval,  the  internal  policy  of  the  United  States 
underwent  several  important  changes,  all  calculated  to  developc  the 
admirable  and  peculiar  nature  of  our  institutions,  and  to  support 
75  2  z  2 


098  THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

and  preserve  the  principles  on  which  they  are  founded.  Measures 
were  adopted  for  the  speedy  discharge  of  the  public  debt,  thus  early 
establishing  among  all  nations,  the  credit  and  integrity  of  the  new 
government.  The  judicial  system,  founded  by  those  who  formed 
the  constitution,  had  been  hastily  departed  from  during  the  preced- 
ing administration  ;  it  was  now  restored  on  its  original  plan,  which 
was  deemed  more  consonant  to  our  institutions,  and  is  still  retained 
as  the  best,  after  all  the  change  of  circumstances  and  parties.  A 
salutary  reduction  was  introduced  into  the  habitual  expenditures  of 
the  government,  by  curtailing  the  charges  that  arose  from  our  di- 
plomatic intercourse  with  foreign  nations,  and  unnecessary  agencies 
at  home.  Offices  created  by  the  executive,  and  tending  to  increase 
its  influence,  were  voluntarily  suppressed.  And  the  president  pre- 
sented the  unusual,  but  noble  spectacle  of  a  chief  magistrate  relin- 
quishing power  and  patronage,  where  he  could  do  so,  and  where  he 
could  not,  seeking  the  aid  of  the  legislature  for  the  same  honourable 
purpose. 

Nor  was  it  only  by  political  measures  that  the  internal  prosperity 
of  the  country  was  consulted  and  promoted.  It  is  a  charming  fea- 
ture in  the  life  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  that,  amid  all  the  occupations  and 
absorbing  interests  of  his  political  career,  he  never  forgot,  or  ne- 
glected the  cause  of  philanthropy  and  science.  The  purchase  of 
Louisiana,  afforded  an  opportunity  for  accomplishing  a  plan  he  had 
long  formed,  for  a  minute  and  scientific  examination  of  the  immense 
territory  of  the  west,  which  spreads  from  the  Mississippi  to  the  Pa- 
cific. This  measure  he  proposed  to  congress  ;  and  on  its  receiving 
their  sanction,  he  appointed  for  the  purpose,  Captain  Lewis  and 
Lieutenant  Clarke,  two  intelligent  officers  in  the  army  of  the  United 
States.  He  drew  up  for  them  himself,  a  set  of  instructions,  pointing 
out  to  their  attention,  the  various  objects  towards  which  their  inves- 
tigations would  be  most  advantageously  directed ;  the  geography, 
the  natural  history,  the  climate,  the  resources,  and  the  peculiarities 
of  the  region  through  which  they  were  to  pass;  the  number  and 
situation  of  the  various  Indian  tribes  ;  the  establishment  of  commercial 
and  friendly  relations  with  them  ;  and  the  best  means  for  accom- 
plishing the  objects  of  the  expedition.  It  was  attended  with  all  the 
success  that  could  be  desired.  The  party  embarked  at  St.  Louis, 
in  May,  1804 ;  ascended  the  Missouri  three  thousand  miles  to  the 
falls  ;  thence  crossed  the  Rocky  Mountains,  covered  with  perpetual 
snow,  and  after  descending  for  four  hundred  miles  by  various  streams, 
they  reached  the  navigable  waters  of  Columbia  river;  the  course  of 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON.  69'J 

this  they  followed  for  six  hundred  and  forty  miles,  until  they  arrived 
at  the  Pacific  Ocean.  They  reached  St.  Louis,  on  their  return,  in 
September,  1806,  after  an  absence,  from  all  civilization,  of  more 
than  twenty-seven  months.  The  journey  from  St.  Louis,  was  above 
four  thousand  miles  ;  in  returning,  thirty-five  hundred  ;  making,  in 
the  whole,  seven  thousand  five  hundred  miles.  The  mass  of  infor- 
mation collected  in  the  expedition  was  valuable  and  extensive;  it 
was  equally  advantageous  to  the  scientific  and  political  institutions 
of  the  country  ;  and  it  led  the  way  for  similar  expeditions,  each  of 
which  has  proved  the  skill  with  which  it  was  arranged,  and  the  be- 
nefits that  have  arisen  from  it. 

So  much  were  the  measures  adopted  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  during  the 
four  years  for  which  he  had  been  chosen,  approved  by  his  country, 
that,  as  the  period  approached  for  a  new  election,  his  popularity  in- 
creased more  and  more,  and  he  was  elevated  to  the  presidency  a 
second  time,  by  a  majority  which  had  risen  from  eight  votes  to  one 
hundred  and  forty-eight.  During  the  course  indeed  of  his  adminis- 
tration, the  press,  in  its  full  licentiousness,  had  been  directed  against 
him,  and,  as  he  observed  himself,  the  experiment  had  been  fully 
made,  whether  freedom  of  discussion,  unaided  by  power,  was  not 
sufficient  for  the  propagation  and  protection  of  truth.  It  had  been 
fairly  proved,  he  said,  that  a  government  conducting  itself  in  the 
true  spirit  of  its  constitution,  with  zeal  and  purity,  and  doing  no  act 
which  it  would  be  unwilling  the  world  should  witness,  could  not  be 
written  down  by  falsehood  and  defamation;  but  that  the  people, 
aware  of  the  latent  source  from  which  these  outrages  proceeded, 
would  gather  around  their  public  functionaries,  and  when  the  con- 
stitution called  them  to  the  decision  by  suffrage,  they  would  pro- 
nounce their  verdict — honourable  to  those  who  had  served  them,  and 
consolatory  to  the  friend  of  man,  who  believes  he  may  be  intrusted 
with  his  own  affairs. 

He  entered  a  second  time  on  the  duties  of  his  lofty  station,  deeply 
feeling  the  proof  of  confidence  which  his  fellow  citizens  had  given 
him.  He  asserted  his  determination  to  act  up  to  those  principles, 
on  which  he  believed  it  his  duty  to  administer  the  affairs  of  the  com- 
monwealth, and  which  had  been  already  sanctioned  by  the  unequivo- 
cal approbation  of  his  country.  "  I  do  not  fear,"  he  said,  in  con- 
cluding his  inaugural  address,  "I  do  not  fear  that  any  motives  of 
interest  may  lead  me  astray ;  I  am  sensible  of  no  passion  which 
could  seduce  me  knowingly  from  the  path  of  justice;  but  the  weak- 
nesses of  human  nature  and  the  limits  of  my  own  understanding 


.700  THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

will  produce  errors  of  judgment  sometimes  injurious  to  your  inter- 
ests; I  shall  need,  therefore,  all  the  indulgence  I  have  heretofore 
experienced:  the  want  of  it  will  certainly  not  lessen  with  increasing 
years.  I  shall  need  too  the  favour  of  that  Being  in  whose  hands  we 
are — who  led  our  forefathers,  as  Israel  of  old,  from  their  native 
land,  and  planted  them  in  a  country  flowing  with  all  the  necessaries 
and  comforts  of  life;  who  has  covered  our  infancy  with  his  provi- 
dence, and  our  riper  years  with  his  wisdom  and  power." 

Mr.  Jefferson  had  scarcely  entered  on  his  office,  before  his  atten- 
tion was  called  to  an  event  obviously  calculated  to  destroy  the 
domestic  tranquillity  of  the  country,  if  not  the  constitution  and 
Union  itself.  This  was  no  other  than  what  has  been  termed  the 
conspiracy  of  Colonel  Burr.  We  have  already  mentioned  the  un- 
foreseen accident  which  had  nearly  elevated  this  gentleman  to  the 
presidency.  Since  that  time,  he  had  aimed  at  the  office  of  governor 
of  the  state  of  New  York,  without  success:  and  at  a  rece"nt  elec- 
tion, had  been  succeeded  by  Mr.  Clinton,  as  vice  president  of  the 
United  States.  Of  an  ardent  and  ambitious  spirit,  these  disappoint- 
ments seem  to  have  urged  him  to  some  desperate  enterprise  not 
consonant  to  his  general  duties  as  a  citizen,  if  not  expressly  con- 
trary to  the  laws  of  his  country.  Assuming  the  unfriendly  measures 
of  the  Spanish  government  on  the  south-western  frontier  as  the 
cause  or  pretext  of  his  conduct,  and  holding  out  to  the  young  and 
aspiring  the  alluring  idea  of  establishing  in  its  provinces  a  new 
republic,  he  succeeded  in  drawing  many  of  his  countrymen  into  his 
schemes.  That  his  real  views,  however,  extended  beyond  this,  has 
been  generally  presumed,  though  what  they  precisely  were  has  never 
been  known.  Many  believed  that  the  enterprise,  which  it  was  as- 
certained was  to  originate  in  the  western  country,  had  for  its  object 
the  separation  of  the  states  beyond  the  Allegheny  mountains,  from 
their  political  connexion  with  those  on  the  Atlantic  border:  and  by 
uniting  them  with  the  territories  on  the  western  bank  of  the  Missis- 
sippi, the  formation  of  a  distinct  and  independent  empire.  What- 
ever may  have  been  the  ultimate  object  of  his  plans,  as  soon  as  Mr. 
Jefferson  received  information  that  a  number  of  private  individuals 
were  combining  together,  arming  and  organizing  themselves  con- 
trary to  law,  with  the  avowed  object  of  carrying  on  some  military 
expedition  against  the  territories  of  Spain,  he  took  measures  with- 
out delay,  by  proclamation  as  well  as  by  special  orders,  to  prevent 
and  suppress  the  enterprise— to  seize  the  vessels,  arms,  and  other 
means  provided  for  it,  and  to  arrest  and  bring  to  justice  its  authors 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON.  701 

and  a!)cttors.  His  scheme  being  thus  discovered  and  defeated,  Colo- 
nel Ban-  fled :  but  was  eventually  apprehended  on  the  Tombigbee, 
and  escorted  as  a  prisoner  of  state,  under  the  guard  of  a  military 
officer,  to  Richmond  in  Virginia.  On  his  arrival  in  that  city,  he  was 
delivered  over  to  the  civil  authority,  by  virtue  of  a  warrant  from 
the  chief  justice  of  the  United  States,  grounded  on  charges  of  a 
high  misdemeanor,  in  preparing  and  setting  on  foot  within  their 
territories  a  military  expedition,  to  be  carried  thence  against  the 
dominions  of  the  king  of  Spain,  with  whom  we  were  at  peace;  and 
also  of  treason  against  the  United  States.  At  the  close  of  a  long 
examination  of  witnesses,  he  was  bound  over  to  take  his  trial  on  the 
first  charge:  the  chief  justice  not  deeming  the  evidence  of  an  overt 
act  of  treason  sufficient  to  justify  a  commitment  on  the  latter.  On 
the  seventeenth  of  August,  1S07,  he  was  brought  to  trial.  Several 
days  were  consumed  in  the  examination  of  witnesses,  and  in  the  dis- 
cussion of  the  law  of  treason,  as  it  arose  out  of  the  constitution. 
The  assemblage  of  the  individuals  was  proved;  but  the  evidence 
was  not  legally  sufficient  to  establish  the  presence  of  Colonel  Burr, 
or  the  use  of  any  force  against  the  authority  of  the  United  States. 
The  consequence  was  the  acquittal  of  the  prisoner.  On  the  meet- 
ing of  congress,  a  few  months  after,  Mr.  Jefferson  laid  before  them 
the  proceedings  and  evidence  which  had  been  exhibited  at  the  trial. 
From  these,  he  stated  to  them,  they  would  be  enabled  to  judge 
whether  the  defect  was  in  the  testimony,  in  the  law,  or  in  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  law;  and  wherever  it  should  be  found,  the  legis- 
lature alone  could  apply  or  originate  the  remedy.  The  framers  of 
our  constitution  certainly  supposed  they  had  guarded,  as  well  their 
government  against  destruction  by  treason,  as  their  citizens  against 
oppression,  under  pretence  of  it,  and  if  these  ends  were  not  attained, 
it  was  of  importance  to  inquire  by  what  means  more  effectual  they 
might  be  secured. 

The  foreign  relations  of  the  country,  however,  at  this  period,  in- 
volved questions  of  infinitely  greater  importance  than  any  which 
arose  from  its  domestic  troubles.  Nearly  the  whole  revenue  of  the 
United  States  then  depended  on  its  external  commerce;  the  situa- 
tion of  the  world  rendered  that  commerce  as  lucrative  as  it  was 
extensive;  and  every  act  which  affected  its  prosperity,  was  a  vital 
injury  to  the  welfare  of  the  country. 

It  would  at  this  moment  be  more  than  useless,  to  enter  into  the 
numerous  aggressions  which  had  been  committed  on  the  rights,  cha- 
racter, and  commerce  of  the  United  States,  both  by  Great  Britain 


702  THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

and  France,  from  the  commencement  of  the  war  between  them  in 
1793,  or  to  rake  from  their  ashes  the  innumerable  facts  and  still 
more  innumerable  controveisies  to  which  they  gave  rise,  not  only 
between  those  nations  and  the  United  States,  but  among  the  citizens 
of  the  last,  according  to  the  light  in  which  they  viewed  the  conduct 
of  the  two  great  parties.  It  is  sufficient  to  recollect,  that  from  the 
commencement  of  the  war,  both  the  great  belligerent  powers  seemed 
to  view  the  United  States  as  a  country  to  which  that  course  of  con- 
duct was  to  be  dictated  as  neutral,  which  was  congenial  to  their  own 
views  or  interests,  and  each  assumed  to  punish  in  the  neutral,  what 
it  chose  to  consider  as  favour  to  its  enemy.  In  fact,  each  presuming 
on  the  weakness  of  the  United  States  to  defend  its  property  on  the 
seas,  had  inflicted  upon  them  the  most  severe  and  unprincipled 
aggressions.  Which  nation  exceeded  the  other  in  violence  of  conduct 
or  in  want  of  principle,  although  a  great  party  question  at  the  time, 
it  is  now  perhaps  unnecessary  to  inquire.  In  the  early  part  of  the 
war,  when  both  were  powerful  on  the  ocean,  both  had  resort  to  open 
and  avowed  national  acts,  which,  followed  up  by  the  spirit  of  plun- 
der in  their  navies,  and  the  insatiable  thirst  for  privateering,  had  at 
times  nearly  swept  the  American  commerce  from  the  ocean;  and 
this  was  accompanied  by  innumerable  seizures  under  the  most 
aggravating  circumstances.  All  these,  however,  had  been  parried 
by  the  government  of  the  United  States,  partly  from  a  sense  of  the 
deplorable  consequences  which,  in  its  infant  establishment,  must 
have  attended  a  war  with  either  of  the  belligerents,  and  partly  from 
the  great  advantages  that  attended  its  neutral  situation  and  exten- 
sive commerce,  even  under  all  the  injuries  it  sustained.  The  period 
that  had  elapsed,  therefore,  from  the  beginning  of  the  war  between 
Great  Britain  and  France,  to  the  presidency  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  had 
been  consumed  in  a  series  of  remonstrances  and  negotiations  be- 
tween the  United  States  and  the  belligerents,  which  in  no  incon- 
siderable degree  raised  the  character  of  the  former,  though  they  did 
not  settle  the  great  principles  on  which  their  neutrality  and  com- 
merce were  to  be  regulated  and  respected. 

The  object  and  scene  of  conflict,  however,  had  now  materially 
changed.  France  and  the  nations  who  took  part  with  her,  had  by 
this  time  lost  their  colonies,  and  been  swept  from  the  seas,  of  which 
Great  Britain  remained  the  powerful  mistress;  while,  on  the  other 
hand,  she  had  been  driven  from  the  continent  by  the  ascendency  of 
France.  In  this  situation,  with  the  predominance  of  one  by  land 
and  of  the  other  on  the  ocean,  the  points  of  contact  remained  but 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON.  703 

few,  whilo  the  animosity  of  each  attempted  to  wound  the  other  in 
every  assailable  point;  England  by  subsidizing  the  powers  of  the 
continent,  and  France  by  a  war  of  extermination  against  British 
commerce. 

This  contest  produced,  as  is  well  known,  a  new  scene  of  bound- 
less depredation,  under  a  new  series  of  hostile  recriminating  acts, 
of  which,  whatever  was  the  effect  upon  the  parties  themselves,  the 
destruction  of  all  neutral  commerce  was  the  obvious  consequence. 
But  the  acts  of  France,  however  severely  carried  into  effect  within 
the  limits  it  could  command,  were  confined  in  their  operation,  while 
the  scope  for  injury  by  Great  Britain  was  boundless;  and,  of  course, 
it  was  with  her  during  all  the  war,  but  particularly  the  latter  stage 
of  it,  that  collisions  became  more  frequent,  and  the  measures  of  the 
United  States  more  prominent,  so  much  so,  that  this  very  circum- 
stance gave  a  tinge  to  the  character  of  the  transactions  themselves. 

It  is  certain,  however,  that  there  were  some  circumstances  which, 
independent  of  the  serious  injury  common  to  both  the  belligerents, 
were  peculiar  to  the  situation  of  the  United  States  and  Great  Bri- 
tain with  each  other,  particularly  the  right  of  searching  neutral 
ships  for  enemy's  goods,  the  revival  of  what  was  called  the  rule  of 
war  of  1750,  prohibiting  neutrals  from  trade  which  they  had  not 
enjoyed  in  time  of  peace,  and  the  search  for,  and  impressment  of 
English  subjects  and  seamen.  The  first  of  these  had  been  conceded 
by  the  United  States,  in  their  first  treaty  with  England,  and  again 
in  Mr.  Jay's  treaty,  while  it  had  not  been  admitted  in  the  treaties 
with  France;  the  second  had  been  in  some  degree  modified  in  the 
negotiations  with  England;  but  the  third  was  a  measure  so  impor- 
tant to  both  parties,  upon  principles  so  directly  opposite  to  each 
other,  as  to  constitute  in  itself  alone  a  cause  of  disquietude,  the 
most  aggravating  of  all  others.  Bitterly,  indeed,  did  it  cotne  home 
to  the  feelings  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  that  their  vessels 
should  be  searched  on  the  seas  to  determine  the  character  of  their 
citizens,  that  such  determination  should  be  left  to  ignorant  or  un- 
principled officers,  and  those  citizens  themselves  taken  by  force  to 
fight  the  battles  of  other  nations,  beyond  the  protection  of  their  own 
government  and  laws,  deprived  of  their  natural  rights  and  the  inhe- 
rent liberty  of  their  country. 

All  these  had,  for  a  long  time  previous,  been  the  subjects  of  con- 
tinual but  unavailing  negotiation,  in  common  with  the  general  causes 
of  complaint  against  both  nations,  and  had  produced  some  hostili- 
ties, particularly  those  with  France,  during  Mr.  Adams'  administra- 


704  THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

tion.  Upon  the  accession  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  however,  the  foreign 
relations  of  the  United  States  reposed  upon  the  recent  peace  with 
France  in  1800,  and  Mr.  Jay's  treaty  with  England,  and  these  were 
soon  followed  by  the  general  peace  of  Amiens,  when  our  government 
had  only  to  prosecute  its  demands  for  the  injuries  and  spoliations 
its  citizens  had  sustained.  Of  these,  a  part  of  what  was  claimed 
from  France,  was  obtained  by  the  purchase  of  Louisiana,  and  the 
rest,  with  the  claims  on  England  and  other  countries,  remained  in 
common,  with  all  other  sources  of  complaint,  the  subject  of  nego- 
tiation. 

Upon  the  rupture  of  the  peace  of  Amiens,  the  ships  of  the  United 
States  became  again  the  carriers  of  the  world,  and  its  commerce  as 
unbounded  as  before.  In  this  situation,  it  was  in  the  highest  degree 
the  interest,  as  it  was  before  the  desire  of  the  people,  to  pursue  a 
course  of  rigid  neutrality,  and  Mr.  Jefferson  declared  it  their  policy 
to  cultivate  the  friendship  of  the  belligerent  nations,  by  every  act  of 
justice  and  innocent  kindness  ;  to  receive  their  armed  vessels  with 
hospitality  from  the  distresses  of  the  sea,  but  to  administer  the 
means  of  annoyance  to  none;  to  establish  in  our  harbours  such  a 
police  as  might  maintain  law  and  order  ;  to  restrain  our  citizens 
from  embarking  individually  in  a  war  in  which  their  country  took 
no  part  ;  to  punish  severely  those  persons,  citizen  or  alien,  who 
should  usurp  the  cover  of  our  flag  for  vessels  not  entitled  to  it,  in- 
fecting thereby  with  suspicion  those  of  real  Americans,  and  involv- 
ing us  in  controversies  for  the  redress  of  wrongs  not  our  own  ;  to 
exact  from  every  nation  the  observance,  towards  our  vessels  and 
citizens,  of  those  principles  and  practices  which  all  civilized  people 
acknowledge  ;  to  merit  the  character  of  a  just  nation,  and  maintain 
that  of  an  independent  one,  preferring  every  consequence  to  insult 
and  habitual  wrong. 

The  justice  of  these  principles  was  not,  as  it  cou'd  not  be,  denied; 
but  the  practice  of  them  was  soon  put  to  a  severe  trial,  by  the  ag- 
gressions of  the  belligerent  powers,  which  seemed  to  increase  with 
their  vindictiveness  against  each  other,  and  the  prosperous  commerce 
and  situation  of  the  United  States.  The  attacks  and  depredations 
renewed  against  the  colonial  trade,  as  a  war  in  disguise,  by  the  im- 
pressment of  their  seamen,  by  robberies  on  their  coasts  and  har- 
bours, and  by  the  revival  of  all  the  hostile  forms  in  which  they  had 
been  harassed  before,  became  so  numerous  and  galling  during  the 
years  1804  and  1805,  as  to  induce  Mr.  Jefferson  to  resort,  in  some 
instances,  to  force,  to  repel  them.     In  December  of  the  latter  year, 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON.  705 

seconded  by  numerous  remonstrances  from  the  people,  he  called 
the  attention  of  congress  pointedly  to  the  subject.  "Our  coasts/' 
he  remarks,  "  have  been  infested,  and  our  harbours  watched,  by 
private  armed  vessels,  some  of  them  without  commissions,  some 
with  illegal  commissions,  others  with  those  of  legal  form,  but  com- 
mitting piratical  acts  beyond  the  authority  of  their  commissions. 
They  have  captured  in  the  very  entrance  of  our  harbours,  as  well 
as  on  the  high  seas,  not  only  the  vessels  of  our  friends,  coming  to 
trade  with  us,  but  our  own  also.  They  have  carried  them  off  under 
pretence  of  legal  adjudication,  but,  not  daring  to  approach  a  court 
of  justice,  they  have  plundered  and  sunk  them  by  the  way,  or  in  ob- 
scure places,  where  no  evidence  could  arise  against  them,  maltreated 
the  crews,  and  abandoned  them  in  boats,  in  the  open  sea,  or  on  de- 
sert shores,  without  food  or  covering. 

"  The  same  system  of  hovering  on  our  coasts  and  harbours,  un- 
der colour  of  seeking  enemies,  has  been  also  carried  on  by  public 
armed  ships,  to  the  great  annoyance  and  oppression  of  our  com- 
merce. New  principles,  too,  have  been  interpolated  into  the  law  of 
nations,  founded  neither  in  justice,  nor  the  usage  or  acknowledgment 
of  nations.  According  to  these,  a  belligerent  takes  to  itself  a  com- 
merce with  its  own  enemy,  which  it  denies  to  a  neutral,  on  the  ground 
of  its  aiding  that  enemy  in  the  war.  But  reason  revolts  at  such  an 
inconsistency ;  and  the  neutral  having  equal  right  with  the  bellige- 
rent to  decide  the  question,  the  interests  of  our  constituents,  and 
the  duty  of  maintaining  the  authority  of  reason,  the  only  umpire 
between  just  nations,  impose  on  us  the  obligation  of  providing  an 
effectual  and  determined  opposition  to  a  doctrine  so  injurious  to  the 
rights  of  peaceable  nations." 

It  was  from  these  causes  that  a  line  of  policy  was  adopted,  which, 
though  it  had  been  in  some  degree  that  of  his  predecessors,  and 
particularly  of  General  Washington,  may  be  considered,  in  the  man- 
ner it  was  now  exercised,  as  a  distinguished  feature  of  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son's administration.  It  was  to  prepare  the  country  for  domestic 
defence,  but  to  do  so  rather  by  shutting  it  up  from  foreign  inter- 
course, than  by  exposing  it  to  war ;  and  in  the  mean  time  to  try  the 
full  effect  of  negotiation,  and  to  exercise  yet  a  little  longer  forbear- 
ance under  our  numerous  injuries.  Accordingly,  the  measures 
adopted  by  the  government  in  the  early  part  of  1806,  were  those 
for  the  defence  of  the  ports  and  coasts,  and  of  the  country  itself  in 
case  of  need,  the  act  called  the  non-importation  act,  and  the  ap- 
pointment of  commissioners  to  negotiate  abroad,  particularly  of  Mr. 
76  3  A 


706  THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

Pinckney,  who  was  united  with  Mr.  Monroe,  the  then  resident  min- 
ister in  London. 

It  does  not  appear  that  any  of  the  measures  thus  adopted,  gave 
umbrage  abroad;  on  the  contrary,  Mr.  Pinckney,  writing  on  the 
spot  soon  after  his  arrival,  with  a  full  knowledge  of  the  temper  of 
the  government,  and  its  effect  upon  England,  pronounced  the  non- 
importation act  a  wise  and  salutary  measure.  His  negotiations, 
indeed,  though  rendered  unavoidably  slow,  were  proceeding  with 
prospects  somewhat  more  favourable,  when  Bonaparte,  stimulated 
as  it  should  seem  by  the  unlimited  power  of  Great  Britain  on  the 
seas,  and  the  boundless  depredations  she  committed  in  consequence 
of  it,  and,  perhaps,  by  a  jealousy  of  the  negotiations  pending  in 
England,  issued  his  decree  of  the  twenty-first  of  November  from 
Berlin.  This,  however,  did  not  prevent  the  continuance  of  the  ne- 
gotiation, and  the  completion  of  a  treaty  in  December,  though  it 
was  accompanied  by  a  declaration,  that  it  should  not  preclude  a 
right  of  retaliation  ;  on  the  contrary,  that  right  was  almost  immedi- 
ately exercised  by  the  British  orders  in  council  of  January,  1S07. 

As  the  treaty  with  England  contained  little  or  no  remedy  for  for 
mer  injuries,  and  no  sufficient  stipulation  against  their  renewal, 
added  to  the  new  causes  which  the  hostile  decrees  had  elicited,  it 
was  not  confirmed  by  Mr.  Jefferson ;  but  still  anxious  for  the  line 
of  policy  he  had  adopted,  and  not  to  close  the  door  against  friendly 
adjustment,  the  commissioners  were  directed  to  resume  their  nego- 
tiations, with  some  further  concessions  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States,  and  equal  steps  were  pursued  for  accommodations  with 
France. 

While  reposing,  however,  with  confidence  on  this  new  reference 
to  amicable  discussion,  an  act  was  committed,  which  aroused  the 
outraged  feelings  of  the  whole  nation.  On  the  twenty-second  of 
June,  1807,  by  a  formal  order  from  a  British  admiral,  the  frigate 
Chesapeake,  leaving  her  port  for  a  distant  service,  was  attacked  by 
one  of  those  vessels  which  had  been  lying  in  our  harbours  under 
the  indulgences  of  hospitality,  was  disabled  from  proceeding,  and 
had  several  of  her  crew  killed,  and  four  taken  away.  On  this  out- 
rage, no  commentaries  are  necessary.  Its  character  has  been  pro- 
nounced by  the  indignant  voice  of  our  citizens,  with  an  emphasis 
and  unanimity  never  exceeded.  A  proclamation  was  immediately 
issued  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  requiring  all  British  vessels  bearing  the 
royal  commission  to  depart,  and  forbidding  all  to  enter  the  waters 
of  the  United  States.   Satisfaction  and  security  for  the  outrage  were 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON.  707 

promptly  demanded  ;  an  armed  vessel  of  the  United  States  was  sent 
directly  to  London,  with  instructions  to  our  minister  on  the  subject; 
and  congress  did  not  hesitate  to  declare  it  a  flagrant  violation  of 
our  jurisdiction,  of  which  a  parallel  was  scarcely  to  be  found  in  the 
history  of  civilized  nations;  and  which,  if  not  disavowed,  was  just 
cause  of  instant  and  severe  retaliation. 

The  British  government  immediately  disavowed  the  act  of  the 
officer  by  whom  it  had  been  committed,  and  voluntarily  made  an 
oiler  of  reparation,  which  was  afterwards  carried  into  effect.  Scarce- 
ly, however,  was  this  one  act  of  injustice  and  aggression  atoned  for, 
when  it  was  followed  by  another.  In  November,  of  the  same  year, 
1807,  orders  were  issued  by  the  king  in  council,  wherein  he  prohi- 
bited all  commerce  between  America  and  the  ports  of  his  enemies  in 
Europe,  unless  the  articles  had  been  first  landed  in  England,  and  du- 
ties paid  for  their  re-exportation  ;  and  declared  that  a  certificate  from 
a  French  consul,  of  the  origin  of  articles,  should  render  the  vessel  in 
which  they  were,  liable  to  condemnation.  The  ground  on  which  it 
was  attempted  to  justify  these  measures,  was  a  retaliation  for  the 
course  adopted  by  the  French  government  relative  to  neutral  com- 
merce ;  a  pretext  alike  frivolous  and  unfounded.  It  was  not  denied 
that  France  had  pursued  a  course  quite  unjustifiable  ;  but  yet,  even 
supposing  what  has  been  uniformly  denied,  that  the  measures 
against  America  were  first  adopted  by  that  nation,  it  is  hard  to 
imagine  by  what  process  of  reasoning  those  measures  could  justify 
an  attack  on  the  acknowledged  rights  of  a  nation,  that  was  no  part- 
ner in  their  adoption,  and  to  whose  interests  they  were  vitally 
inimical. 

As  appeal  to  justice  and  national  law  was  thus  made  in  vain, 
America  had  now  no  alternative  left,  but  abject  submission  or  de- 
cided retaliation.  Yet  it  was  difficult  to  know  by  what  means  this 
retaliation  could  be  effected.  Two  only  suggested  themselves,  a 
declaration  of  war,  or  a  suspension  of  commerce  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States.  The  unsettled  state  of  the  world  at  that  period,  the 
peculiar  and  extraordinary  situation  in  which  this  country  was 
placed,  the  necessity,  if  hostilities  were  resorted  to,  of  making  it  at 
the  same  time  against  the  two  most  powerful  nations  of  the  world, 
the  peaceftd  habits,  the  limited  resources,  and  the  uncertain  issue, 
were  all  just  causes  of  hesitation  in  choosing  the  more  decided  al- 
ternative ;  and  although  there  could  be  no  doubt  that  its  adoption 
would  injure,  if  it  did  not  destroy  an  extensive  and  valuable  com- 
merce, yet  that  commerce   would   almost   equally  suffer   from   the 


708  THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

ravages  of  unavenged  and  unnoticed  aggression.  Under  these  cir- 
cumstances, on  the  eighteenth  December,  1807,  Mr.  Jefferson  re- 
commended to  congress  an  inhibition  of  the  departure  of  our  vessels 
from  the  ports  of  the  United  States,  and  on  the  twenty-second  of 
the  same  month  an  act  was  passed  by  them,  laying  a  general  em- 
bargo. 

This  measure,  the  most  prominent  feature  in  the  administration 
of  Mr.  Jefferson,  was  not  adopted,  as  may  well  be  supposed,  with- 
out much  opposition  from  those  whose  views  of  policy  were  different 
from  his  own;  yet  at  this  period,  when  much  of  the  violence  of  party 
has  subsided,  and  subsequent  events  have  shown  the  effect  of  such 
a  measure,  it  seems  difficult  to  imagine  what  better  course  could 
have  been  pursued,  in  the  situation  of  the  country  at  that  period. 
Surely  a  tame  submission  was  not  to  be  thought  of,  but  even  if  it 
had  been,  to  the  total  sacrifice  of  our  national  honour,  yet  in  no 
point  of  view  could  it  have  saved  the  suffering  commerce  of  the 
nation.  The  experiment  of  negotiation  had  been  made  year  after 
year  without  success;  private  and  public  rights  had  been  infringed 
with  impunity;  and  America  must  have  consented  to  become  the 
willing  and  unresisting  victim  of  commercial  despotism,  to  be  de- 
spised and  trampled  on  in  future,  whenever  Europe  should  choose 
to  pursue  her  schemes  of  commercial  aggrandizement.  With  most 
nations,  and  under  ordinary  circumstances,  the  appeal  to  war  would 
have  been  as  prompt  as  the  injury  was  unjustifiable  ;  but  the  govern- 
ment, interests,  and  situation  of  America  required  the  exertion  and 
failure  of  every  other  alternative,  before  that  was  resorted  to. 
Under  these  circumstances,  the  embargo  presented  itself  as  a 
measure  of  retaliation,  if  not  decisive  at  least  preparatory.  It  could 
only  be  injurious  to  the  commercial  interests  of  the  nation,  already 
in  a  situation  scarcely  capable  of  greater  injury.  It  left  open  equally 
the  means  of  farther  negotiation  and  the  power  of  resorting  to  war, 
while  it  showed  to  foreign  nations  the  decided  spirit  which  animated 
our  councils,  and  inflicted  no  inconsiderable  blow  on  their  interests. 

On  these  grounds  it  was  recommended  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  and 
certainly  promised  at  least  temporary  success.  The  interesting 
letters  which  have  lately  been  given  to  the  world,  in  the  biography 
of  one  of  our  most  distinguished  citizens,  then  ambassador  in  Lon- 
don, seem  to  place  this  circumstance  beyond  question.  Very  shortly 
after  its  establishment,  in  writing  from  England,  he  observes,  "It 
is  apparent  that  we  gain  ground  here.  The  tone  is  altered.  The 
embargo  and  the  loss  of  our  trade  are  deeply  felt  here,  and  will  be 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON.  709 

felt  with  more  severity  every  day.  The  wheat  harvest  is  like  to  be 
alarmingly  short,  and  the  state  of  the  continent  will  augment  the 
evil.  The  discontents  among  the  manufacturers  are  only  quieted 
for  the  moment  by  temporary  causes.  Cotton  is  rising,  and  soon 
will  be  scarce.  Unfavourable  events  on  the  continent  will  subdue 
the  temper  unfriendly  to  wisdom  and  justice,  which  now  prevails 
here." 

Mr.  Jefferson  was  so  far  destined,  ere  his  retirement,  to  behold 
the  success  of  his  plans,  that  in  January,  1809,  after  the  embargo 
had  existed  a  year,  overtures  were  made  by  Mr.  Canning  to  Mr. 
Pinckney,  which  indicated  a  disposition  on  the  part  of  the  British 
government,  to  recede  from  the  ground  they  had  taken.  These 
overtures  were  succeeded  by  negotiations,  which  at  last  terminated 
in  the  repeal  of  some  of  the  most  objectionable  features  of  the 
orders  in  council. 

The  period  had  now  arrived,  when  he  was  desirous  to  close  for 
ever  his  political  career;  he  had  reached  the  age  of  sixty-five  years; 
lie  had  been  engaged  almost  without  interruption  for  forty  years  in 
the  most  arduous  duties  of  public  life;  and  had  passed  through  the 
various  stations,  to  which  his  country  had  called  him,  with  unsullied 
honour  and  distinguished  reputation;  he  now,  therefore,  determined 
to  leave  the  scene  of  his  glory,  while  its  brightness  was  unobscured 
by  the  unavoidable  infirmities  of  age;  and  to  spend  the  evening  of 
his  days  in  the  calmness  of  domestic  and  philosophical  retirement. 

From  this  period,  with  the  exception  of  excursions  which  business 
required,  Mr.  Jefferson  resided  altogether  at  Monticello.  He  indeed 
appeared  occasionally  before  his  countrymen,  by  publications  of  his 
private  correspondence,  which  proved  the  same  purity  of  intention, 
the  same  earnest  zeal  in  the  promotion  of  liberal  opinions,  and  the 
same  intelligence,  forethought,  and  firmness  which  distinguished  the 
actions  of  his  earlier  life.  He  was  called  forward  from  time  to  time, 
by  the  repeated  anxiety  of  his  countrymen  to  connect  him  with  the 
rising  institutions,  which  have  been  formed  to  promote  science, 
taste,  and  literature.  And  above  all,  he  was  sought  out  in  his  re- 
tirement by  strangers  from  every  foreign  nation,  who  had  heard  of 
and  admired  him;  and  by  the  natives  of  every  corner  of  his  own 
country,  who  looked  upon  him  as  their  guide,  philosopher,  and  friend. 
His  home  was  accordingly  the  abode  of  hospitality,  and  the  seat  of 
dignified  retirement;  and  while  he  thus  forgot  the  busy  times  of  his 
political  existence,  in  the  more  calm  and  congenial  pleasures  of 
learning  and  science,  Monticello  might  remind  us  of  the  scenp 
3a2 


710  THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

where  the  Roman  sage,  deserting  the  forum  and  the  senate,  dis- 
coursed beneath  his  spreading  plane  tree,  on  the  rights  and  duties 
of  man — rura  nemusque  sacrum  dilectaque  jngera  musis. 

It  was  not,  however,  to  his  private  cares,  and  enjoyments  alone, 
that  these  years  of  retirement  were  devoted  by  Mr.  Jefferson.  Soon 
after  his  return  to  Monticello,  when  the  formation  of  a  college  in  his 
neighbourhood  was  proposed,  he  addressed  a  letter  to  the  trustees, 
in  which  he  sketched  a  plan  for  the  establishment  of  a  general  sys- 
tem of  education  in  Virginia.  This  appears  to  have  led  the  way  to 
an  act  of  the  legislature  in  the  year  1818,  by  which  commissioners 
were  appointed,  with  authority  to  select  a  site  and  form  a  plan  for 
a  university,  on  a  scale  of  great  magnificence.  Of  these  commis- 
sioners, Mr.  Jefferson  was  unanimously  chosen  the  chairman,  and 
on  the  fourth  of  August,  1818,  he  framed  a  report  embracing  the 
principles  on  which  it  was  proposed  the  institution  should  be  formed. 
The  situation  selected  for  it  was  at  Charlottesville,  a  town  at  the 
foot  of  the  mountain  on  which  Mr.  Jefferson  resided.  The  plan 
was  such  as  to  combine  elegance  and  utility  with  the  power  of  en- 
larging it  to  any  extent,  which  its  future  prosperity  may  require. 
The  plan  thus  proposed  was  adopted  by  the  legislature.  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son was  elected  the  rector  of  the  new  institution,  and  from  that 
period  he  devoted  himself  with  unceasing  ardour  to  carry  it  into 
effect.  Nothing  indeed  could  exceed  his  fond  desire  for  its  success, 
and  it  is  to  be  lamented  that  his  labours  and  anxieties  in  its  behalf 
have  not  won  for  it  a  more  prosperous  career.  It  appeared  to  be 
the  object  of  all  his  hopes  and  thoughts  in  the  declining  years  of  his 
life.  He  rode  every  morning  when  the  weather  would  permit,  to 
inspect  its  progress;  he  prepared  with  his  own  hands,  the  drawings 
and  plans  for  the  workmen ;  he  stood  over  them  as  they  proceeded 
with  a  sort  of  parental  care  and  anxiety;  and  when  the  inclemency 
of  the  season  or  the  infirmity  of  age  prevented  his  visits,  a  telescope 
was  placed  on  a  terrace  near  his  house,  by  means  of  which  he  could 
inspect  the  progress  of  the  work.  After  its  completion,  he  might 
often  be  seen  pacing  slowly  along  the  porticoes  or  cloisters  which 
extend  in  front  of  the  dormitories  of  the  students,  occasionally  con- 
versing with  them,  and  viewing  the  establishment  with  a  natural 
and  honourable  pride.  In  the  library  is  carefully  preserved  the 
catalogue  written  by  himself,  in  which  he  has  collected  the  names, 
best  editions,  and  value  of  all  works  of  whatever  language,  in  litera- 
ture and  science,  which  he  thought  necessary  to  form  a  complete 
library,  and  in  examining  it  one  is  really  less  struck  with  the  re- 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON.  711 

search  and  various  knowledge  required  for  its  compilation,  than 
the  additional  proof  of  that  anxious  care,  which  seemed  to  search 
out  all  the  means  of  fostering  and  improving  the  institution  he  had 
formed. 

It  is  painful  to  turn  from  this  pleasing  picture,  to  the  scenes  of 
worldly  suffering,  from  which  no  human  lot  is  entirely  exempt. 
Although  the  virtues  and  fame  of  Mr.  Jefferson  shed  a  hright  lustre 
around  the  evening  of  his  days,  it  was  destined  to  be  obscured  by 
an  incident  which,  however  desirous  we  might  be  to  pass  over, 
must  not  remain  unnoticed  in  the  history  of  his  life.  For  more  than 
fifty  years  he  had  been  actively  engaged  in  public  office,  generally 
at  a  distance  from  his  own  estate;  and  though  his  patrimony  was 
originally  large,  it  could  not  but  be  impaired  by  this  unavoidable 
neglect.  In  retiring  from  the  exalted  station  he  had  enjoyed,  he 
did  not  enter  on  a  less  conspicuous  scene ;  he  had  become  identified 
as  it  were  with  the  greatness  and  glory  of  his  country:  he  was  the 
object  of  attraction  to  crowds  of  anxious  and  admiring  guests,  and 
unless  by  coldly  closing  his  doors,  it  was  impossible  to  limit  the  ex- 
penses he  was  thus  obliged  to  incur. 

To  relieve  him  from  the  embarrassment  in  which  he  was  thus 
involved,  an  act  of  the  legislature  of  Virginia  was  passed  in  the 
spring  of  182C,  by  which  he  was  authorized  to  dispose  of  his  estates 
by  lottery,  in  order  that  a  fair  price  for  them  might  be  obtained. 
Whether  this  tardy  measure  was  becoming  to  the  character  of  a 
high-minded  state;  whether  such  was  the  manner  in  which  she 
should  have  relieved  the  wants  of  a  citizen,  to  whom  it  is  acknow- 
ledged she  was  mainly  indebted  for  what  is  most  valuable  in  her 
government,  her  laws,  and  her  institutions,  and  who  had  equally 
devoted  to  her,  his  youth,  his  manhood,  and  his  hoary  age — -it  is  not 
for  us  to  determine. 

Hut  few  more  incidents  remain  to  be  told  of  the  eventful  life  of 
this  great  man.  The  full  vigour  of  his  mind,  indeed,  remained 
unimpaired,  at  least  until  a  very  short  period  before  he  fell  into  the 
grave.  The  year  1826  being  the  fiftieth  since  the  establishment 
of  our  independence,  it  was  determined  universally  throughout  the 
United  States,  to  celebrate  it  as  a  jubilee  with  unusual  rejoicing; 
preparations  to  this  end  were  made  in  every  part  of  the  country ; 
and  all  means  were  taken  to  impart  to  the  celebration,  the  dignity 
which  was  worthy  of  the  country  and  the  event.  The  citizens  of 
Washington,  the  metropolis  of  the  nation,  among  other  things  in- 
vited Mr.  Jefferson,  as  one  of  the  surviving  signers  of  the  Declaration 


712  THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

of  Independence,  to  unite  with  them  in  their  festivities;  this  request 
he  was  obliged  to  decline ;  but  the  letter  in  which  he  signified  his 
regret,  is  left  to  us  a  monument  of  his  expiring  greatness.  On  the 
twenty-fourth  of  June,  when  the  hand  of  death  was  already  upon 
him,  he  expressed  in  this  letter  all  those  characteristic  sentiments 
which  through  life  had  so  strongly  marked  him — the  delight  with 
which  he  looked  back  to  the  period  when  his  country  had  made  its 
glorious  election  between  submission  and  the  sword — the  joy  he  felt 
in  its  consequent  prosperity — the  hope  lie  indulged,  that  the  time 
would  yet  come  when  civil  and  religious  freedom  should  bless  all  the 
world — his  ardent  wish,  that  the  return  of  that  day  should  keep 
fresh  in  us  the  recollection  of  our  rights,  and  increase  our  devotion 
to  them,  and  the  affectionate  remembrance  with  which  he  dwelt  on 
the  kindness  he  had  experienced  from  his  fellow  citizens.  He  re- 
marks in  his  letter  to  the  mayor  of  Washington,  "  all  eyes  are 
opened,  or  opening,  to  the  rights  of  man.  The  general  spread 
of  the  lights  of  science,  has  already  laid  open  to  every  view  the 
palpable  truth,  that  the  mass  of  mankind  has  not  been  born  with 
saddles  on  their  backs,  nor  a  favoured  few,  booted  and  spurred, 
ready  to  ride  them  legitimately,  by  the  grace  of  God.  These  are 
grounds  of  hope  for  others ;  for  ourselves,  let  the  annual  return  of 
this  day  for  ever  refresh  our  recollections  of  these  rights,  and  an 
undiminished  devotion  to  them." 

Soon  after  this  letter  was  written,  the  indisposition  of  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son assumed  a  more  serious  character.  He  had  been  for  some  time 
ill,  though  it  was  not  until  the  twenty-sixth  of  June  that  he  was 
obliged  to  confine  himself  to  his  bed.  The  strength  of  his  consti- 
tution, and  freedom  from  bodily  pain,  for  a  short  time  encouraged 
the  hope  that  his  illness  was  merely  temporary.  He  himself,  how- 
ever, felt  the  conviction  that  his  last  hour  was  approaching.  He 
had  already  lived  beyond  the  limits  ordinarily  assigned  to  human 
existence,  and  for  some  months  past,  the  whole  tone  of  his  conver- 
sation showed  that  he  was  looking  forward  to  its  termination  with 
a  calmness  and  equanimity  worthy  of  his  past  life.  "  I  do  not  wish 
to  die,"  he  was  in  the  habit  of  saying  to  the  intimate  friends  around 
him,  "  but  I  do  not  fear  to  die.  Acquiescence  under  circumstances 
is  a  duty  we  are  permitted  to  control."  He  declared,  that  could  he 
but  leave  his  family  unembarrassed,  and  see  the  child  of  his  old  age, 
the  university,  fairly  flourishing,  he  was  ready  to  depart — nunc 
dimittis  Domine,  the  beautiful  ejaculation  of  the  Hebrew  prophet, 
was  his  favourite  quotation. — May  God  and  his  country  grant  the 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON.  713 

fulfilment  of  his  dying  wishes.  On  the  second  of  July,  the  complaint 
with  which  he  was  afflicted,  left  him;  but  his  physician  expressed 
his  fears  that  his  strength  might  not  prove  sufficient  to  restore  him 
from  the  debility  to  which  it  had  reduced  him;  conscious  himself 
that  he  could  not  recover,  and  free  from  all  bodily  and  apparently 
from  all  mental  pain,  he  calmly  gave  directions  relative  to  his  coffin 
and  his  interment,  which  he  requested  might  be  at  Monticello,  with- 
out parade  or  pomp;  he  then  called  his  family  around  him,  and  con- 
versed separately  with  each  of  them.  To  his  beloved  daughter,  Mrs. 
Randolph,  he  presented  a  small  morocco  case,  which  he  requested 
her  not  to  open  until  after  his  death.  When  the  sad  limitation  had 
expired,  it  was  found  to  contain  an  elegant  and  affectionate  strain 
of  poetry,  on  the  virtues  of  her  from  whom  he  was  thus  torn  away. 
On  Monday,  the  following  day,  he  inquired  of  those  around  him, 
with  much  solicitude,  what  was  the  day  of  the  month;  they  told  him 
it  was  the  third  of  July;  he  then  eagerly  expressed  his  desire  that 
he  might  be  permitted  to  live  yet  a  little  while,  to  breathe  the  air 
of  the  fiftieth  anniversary.  The  wish  was  granted — the  Almighty 
hand  sustained  him  up  to  the  very  moment  when  his  wish  was  com- 
plete; and  then  bore  him  to  that  world,  where  the  pure  in  heart 
meet  their  God. 

Those  who  are  now  alive,  will  never  forget  the  deep  sensation 
which  the  intelligence  of  this  event  produced  in  every  part  of  the 
United  States.  The  public  honours  every  where  lavished,  were  not, 
in  this  case,  the  mere  mockery  of  woe;  but  they  found  a  correspond- 
ent feeling  in  the  heart  of  every  citizen.  It  scarcely  required  the 
indulgence  of  superstition  or  enthusiasm  to  see,  in  the  extraordinary 
coincidence  which  marked  the  last  hours  of  Mr.  Jefferson  and  Mr. 
Adams,  the  directing  hand  of  heaven;  and  in  this  lesson  America 
had  again  reason  to  bless  that  Almighty  power  which  had  so  often 
seemed,  in  days  of  adversity  specially,  to  guide  her  through  appa- 
rently unconquerable  perils;  and  in  days  of  prosperity  to  shower 
down  upon  her  people,  in  tl.?  vet  short  period  of  their  existence, 
what  other  nations  have  been  una!;'e  to  attain  to  in  the  long  lapse 
of  time. 

Mr.  Jefferson  expired  at  Monticello,  at  ten  minutes  before  one 
o'clock  on  the  fourth  of  July,  1826;  within  the  same  hour  at  which, 
fifty  years  before,  the  Declaration  of  Independence  had  been  pro- 
mulgated. At  this  time  he  had  reached  the  age  of  eighty-three 
years,  two  months,  and  twenty-one  days.  In  person  he  was  six  feet 
two  inches  high,  erect  and  well  formed,  though  thin;  his  eyes  were 
77 


714  THOMAS   JEFFERSON. 

light,  and  full  of  intelligence;  his  hair  very  abundant,  and  originally 
of  a  yellowish  red,  though  in  his  latter  j'ears  silvered  with  age.  His 
complexion  was  fair,  and  his  countenance  remarkably  expressive; 
his  forehead  broad,  the  nose  not  larger  than  the  common  size,  and 
the  whole  face  square  and  expressive  of  deep  thinking.  In  his  con- 
versation he  was  cheerful  and  enthusiastic;  and  his  language  was 
remarkable  for  its  vivacity  and  correctness.  His  manners  were  ex- 
tremely simple  and  unaffected,  mingled  however  with  much  native, 
but  unobtrusive  dignity. 

In  his  disposition,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  full  of  liberality  and  benevo- 
lence; of  this  the  neighbourhood  of  Monticello  affords  innumerable 
monuments;  and  on  his  own  estate,  such  was  the  condition  of  his 
slaves,  that  in  their  comforts  his  own  interests  were  too  often  en- 
tirely forgotten.  He  possessed  uncommon  fortitude  and  strength 
of  mind,  with  great  firmness  and  personal  courage.  In  forming  his 
opinions  he  was  slow  and  considerate;  but  when  once  formed,  he 
relinquished  them  with  great  reluctance.  His  equanimity  and  com- 
mand of  temper  were  such,  that  his  oldest  friends  have  remarked 
that  they  never  saw  him  give  way  to  his  passions.  By  his  domestics 
he  was  regarded  with  all  the  warmth  of  filial  affection.  His  attach- 
ment to  his  friends  was  warm  and  unvarying.  His  hospitality  was 
far  beyond  his  means,  and  left  him,  as  we  have  seen,  in  his  old  age 
the  victim  of  unexpected  poverty. 

The  domestic  habits  of  Mr.  Jefferson  were  quite  simple.  His  ap- 
plication was  constant  and  excessive.  He  rose  very  early ;  and  after 
his  retirement  from  public  life,  devoted  the  morning  to  reading  and 
to  his  correspondence,  which  was  varied  and  extensive  to  a  degree 
that  in  his  latter  years  became  exceedingly  troublesome.  He  then 
rode  for  an  hour  or  two,  an  exercise  to  which  he  felt  all  the  cha- 
racteristic attachment  of  a  Virginian,  and  which  he  continued  until 
a  very  short  period  before  his  death;  the  horse  he  used  was  young, 
and  not  remarkably  gentle:  nor  could  he  be  prevailed  on  to  allow 
the  attendance  of  servants,  even  to  the  last.  After  dinner  he  re- 
turned to  his  studies  with  fresh  ardour,  and  then  devoting  his  even- 
ing to  his  family,  retired  to  bed  at  a  very  early  hour. 

The  studies  of  Mr.  Jefferson  were  extended  to  almost  every 
branch  of  literature  and  science.  He  was  the  father  of  some,  and 
the  patron  of  many  of  the  institutions  of  his  country  for  their  pro- 
motion. He  was  said  to  be  a  profound  mathematician,  and  was  in 
the  habit  of  obtaining  from  France,  up  to  the  day  of  his  death,  the 
most  abstruse  treatises  on  that  branch  of  science.    His  acquaintance 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON.  715 

with  most  of  the  modern  languages  was  minutely  accurate;  he  was 
a  profound  Greek  scholar,  having  devoted  himself  during  his  resi- 
dence in  Europe  to  an  extensive  and  thorough  study  of  that  lan- 
guage ;  and  he  is  said  to  have  cultivated  a  knowledge  of  those  dialects 
of  northern  Europe,  growing  out  of  the  Gothic,  which  are  so  closely 
connected  with  our  own  language,  laws,  customs,  and  history. 

Like  Franklin,  Mr.  Jefferson  felt  the  gradual  decay  of  age,  affect- 
ing his  body  rather  by  insensible  degrees,  than  by  any  settled  in- 
firmity, and  his  mind  not  at  all.  He  became  hoary,  venerable,  and 
bent  with  years,  rather  than  broken  by  them ;  and  his  death  was  at 
last  so  happy  in  all  its  circumstances,  that  he  seemed  to  have  passed 
from  this  to  another  world,  with  the  composure  which  religion  fnH 
philosophy  must  equally  desire. 


BENJAMIN   HARRISON. 


Benjamin  Harrison  was  born  in  the  family  mansion  at  Berke- 
ley, but  on  what  day,  we  have  been  unable  precisely  to  ascertain. 
At  the  time  of  his  father's  death,  he  was  a  student  in  the  college  of 
William  and  Mary,  but  owing  to  a  quarrel  with  one  of  the  pro- 
fessors, in  which  he  was  engaged,  he  left  that  institution  before  the 
usual  period.  Although  still  very  young,  he  had  already  displayed 
so  much  firmness  and  decision  of  character,  that  the  management 
of  his  estate,  which  was  very  extensive,  was  committed  entirely  to 
his  charge,  soon  after  he  returned  from  college.  As  the  head,  also, 
of  a  family,  which  had  always  been  among  the  conspicuous  political 
leaders  of  the  colony,  he  was  soon  called  on  to  represent  his  district 
in  the  provincial  legislature,  and  took  his  seat  in  the  house  of  bur- 
gesses, before  he  had  arrived  at  the  age  strictly  required  by  law. 
To  this  station  during  his  whole  life,  whenever  his  other  political 
employments  did  not  interfere  with  it,  he  was  always  elected,  except 
in  one  solitary  instance,  which  we  shall  have  occasion  hereafter  to 
notice. 

He  had  not  been  long  a  member  of  the  legislature,  before  he  be- 
came one  of  the  principal- leaders  in  it.  A.  great  deal  of  plain  good 
sense,  united  with  a  ready  sprightly  manner,  and  much  promptness 
and  decision  of  character,  rendered  him  highly  useful. 

On  the  fourteenth  of  November,  1764,  he  was  appointed,  with 
several  distinguished  members  of  the  house,  to  prepare  an  address 
to  the  king,  a  memorial  to  the  lords,  and  a  remonstrance  to  the 
house  of  commons,  on  the  subject  of  the  resolutions  which  had  been 
passed  preparatory  to  the  stamp  act.  On  the  eighteenth  of  Decem- 
ber, the  report  of  the  committee  was  presented,  but  such  was  the 
temper  of  the  times,  that  the  more  prudent,  at  least  the  more  timid, 
altered  much  which  seemed  to  indicate  too  strongly  a  feeling  of  re- 
sistance, and  left  it  little  more  than  a  protestation  of  injured  rights, 
and  a  picture  of  anticipated  suffering. 

On  the  first  of  August,  1774.  the  first  convention  of  delegates 
716 


RES     OF      BEN.    HARRISON       BERK 


BENJAMIN    HARRISON.  717 

from  the  several  counties  and  corporations  of  Virginia,  assembled 
at  Williamsburg.  They  there  passed  a  series  of  resolutions,  which 
prove  the  spirit  by  which  they  were  animated  ;  and  set  forth  the 
determination  to  which  they  had  come,  of  supporting  to  the  last 
their  American  brethren,  and  opposing  the  designs  of  the  mother 
country.  With  these  objects  they  entered  warmly  into  the  plan 
which  had  been  generally  recommended,  of  assembling  a  congress 
of  delegates  from  all  the  colonies,  and  appointed  seven  deputies  to 
represent  Virginia.     Of  these  Mr.  Harrison  was  one. 

On  the  fifth  of  September,  1774,  the  first  continental  congress 
met  at  Carpenters'  Hall,  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  and  Mr.  Har- 
rison, who  was  present  on  that  day,  had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  a 
delegate  from  his  own  state,  raised  by  the  unanimous  approbation 
of  the  assembly,  to  the  presidential  chair. 

On  the  twentieth  of  March,  1775,  the  second  convention  of  dele 
gates  from  the  several  counties  and  corporations  of  Virginia,  met  in 
the  city  of  Richmond.  Of  this  body  also  Mr.  Harrison  was  a 
member.  Before  the  convention  adjourned,  they  adopted  the  mea- 
sure, which,  perhaps,  was  the  most  important  in  the  posture  of 
affairs,  the  election  of  delegates  to  the  second  general  congress. 
Among  these  Mr.  Harrison  was  again  appointed.  An  effort  had 
been  made  by  Lord  Dunmorc  to  prevent  the  measure.  He  had 
issued  a  proclamation  in  which  he  spoke  of  congress,  as  an  assembly 
of  certain  persons  styling  themselves  delegates,  to  obtain  redress 
of  certain  pretended  grievances  ;  and,  in  his  majesty's  name,  re- 
quired all  magistrates  and  officers  to  prevent  any  such  appointment, 
and  to  exhort  all  the  citizens  to  desist  from  such  an  unjustifiable 
proceeding,  so  highly  displeasing  to  his  majesty.  But  the  age  of 
proclamation  had  passed  by.  The  delegates  were  elected  without 
hesitation. 

Early  in  May,  1775,  Mr.  Harrison  again  repaired  to  Philadelphia, 
to  take  his  seat  in  congress.  During  his  residence  in  that  city,  he 
lived  in  a  house  which  may  yet  be  seen  in  the  northern  part  of  the 
town,  with  two  of  his  colleagues  from  Virginia,  General  Washington 
and  Peyton  Randolph,  thedistinguished  president  of  congress.  There 
Mr.  Randolph  died  in  the  autumn  of  the  same  year;  and  General 
Washington  having  taken  the  command  of  the  army  in  Massa- 
chusetts, Mr.  Harrison  remained  alone.  Within  a  few  years  past 
there  were  several  old  and  respectable  inhabitants  of  Philadelphia, 
and  a  few  yet  survive,  who  could  recollect,  at  the  period  of  which 
we  are  speaking,  the  cheerfulness  and  vivacity  of  his  manners,  and 
3B 


718  BENJAMIN    HAliKlbON. 

the  liberality  of  his  disposition.  In  a  confined  mansion,  then  on 
the  outskirts  of  the  town,  though  now  far  within  its  limits,  he  gave 
to  his  northern  friends  some  idea  of  that  generous  hospitality  which 
had  long  distinguished  the  more  extensive  establishments  at  Berke- 
ley. He,  indeed,  exceeded,  in  some  degree,  the  limits  of  prudence  ■ 
and,  as  in  those  days,  supplies  of  money  from  distant  landed  estates 
were  uncertain,  and  procured  with  difficulty,  he  was  several  times 
induced  to  borrow  it  from  his  friend  and  associate  in  congress,  Mr. 
Willing.  This  loan  at  one  time  amounted  to  a  large  sum,  but  was 
punctually  repaid  by  Mr.  Harrison  before  his  death. 

Congress  had  scarcely  met,  when  the  duties  of  the  president,  as 
speaker  of  the  house  of  burgesses  of  Virginia,  obliged  him  to  re- 
linquish his  honourable  post  and  return  to  that  state.  Mr.  Hancock 
had  just  arrived  in  Philadelphia  ;  he  brought  with  him  all  the  fame, 
which  ministerial  oppression  had  conferred,  in  excluding  him  by 
name  from  the  general  pardon  extended  to  the  rebellious  colonists ; 
and  he  brought  with  him  too,  a  better  claim  to  distinction  in  the 
generosity  of  his  character,  and  the  perfect  disinterestedness  of  his 
patriotism.  The  eye  of  congress  was  immediately  fixed  on  him  as 
the  successor  of  Mr.  Randolph,  and  he  was  unanimously  elected 
president.  With  a  modesty  not  unnatural  at  his  years,  and  a  con- 
sciousness of  the  difficulty  he  might  experience,  in  filling  a  station 
of  such  high  importance  and  responsibility,  he  hesitated  to  take  the 
seat  to  which  he  had  been  elected.  Mr.  Harrison  was  standing  be- 
side him,  and  with  the  ready  good  humour  that  loved  a  joke  even 
in  the  senate  house,  he  seized  the  modest  candidate  in  his  athletic 
arms  and  placed  him  in  the  presidential  chair  ;  then,  turning  to  some 
of  the  members  around,  he  exclaimed,  "  we  will  show  mother  Britain 
how  little  we  care  for  her,  by  making  a  Massachusetts  man  our 
president,  whom  she  has  excluded  from  pardon  by  a  public  procla- 
mation." 

On  the  twenty-fourth  of  June,  we  find  Mr.  Harrison  a  member 
of  a  committee,  appointed  to  devise  ways  and  means  to  put  the 
militia  in  a  proper  state  for  the  defence  of  America ;  a  measure 
leading  at  once,  to  the  general  organization  of  an  army  throughout 
the  colonies.  After  deliberating  on  it  for  nearly  a  month,  a  plan 
was  presented  to,  and  with  some  alterations,  adopted  by  congress, 
which  formed  the  basis  of  the  militia  system  throughout  the  war. 

On  the  first  of  August  congress  adjourned,  and  on  the  eleventh 
of  the  same  month,  a  convention  was  held  at  Richmond,  when  Mr. 
Harrison  was  elected  a  third  time  to  congress.     On  the  thirteenth 


BENJAMIN    HARRISON.  7[Q 

of  September,  he  took  his  seat.  His  name  soon  appears  among  the 
most  prominent  and  active  members  of  the  house  ;  and  perhaps 
there  was  no  one  in  it,  who  enjoyed  more  general  confidence  and 
esteem.  His  attention  from  the  first,  was  strongly  turned  towards 
the  military  affairs  of  the  colonies  ;  in  their  organization,  and  in 
facilitating  all  the  legislative  details  of  the  war,  he  was  particularly 
active.  In  September,  he  was  elected  a  member  of  a  committee 
of  three,  who  repaired  immediately  to  the  camp  at  Cambridge, 
where  they  had  a  long  and  full  conference  not  only  with  the  com- 
mander-in-chief, but  with  some  of  the  governors  of  the  neighbouring 
states,  and  arranged  with  them  a  system  of  vital  importance  ;  that 
of  continuing,  supporting,  and  regulating  the  continental  army.  He 
had  scarcely  returned  to  Philadelphia,  before  he  was  called  on  to 
make  similar  arrangements,  with  regard  to  the  troops  which  were 
required  for  the  defence  of  South  Carolina  and  New  York.  He 
settled  the  details  of  both  these  plans,  which  were  peculiarly  difficult 
from  the  loose  mode  of  enlisting,  and  the  entire  ignorance  of  disci- 
pline which  universally  prevailed. 

Towards  the  close  of  this  year,  congress,  which  had  hitherto  con- 
fined its  views  to  internal  government,  began  cautiously  to  extend 
the  circle  of  its  relations,  in  anticipation,  no  doubt,  of  subsequent 
events.  They  were  well  aware  that  if,  as  every  experience  seemed 
to  indicate,  the  quarrel  with  the  mother  country  should  be  terminated 
by  a  resort  to  arms,  they  ought  to  look  for  aid  to  her  powerful  rivals 
in  the  old  world.  To  prepare  the  way  for  this,  it  was  necessary  to 
establish  with  them  a  species  of  diplomatic  intercourse,  though  not 
avowedly  with  those  objects,  nor  in  the  manner  usually  adopted  be- 
tween foreign  nations.  On  the  twenty-ninth  of  November,  Mr. 
Harrison  was  placed,  if  we  may  use  the  expression,  at  the  head  of 
the  department  of  foreign  affairs,  that  is  to  say,  he  was  appointed 
the  chairmen  of  a  committee  organized  under  the  following  cautious 
resolutions  :  "  That  a  committee  of  five  be  appointed  for  the  sole 
purpose  of  corresponding  with  our  friends  in  Great  Britain,  Ireland, 
and  other  parts  of  the  world,  and  that  they  lay  their  correspondence 
before  congress  when  directed.  That  congress  will  make  provision 
to  defray  all  such  expenses  as  may  arise,  by  carrying  on  such  a 
correspondence,  and  for  the  payment  of  such  agents  as  they  may 
send  on  this  service."  By  this  committee,  and  in  this  manner,  was 
all  the  foreign  intercourse  of  the  country  conducted  until  the  spring 
of  1777.  At  that  time  its  objects  had  become  more  definite,  and 
its  negotiations  more  extensive ;  its  style  was  therefore  altered  to 


720  BENJAMIN    HARRISON. 

the  "comm.ttee  of  foreign  affairs,"  and  a  secretary  was  appointed, 
with  a  permanent  salary  ;  this  organization  continued  until  the  close 
of  the  war. 

Three  days  after  Mr.  Harrison  had  been  raised  to  this  situation, 
he  was  suddenly  appointed  by  congress  on  a  mission  to  Maryland. 
Lord  Dunmore,  the  royal  governor  of  Virginia,  had  been  driven 
from  that  province  in  the  preceding  summer.  Sacrificing,  or  forget- 
ting, every  principle  of  honourable  warfare,  he  had  collected  from 
the  shores  a  body  of  renegadoes,  fugitive  slaves,  and  vagabonds, 
with  whom  he  manned  a  number  of  small  vessels,  and  plundered  and 
laid  waste  the  coast  of  the  Chesapeake.  The  defenceless  inhabitants 
applied  to  congress  for  protection  against  this  barbarous  invasion. 
That  body  were  at  a  loss  what  course  to  adopt,  for  they  were  with- 
out a  naval  force  fitted  for  such  an  enterprise.  They  resolved, 
however,  without  delay,  to  send  Mr.  Harrison  to  Maryland.  He  was 
empowered,  with  any  one  or  more  of  the  delegates  of  that  colony, 
to  take  such  measures  as  appeared  most  effectual,  to  prevent  these 
aggressions  of  the  enemy.  This  duty  he  performed  with  the  utmost 
promptness;  he  caused  a  number  of  small  vessels  to  be  fitted  out, 
and  succeeded,  to  a  great  degree,  in  the  object  of  his  mission. 

On  the  twenty-third  of  March,  1776,  congress  passed  a  declara- 
tion which  may  be  considered  the  forerunner  of  independence,  as 
the  issuing  of  letters  of  marque  precedes  the  formal  declaration  of 
a  war.  They  authorize  the  colonists  to  fit  out  armed  vessels  and 
cruise  against  the  enemy;  declare  all  property  taken  by  them  on 
the  high  seas  lawful  prize,  and  conclude  by  appointing  a  committee 
to  consider  of  the  fortifying  one  or  more  of  the  ports  on  the  Ame- 
rican coast  in  the  strongest  manner,  for  the  protection  of  our  cruisers 
and  the  reception  of  their  prizes.  Of  this  committee  Mr.  Harrison 
was  the  chairman. 

In  May,  we  find  Mr.  Harrison  chairman  of  a  committee  on  the 
Canada  expedition,  and  making  every  effort  to  retain  the  footing 
which  the  provincials  had  already  gained  there.  For  this  purpose 
he  had  a  conference  with  General  Washington,  General  Gates,  and 
General  Mifflin,  and  afterwards  brought  the  subject  immediately 
before  congress.  His  views  were  sanctioned  and  confirmed.  The 
commanding  officer  in  Canada  was  instructed  to  use  every  effort  in 
keeping  possession  of  the  country,  and  to  contest  with  the  British 
every  foot  of  ground.  With  the  view  of  cutting  off  all  communica- 
tion between  the  upper  country  and  the  enemy,  particular  exertions 
were  directed  to  be  made  on  the  St.  Lawrence  below  the  mouth  of 


BENJAMIN    HARRISON.  721 

tlie  Sorel.  The  troops  destined  for  Canada  were  ordered  to  repair 
thither  immediately;  and  those  already  there  were  assured  of  the 
resolution  of  congress  to  afford  them  every  support. 

On  the  twenty-fifth  of  May,  Mr.  Harrison  was  appointed  chair- 
man of  a  committee  of  fourteen,  who  were  chosen  for  the  import- 
ant purpose  of  conferring  with  the  general  officers,  and  arranging 
with  them  a  plan  for  the  ensuing  campaign.  This,  as  it  involved 
in  a  great  degree  the  future  results  of  the  war,  was  one  of  extreme 
delicacy  and  difficulty.  A  plan,  however,  was  adopted  and  sub- 
mitted to  congress.  It  was  by  them  referred  to  a  committee  of  the 
whole,  of  which  also  Mr.  Harrison  was  chairman,  and  after  long  and 
numerous  deliberations,  measures  were  decided  on,  founded  on  the 
plan  which  had  been  framed  by  the  first  committee. 

It  was  found,  however,  at  length,  that  the  military  affairs  of  the 
government  were  now  become  too  extensive  and  too  important 
thus  to  be  submitted  in  detached  portions,  as  exigency  required,  to 
the  consideration  of  temporary  committees;  and  that  it  was  much 
more  advantageous  to  form  a  permanent  body,  to  whom  they  should 
be  generally  intrusted.  On  the  thirteenth  of  June,  a  board  of  war 
and  ordnance  was  appointed,  consisting  of  five  members  of  congress 
and  a  secretary,  who  had  the  general  superintendence  and  regulation 
of  the  army;  to  their  care  were  committed  all  the  military  stores; 
the  distribution  of  money;  the  raising  and  equipping  of  troops; 
the  destination  of  prisoners,  and  the  transaction  of  all  business  re- 
lating thereto.  In  the  subsequent  affairs  of  the  country,  this  board 
became  the  most  important,  and  required  from  those  who  composed 
it  the  most  arduous  exertions.  Mr.  Harrison  was  chairman  of  the 
board,  an  office  which  he  retained  until  he  left  congress.  "He  was," 
says  the  venerable  Judge  Peters,  "a  member  of  the  committee  of  con- 
gress composing  the  first  board  of  war,  in  June,  1776,  when  I  entered 
on  the  duties  assigned  to  me  in  the  war  department.  This  gave  me 
the  opportunity  of  observing  his  firmness,  good  sense,  and  usefulness 
in  deliberative  and  critical  situations;  and  much  use,  indeed,  was 
required  of  these  qualities,  when  every  thing  around  us  was  lowering 
and  terrific.  But  when  the  Rubicon  was  passed,  the  march  of  all  who 
were  engaged  in  the  conflict  was  steady,  cheerful,  and  undaunted." 

It  was  not,  however,  in  military  matters  alone,  that  the  talents  of 
Mr.  Harrison  were  exercised  ;  the  same  firm,  steady,  deliberate  mind 
was  applied  with  equal  vigour  and  utility  to  the  various  other  sub- 
jects which  occupied  congress.  As  chairman  of  committees  of  the 
whole  house,  he  appears  to  have  been  very  popular;  during  this  ses- 
78  3b2 


722  BENJAMIN    HARRISON. 

sion  he  seems  invariably,  when  present,  to  have  held  that  station. 
We  find  him  in  this  situation,  presiding  over  their  deliberations  on 
the  despatches  of  the  commander-in-chief;  the  settlement  of  com- 
mercial restrictions;  the  regulation  of  trade;  the  general  state  of 
the  colonies;  and  finally  the  great  question  of  national  independence. 
During  all  the  various  and  protracted  debates  on  this  important 
subject,  he  was  in  the  chair,  and  gained  the  esteem  and  approbation 
of  the  house,  by  the  uniform  correctness  and  impartiality  of  his  con- 
duct. The  records  of  this  interesting  discussion  are,  it  is  to  be 
feared,  lost  for  ever;  and  we  have  little  left  us  but  the  occasional 
anecdotes  which  tradition  has  preserved,  of  an  event  whose  minutest 
incidents  would  now  be  eagerly  listened  to  and  carefully  recorded. 
On  the  tenth  of  June,  he  brought  up  the  resolution  of  the  committee, 
which  declared  the  independence  of  the  colonies,  and  authorized  the 
preparation  of  the  final  and  more  formal  instrument ;  and  on  the 
fourth  of  July,  he  reported  that  instrument  itself,  as  having  received 
the  approbation  of  congress.  He  afterwards  affixed  his  name  to  it, 
with  the  other  delegates  from  Virginia.  An  anecdote  has  been  pre- 
served of  Mr.  Harrison,  which,  if  it  appears  somewhat  inconsistent 
with  the  solemnity  of  the  scene,  yet  serves,  in  no  slight  degree,  to 
exemplify  the  bold  and  lively  character  of  the  man.  Mr.  Gerry,  a 
delegate  from  Massachusetts,  as  slender  and  spare  as  Mr.  Harrison 
was  vigorous  and  portly,  stood  beside  him  at  the  table,  while  sign- 
ing the  Declaration.  He  turned  round  to  him  with  a  smile,  as  he 
raised  his  hand  from  the  paper,  and  said,  "When  the  hanging  scene 
comes  to  be  exhibited,  I  shall  have  all  the  advantage  over  you.  It 
will  be  over  with  me  in  a  minute,  but  you  will  be  kicking  in  the  air 
half  an  hour  after  I  am  gone." 

The  resignation  of  Mr.  Jefferson  rendered  a  new  election  neces- 
sary; and  Mr.  Harrison  was  chosen  on  the  tenth  of  October,  with 
only  five  dissenting  voices.  On  the  fifth  of  November,  after  an  ab- 
sence of  less  than  three  months,  he  was  again  seated  in  congress. 
He  was  received  by  his  old  associates  with  pleasure  and  approba- 
tion. He  was  restored  on  the  day  of  his  arrival,  to  his  appropriate 
station  in  the  board  of  war,  and  a  resolution  was  immediately  passed, 
by  which  he  was  continued  in  all  the  standing  committees  of  which 
he  was  formerly  a  member.  In  addition  to  this,  he  was  placed  on  a 
committee  to  examine  into  and  superintend  the  situation  and  move- 
ments of  the  northern  army,  at  that  time  one  of  the  very  sinews  of 
the  war.  In  this  duty  he  was  for  some  time  constantly  and  arduously 
engaged.     Indeed,  during  the  whole  of  the  dreadful  winter  of  1776. 


BENJAMIN    HARRISON.  703 

and  the  spring  of  1777,  when  many  deserted  their  posts,  Lie  was 
always  on  the  ground,  and  always  active.  He  accompanied  his  com- 
panions in  their  hasty  flight  to  Baltimore,  and  returned  with  them 
again  to  Philadelphia.  He  lahoured  with  untiring  zeal  on  that  most 
intricate  of  all  subjects,  which  claimed  the  attention  of  congress — 
the  means  of  preserving  the  continental  credit,  and  supplying  the 
exhausted  treasury;  and  he  renewed  his  exertions  in  his  favourite 
department — the  support  and  increase  of  the  army. 

On  the  twenty-second  of  May,  1777,  by  a  joint  ballot  of  both 
houses,  the  legislature  of  Virginia  returned  him  first  among  the 
delegates  to  congress,  and  he  took  his  seat  for  the  fourth  time  in 
that  venerable  body.  We  find  him  during  the  summer,  acting  on 
many  commitees  and  presiding  over  the  deliberations  of  the  house, 
on  questions  of  delicacy  and  importance.  He  was,  indeed,  the  uni- 
versal chairman  of  committees  of  the  whole  house.  He  was  in  the 
chair  during  the  delicate  discussions  relative  to  the  admission  of  the 
state  of  Vermont  into  the  Union  ;  on  the  contracts  made  by  the  com- 
missioners in  France;  on  the  articles  of  confederation — the  subject 
of  difficult  and  protracted  debate ;  on  the  ways  and  means  for  con- 
tinuing the  war  at  that  gloomiest  period  of  the  revolutionary  his- 
tory; and  various  other  measures  of  paramount  importance. 

On  the  eighteenth  of  September,  congress  were  again  driven  from 
Philadelphia,  and  after  remaining  a  day  at  Lancaster,  established 
themselves  at  Yorktovvn.  Thither  Mr.  Harrison  accompanied  them, 
and  continued  his  active  exertions  on  various  committees.  This  had 
now  become  the  more  necessary;  for,  alarmed  at  the  increasing  dif- 
ficulties of  the  times,  or  oppressed  with  accumulated  and  increasing 
labour,  many  of  the  delegates  had  returned  to  their  homes;  and  the 
Union  was  represented  by  eighteen  or  twenty  gentlemen.  Yet  the 
spirit  which  had  animated  the  whole,  remained  with  the  few;  and 
as  their  numbers  lessened,  their  zeal  and  industry  increased.  In  the 
inconvenient,  but  well-disposed  place  of  retirement  they  had  chosen, 
they  acted  with  all  the  boldness  which  might  have  arisen  from  suc- 
cess, while  smarting  under  defeat — with  all  the  energy  of  unbounded 
resource,  when  the  last  means  of  resistance  seemed  to  be  destroyed. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  year  1777,  Mr.  Harrison  expressed  his 
wish  to  retire  from  congress,  and  on  his  doing  so,  he  was  succeeded 
by  Mr.  Harvie,  a  truly  excellent  man.  We  need  not  say,  that  this 
retirement  was  utterly  unfounded  on  any  views,  such  as  the  enemies 
of  America  expressed.  His  reasons  were  strong  and  sufficient. 
He  had  now  been  a  member  of  congress   more  than  three  years ; 


724  BENJAMIN    HARRISON. 

during  all  that  time  his  employment  and  exertions  had  been  exces- 
sive; his  estates  had  been  ravaged  in  his  absence;  his  fortune  had 
been  impaired;  his  services  were  eagerly  demanded  in  his  native 
state;  he  was  the  only  one  of  the  first  delegates  from  Virginia,  who 
yet  served ;  and  there  were  men  whom  his  modesty  acknowledged 
as  his  superiors,  ready  at  once  to  succeed  him.  Under  these  cir- 
cumstances he  tendered  his  resignation,  and  returned  to  Virginia; 
leaving  behind  him  the  highest  character  as  a  man  eminently  cal- 
culated for  public  office,  ardent,  persevering,  honourable  and  prudent. 

His  arrival  in  Virginia,  was  hailed  by  his  fellow  citizens  with  the 
utmost  warmth.  He  was  immediately  returned  from  his  county  tc 
the  house  of  burgesses,  and  as  immediately  elected  speaker  of  that 
body.     This  office  he  held  uninterruptedly  until  the  year  1782. 

He  was  called  to  preside  over  the  councils  of  Virginia,  during 
the  gloomiest  period  of  her  history.  As  yet  she  had  never  been  the 
theatre  of  war,  if  we  except  the  occasional  incursions  on  her  coasts. 
The  year  1781,  however,  brought  with  it  deeper  perils.  The  traitor 
Arnold  invaded  and  laid  waste  the  country  as  far  as  Richmond; 
and  immediately  after  him  came  Cornwallis,  sweeping  from  the 
south  with  his  victorious  army.  The  small  body  of  continental 
troops  retreated  before  him,  unable  to  strike  a  blow,  and  he  roamed 
at  pleasure  through  every  quarter  of  the  state.  At  this  awful 
period,  Virginia  had  no  hope  but  in  the  aid  of  Washington.  To 
him  the  governor  applied;  and  the  legislature  hoping  perhaps  that 
private  friendship,  united  with  a  formal  representation  from  one  not 
easily  alarmed,  might  strengthen  official  application,  prevailed  on 
their  speaker  to  repair  to  the  head  quarters  of  the  commander-in- 
chief;  and  in  his  absence  chose  a  presiding  officer  pro  tempore. 
In  this  duty,  as  in  every  other,  Mr.  Harrison  acted  with  his  usual 
promptness;  but  he  did  not  succeed  in  the  object  of  his  mission. 
General  Washington  felt  himself  the  defender  of  all  America,  and 
however  painful  to  his  feelings  it  might  be,  thus  to  see  his  native 
state  unprotected  and  ravaged,  he  knew  it  to  be  his  duty  to  pursue 
those  plans  which  promised  most  speedily  to  secure,  not  momentary 
safety,  but  permanent  triumph.  On  Mr.  Harrison's  return,  he  re- 
sumed his  seat,  and  was  driven  about  from  place  to  place,  as  he  had 
formerly  been  in  congress,  scarcely  able  to  keep  together  the  dele- 
gates over  whom  he  presided.  Richmond,  Charlottesville,  Staunton, 
and  the  Warm  Springs,  were  in  little  more  than  a  month  the  suc- 
cessive places  of  adjournment;  and  it  was  only  by  hastening  their 
deliberations,  and   urging  them  to  promptness  and   exertion,  that 


BENJAMIN    HARRISON.  705 

the  speaker  could  obtain  t lie  passage  of  those  measures,  which  the 
state  of  the  country  imperiously  demanded. 

In  the  year  1782,  on  the  resignation  of  Mr.  Nelson,  Mr.  Harrison 
was  elected  governor  of  Virginia,  and  became  one  of  the  most 
popular  officers  that  ever  filled  the  executive  chair.  His  services 
during  the  period,  were  many  and  great;  the  fluctuations  of  public 
opinion,  the  situation  of  the  continental  army,  the  state  of  public 
currency,  the  efforts  of  intriguing  men,  and  the  natural  revulsion 
of  affairs,  which  accompanied  the  return  of  peace,  called  forth  all 
the  vigour  and  steadiness  of  his  character. 

After  having  been  twice  re-elected  governor,  Mr.  Harrison  be- 
came ineligible  by  the  provisions  of  the  constitution,  and  in  1785 
returned  to  private  life.  He  was  immediately  announced  as  a  can- 
didate for  his  own  county,  without  solicitation,  and  without  his 
knowledge;  but  in  this  instance,  and  in  this  only,  he  failed  of  suc- 
cess. A  political  rival  artfully  made  use  of  a  measure  which  he  had 
adopted  while  governor,  that  of  obliging  the  county  militia  to  level 
the  embankments  raised  at  the  siege  of  Yorktown;  and  by  working 
upon  the  feelings  of  the  populace,  succeeded  in  exciting  against  him 
a  momentary  unpopularity.  He  did  not  hesitate  as  to  the  course 
he  should  pursue.  The  election  in  the  neighbouring  county  of  Sur- 
rey, occurred  a  fortnight  after  that  of  Charles  city,  where  he  had 
been  rejected.  He  left  Berkeley,  crossed  over  into  Surrey,  and 
after  residing  there  a  few  days,  was  returned  with  his  son  Carter, 
by  an  almost  unanimous  vote,  to  the  same  legislature.  This  com- 
pletely frustrated  the  plans  of  his  opponent,  whose  opposition  had 
arisen  from  a  wish  to  be  placed  in  the  speaker's  chair,  a  situation 
which  he  knew  there  was  a  little  chance  of  obtaining  when  Mr. 
Harrison  was  a  member  of  the  house.  The  unfairness  of  the 
scheme  induced  Mr.  Harrison  to  exert  an  influence  he  would  other- 
wise have  willingly  omitted,  and  being  nominated  as  presiding 
officer,  he  was  immediately  elected.  The  people  of  his  own  county 
convinced  of  their  hasty  error,  and  mortified  at  the  result,  before 
the  succeeding  annual  election  solicited  his  return,  and  from  that 
period  he  represented  them  without  an  interval  until  his  death. 

Mr.  Harrison  was  now  considerably  advanced  in  years,  and  his 
constitution  was  beginning  to  suffer  under  the  effects  of  age,  and 
of  a  very  active  life;  he  was  not,  himself,  willing  to  attribute  it  to 
these  causes,  but  used  to  say  that  it  arose  from  his  having  pursued 
the  foolish  fashions  of  the  time,  and  abandoned  good  old  Madeira 
for   light   French  wines.     The   high  veneration   for   his  character, 


726  BENJAMIN    HARRISON. 

however,  still  remained,  and  when  the  new  constitution  of  the 
United  States  was  submitted  to  Virginia,  he  was  chosen  a  member 
of  the  convention.  In  this  venerable  body  we  find  him  seated,  on 
the  second  of  June,  1788,  among  all  the  brilliant  and  distinguished 
politicians,  of  whom  Virginia  could  then  boast  so  many.  As  to  this 
instrument,  his  opinions  were  firmly  fixed;  he  was  strongly  con- 
vinced of  the  propriety  and  necessity  of  a  union,  but  he  was  equally 
anxious  that  all  the  powers  of  the  government  should  be  carefully 
defined;  he  therefore  opposed  the  ratification,  before  the  amend- 
ments, which  he  believed  necessary  for  this  end,  had  been  incorpo- 
rated with  the  original  instrument.  In  these  views  he  was  sup- 
ported by  nearly  half  the  convention,  the  majority  by  which  the 
unconditional  ratification  was  passed,  only  amounting  to  ten  votes. 

In  the  year  1790,  he  was,  contrary  to  his  wishes,  brought  for- 
ward as  a  candidate  for  the  executive  chair.  In  Virginia,  the 
governor  is  elected  annually  by  a  joint  ballot  of  both  houses,  and 
may  serve  three  years;  he  is  then  ineligible  for  four  more.  Mr. 
Beverly  Randolph  was  at  this  time  the  governor;  he  was  a  very 
amiable  man,  and  on  terms  of  the  most  friendly  intimacy  with  Mr. 
Harrison ;  he  had  served  two  years,  when,  by  some  means,  he  be- 
came unpopular  with  a  part  of  the  legislature,  and  they  determined 
not  to  re-elect  him  for  the  succeeding  year.  They  kept  their  plan 
secret  until  a  day  or  two  before  the  election,  and  then  fixed  on  Mr. 
Harrison  as  their  candidate,  relying  on  his  well-known  popularity. 
As  soon  as  he  discovered  it,  he  refused  to  serve,  and  opposed  the 
scheme  by  every  means  in  his  power;  his  own  son  voted  against 
him,  and  in  favour  of  Mr.  Randolph,  and  that  gentleman  was  by 
these  means  continued  in  office,  though  only  by  a  majority  of  two 
or  three  votes.  Mr.  Harrison  would  have  been  a  candidate,  and 
no  doubt  elected,  the  following  year,  had  he  lived. 

His  health  at  this  time  was  visibly  and  rapidly  declining.  In  the 
spring  of  1791,  he  was  attacked  with  a  very  severe  fit  of  the  gout, 
which  produced  a  debility  of  the  intestines.  From  this,  however, 
he  partially  recovered  ;  his  friends  were  again  collected  around  him, 
and  his  usual  vivacity  returned.  The  day  after  his  unanimous 
election  to  the  legislature,  in  April  1791,  he  had  assembled  a  party 
to  dinner,  and  he  passed  the  day  merrily  with  them,  receiving  their 
congratulations  on  his  undiminished  popularity,  and  on  the  certainty 
of  his  being  the  next  governor  of  the  state.  Their  congratulations, 
however,  were  in  vain.  The  same  night  a  relapse  took  place,  and 
he  speedily  exhibited   every  symptoms  of  approaching  dissolution. 


BENJAMIN    HARRISON.  727 

Before  the  family  physician  arrived,  he  directed  some  medicine  to  be 
prepared  for  him ;  as  an  old  and  faithful  domestic  brought  it  to  his 
bed-side,  she  said,  "here,  sir,  is  the  medicine  you  asked  for:"  "and 
here,  Molly,"  he  calmly  replied,  "  will  soon  be  a  dead  man."  On  the 
following  day  he  died,  with  perfect  resignation  and  composure. 

We  have  been  unable  to  ascertain  the  date  of  Mr.  Harrison's 
birth.  Of  that  of  his  marriage  too  we  are  ignorant,  although  it 
was  at  an  early  age.  His  wife's  name  was  Elizabeth  Bassett;  she 
was  the  daughter  of  Colonel  William  Bassett,  of  Eltham,  in  the 
county  of  New  Kent,  and  a  niece  of  the  sister  of  Mrs.  Washington. 
In  her  youth  she  was  considered  extremely  beautiful ;  and  those 
who  yet  live  to  remember  her,  speak  of  her  in  later  years,  as  a 
woman  of  great  piety,  benevolence,  and  goodness.  She  only  sur- 
vived her  husband  a  single  year. 

Those  who  recollect  Mr.  Harrison,  speak  of  him  as  a  man  above 
the  ordinary  height,  and  very  muscular;  in  his  carriage  he  was 
remarkably  dignified;  and  in  his  latter  years  he  became  corpulent. 
This  arose  from'his  mode  of  living,  which  was  highly  convivial;  he 
enjoyed  and  indulged  in  the  pleasures  of  the  table,  though  never 
beyond  the  limits  of  propriety.  This  habit,  however,  tended  much 
to  impair  the  vigour  of  his  constitution;  and  his  features,  which  in 
early  life  were  handsome,  became  at  last  coarse  and  red. 

His  talents  seem  to  have  been  rather  useful  than  brilliant.  In 
public  life  he  never  took  a  very  prominent  part  in  debating  or 
writing,  yet  when  called  on  by  circumstances,  he  acquitted  himself 
in  both,  with  facility  and  credit.  His  sentiments  were  generally 
liberal;  though  he  sometimes  indulged  that  strong  prepossession  in 
favour  of  his  own  state,  which  has  always  so  remarkably  character- 
ized the  representatives  of  Virginia.  He  never  suffered  it,  how- 
ever, to  interfere  with  his  ardour  for  the  public  good  of  the  whole 
confederacy,  and  the  united  efforts  common  danger  constantly  re- 
quired. His  judgment  was  sound,  grave,  and  solid;  yet  he  had  a 
pleasantry,  when  he  chose  to  indulge  it,  which  lightened  labour,  and 
banished  uneasy  apprehensions.  Some  instances  of  this  in  his  pub- 
lic career,  we  have  already  recorded ;  and  many  more  are  related 
among  the  incidents  of  his  private  life.  In  the  early  part  of  the 
revolution  he  was  passing  through  Baltimore,  at  a  time  when  a 
number  of  young  gentlemen  were  assembled  in  a  convivial  meeting. 
They  invited  him  to  join  them,  to  which  he  readily  agreed ;  and 
seized  the  opportunity  to  warm  their  young  blood  with  the  princi- 
ples of  the  revolution.     This   he  did  with  so  much  good   humour. 


728  BENJAMIN    HARRISON. 

vivacity,  and  wit,  that  as  one  of  them  afterwards  expressed  it,  they 
all  agreed  at  once  to  take  up  the  cross,  though  some  had  heen  pre- 
viously by  no  means  hearty  in  the  cause.  One  evening  he  was 
sitting  at  Berkeley  with  a  neighbouring  gentleman  and  some  of  his 
family,  when  a  servant  maid  came  in  to  inquire  what  clothes  she 
should  put  up  for  a  journey  he  was  to  commence  the  next  day. 
"Why,"  said  he,  with  the  utmost  gravity,  "you  may  put  up  my 
black  velvet  suit,  my  green  trimmed  with  gold,  and  the  blue  and 
silver."  The  poor  girl,  and  all  around,  looked  astonished.  At 
length  he  said,  "  Now,  she  knows  well  enough,  except  what  I  have 
on,  but  one  decent  suit  in  the  world  belongs  to  me,  and  yet  she 
comes  for  a  list,  as  if  I  had  the  wardrobe  of  a  king."  Between  the 
captains  of  the  vessels  passing  up  James  river  and  the  gentlemen 
residing  on  the  shores,  a  reciprocity  of  good  offices  was  kept  up. 
The  former  sent  presents  to  the  latter  of  foreign  rarities,  and  re- 
ceived in  return  the  fresh  produce  of  their  plantations.  A  sailor 
once  brought  him  a  remarkably  thin  cheese;  "Please  your  honour," 
said  the  sailor,  using  his  nautical  terms,  "  the  captain  has  sent  you 
a  loaf  of  cheese."  "I  am  much  obliged  to  the  captain;  but  really, 
my  good  fellow,  it  looks  more  like  a  jiancake  of  cheese  than  a  loaf." 
The  sailor  returned  to  the  vessel,  and  shortly  after  came  back  with 
a  cheese  of  a  very  different  shape,  and  observed,  "  The  captain's 
determined  to  suit  your  honour's  taste,  so  he  has  sent  you  a  real 
loaf."  When  alone  and  fatigued  with  reading,  he  was  very  fond 
of  amusing  himself  with  a  small  spaniel  and  a  very  large  cat,  with 
which  he  would  often  play  for  a  long  while,  and  succeeded  in  teaching 
them  a  variety  of  amusing  tricks. 

Mr.  Harrison  inherited  a  very  large  fortune  from  his  father,  and 
twice  succeeded  to  considerable  property  under  the  old  English  law 
of  primogeniture.  It  was,  however,  somewhat  impaired  by  dis- 
astrous times  and  imprudent  speculations.  Before  the  revolution, 
and  indeed  in  some  instances  subsequently,  the  Virginia  gentlemen 
were  their  own  merchants,  exporting  themselves  the  produce  of  their 
estates.  In  this  system  Mr.  Harrison  largely  engaged;  he  not  only 
erected  extensive  merchant  mills,  but  established  a  large  ship-yard 
and  built  his  own  vessels.  In  all  this,  as  might  be  supposed,  he 
was  very  unsuccessful;  and  believing  that  his  misfortunes  proceeded 
from  a  want  of  mercantile  skill,  he  determined  that  his  eldest  son 
should  have  such  an  education,  as  might  retrieve  the  fortunes  of  his 
family,  and  he  placed  him  in  the  counting-house  of  his  friends, 
Willing  and  Morris. 


BENJAMIN    HARRISON.  7  ;o 

Mr.  Harrison  had  many  children,  but  seven  only  survived  their 
birtli  or  very  early  infancy.  Three  of  these  were  sons  and  four 
daughters;  the  latter  of  whom  married  into  respectable  and  wealthy 
families  of  Virginia.  Benjamin,  the  eldest  son,  was,  a?  we  have 
mentioned,  sent  when  young-  to  Philadelphia,  and  there  obtained  an 
excellent  mercantile  education.  After  he  had  completed  that,  lie 
visited  Europe,  and  formed  extensive  commercial  connexions. 
During  the  revolutionary  war  he  was  paymaster  general  of  the 
southern  department.  When  peace  was  restored,  he  established 
himself  as  a  merchant  in  Richmond,  and  there  acquired  a  large  for- 
tune. This  he  afterwards  impaired  by  an  act  of  honourable  gene- 
rosity; as  soon  as  he  heard  of  the  distresses  of  his  early  friend  Mr. 
Morris,  he  came  forward  immediately  to  his  support,  and  sacrificed 
in  his  behalf  the  greater  part  of  the  fortune  he  had  acquired.  He 
was  twice  married,  and  died  of  apoplexy  in  1799,  leaving  an  only 
son,  the  present  Benjamin  Harrison,  of  Berkeley.  The  second  son, 
Carter  Bassett  Harrison,  after  receiving  a  classical  education  at 
the  college  of  William  and  Mary,  was  bred  to  the  law.  He  was 
not  a  man  of  brilliant  talents,  but  he  was  a  good  lawyer,  a  fluent 
speaker,  and  a  very  upright  man.  In  public  life  he  was  very 
popular,  and  served  many  years  in  the  legislature,  in  congress,  and 
as  a  presidential  elector.  He  died  in  1804,  leaving  two  sons.  The 
third  son,  William  Henry  Harrison,  was  educated  at  Hampden 
Sydney  College,  in  Virginia,  and  was  intended  for  the  medical  pro- 
fession; this,  however,  he  soon  abandoned  for  an  ensigncy  in  the 
army,  and  marched  to  the  new  country  of  the  west.  He  distin- 
guished himself,  while  yet  young,  in  the  battle  with  the  Indians  at 
the  rapids  of  Miami ;  was  afterwards  raised  to  the  office  of  governor 
of  the  Indiana  territory,  which  he  filled  with  singular  merit;  and  in 
the  late  war,  by  his  perfect  knowledge  of  the  western  country,  his 
acquaintance  with  military  tactics,  and,  above  all,  the  confidence 
and  respect  which  he  universally  inspired,  was  at  an  early  period 
raised  to  a  high  military  post  on  the  north-western  frontier,  and 
became  one  of  the  most  popular  and  successful  commanders  the 
republic  had  employed.  On  the  return  of  peace,  he  received  from 
his  applauding  countrymen  the  fair  reward  of  his  exertions,  in 
being  elected  to  several  high  political  stations  by  the  people  of  Ohio; 
and,  in  1840,  he  was  elevated  by  a  majority  without  precedent  in 
the  history  of  the  country,  to  the  highest  office  in  the  gift  of  a  free 
people.  He  died  a  short  time  after  his  accession  to  the  Presidency, 
uttering  the  memorable  words — "  Maintain  the  Constitution." 
79  3C 


THOMAS   NELSON. 


Thomas  Nelson,  the  subject  of  this  memoir,  was  the  eldest 
son  of  William  Nelson.  He  was  born  at  York,  on  the  twenty-sixth 
of  December,  1738.  From  his  father,  he  inherited  not  only  a  very 
large  landed  estate,  which  descended  to  him  in  common  with  his 
brothers,  but  he  received  also,  the  entire  amount  of  the  partnership 
debts,  which  were  estimated  at  forty  thousand  pounds,  colonial  cur- 
rency, or  about  thirty  thousand  pounds  sterling.  In  the  summer 
of  1753,  Mr.  Thomas  Nelson,  being  then  in  the  fourteenth  year  of 
his  age,  was  sent  to  England  for  his  education.  After  spending  some 
time  at  an  excellent  private  school  kept  by  a  Mr.  Newcomb,  near 
Hackney,  a  village  in  the  neighbourhood  of  London,  he  was  removed 
to  Cambridge.  There  he  was  entered  of  Trinity  College,  and  had 
the  good  fortune  to  secure,  as  his  private  tutor,  one  of  the  best  men, 
and  most  distinguished  ornaments  of  the  age,  Dr.  Beilby  Porteus, 
afterwards  bishop  of  London.  Thus  pleasantly  and  fortunately 
situated,  Mr.  Nelson  remained  until  the  close  of  the  year  1761, 
when  he  returned  to  Virginia,  his  mind  deeply  imbued  with  a  taste 
for  literary  knowledge,  which  formed  the  delight  of  his  subsequent 
years,  and  his  principles,  both  in  politics  and  morals,  firm,  liberal, 
and  pious. 

In  August,  1762,  he  married  Miss  Lucy  Grymcs,  a  daughter  of 
Philip  Grymes,  Esq.,  of  Brandon,  in  the  neighbouring  county  of 
Middlesex,  and  with  her  settled  at  York,  in  an  excellent  and  com- 
modious house,  which  had  probably  been  built  for  him  by  his  father, 
nearly  opposite  to  his  own  in  the  same  town.  Here,  in  the  posses- 
sion of  an  independent  fortune,  which  he  had  received  from  his 
father  at  his  marriage,  he  lived  in  a  style  of  much  elegance  and 
hospitality.  By  his  long  residence  in  England,  he  had  acquired,  in 
a  considerable  degree,  an  attachment  to  the  manners  of  its  country 
gentlemen,  and  a  fondness  for  their  pursuits.  These  he  somewhat 
adopted  himself.  He  rode  out  daily  to  his  plantation,  a  few  miles 
from  York,  a  servant  generally  attending  him  with  his  fowling  piece, 
730 


RES.    OF     THOMftS    NELSON   J»     YORK 


THOMAS    NELSON.  731 

and  he  often  amused  himself  in  shooting.  He  kept  a  pack  of  hounds 
at  a  small  farm  near  the  town,  and  in  the  winter  exercised  himself, 
in  company  with  his  friends  and  neighbours,  once  or  twice  a  week 
in  a  fox  chase.  His  house  was  a  scene  of  the  most  genteel  and 
liberal  hospitality:  no  gentleman  ever  stopped  an  hour  in  York 
without  receiving  an  invitation  to  it,  unless  a  previous  acquaintance 
with  him,  and  his  hospitable  character  and  manners  rendered  such 
an  invitation  unnecessary,  according  to  the  general  mode  at  that 
time  of  visiting  among  gentlemen  in  Virginia.  There  were  at  this 
period,  about  a  dozen  very  genteel  and  opulent  families,  who  re- 
sided in  York,  and  maintained  among  each  other  an  intercourse  not 
to  be  surpassed  in  unaffected  politeness,  hospitality,  and  friendship  ; 
and  whenever  a  friend  or  acquaintance  of  either  visited  York,  it 
was  with  difficulty  he  could  leave  it,  until  he  had  received  the  atten- 
tions and  enjoyed  the  hospitality  of  the  whole  circle.  Such  was  the 
harmony  that  prevailed  in  this  little  society,  that  no  instance  of  its 
interruption  on  any  occasion  can  be  recollected.  Thus  situated,  it 
will  be  believed  Mr.  Nelson  passed  his  time  in  the  full  enjoyment  of 
domestic  happiness  ;  but  the  troubles  of  his  country  soon  called  him 
from  these  gentler  and  perhaps  more  congenial  pleasures,  to  oppose 
at  first  the  petty  tyranny  of  a  provincial  governor,  and  to  array 
himself  at  last  among  the  boldest  champions  of  the  nation  in  council 
and  in  war.  His  earlier  years  were  adorned  by  all  the  charities  of 
life,  but  his  maturer  age  was  devoted  entirely  to  the  severer  duties 
of  an  upright  citizen — cari  sunt  parentes,  cari  liberi,  propinqui, 
familiares ;  sed  omnis  omnium  caritatum  patria  una  complectitur. 

At  what  period  Mr.  Nelson  entered  into  public  life  we  have  no 
means  exactly  to  ascertain.  In  1774,  however,  we  find  him  in  the 
house  of  burgesses,  a  delegate  from  his  native  town  of  York.  This 
house  of  delegates,  it  may  be  recollected,  passed  some  strong 
resolutions  against  the  Boston  port  bill;  in  consequence  of  which, 
they  were  immediately  dissolved  by  Lord  Dunmore.  Eighty-nine 
of  them,  however,  among  whom  was  Mr.  Nelson,  assembled  the 
next  day  at  a  tavern,  and  entered  into  the  celebrated  association, 
declaring  the  unwarranted  invasion  of  their  rights,  their  determina- 
tion to  persevere  in  avoiding  all  commercial  intercourse  with  Great 
Britain,  and  recommending  the  appointment  of  deputies  from  the 
several  colonies  to  meet  in  general  congress.  On  the  dissolution  of 
this  assembly,  he  was  again  elected  to  the  house  of  burgesses  from 
the  same  county,  and  also  a  member  of  the  first  general  convention, 
which  met  at  Williamsburg  on  the  first  of  August,  1774. 


732  THOMAS    NELSON. 

In  the  month  of  March  of  the  next  year,  1775,  we  find  Mr.  Nel- 
son seated  a  second  time  in  the  general  convention  of  the  province  ; 
and  taking  a  prominent  part  in  a  measure,  the  boldness  of  which 
startled  some  of  the  firmest  friends  of  liberty.  This  measure  was 
no  less  than  the  organization  of  a  military  force  in  the  province;  a 
step  which,  passing  the  line  that  yet  seemed  to  bind  the  colonies^to 
the  mother  country,  placed  them  in  the  prominent  position  of  a  na- 
tion determined  to  gain  or  to  hazard  all. 

An  incident  soon  occurred  which  proved  that  the  organization  of 
a  military  force  had  become  entirely  necessary,  and  that  a  plan  had 
been  recommended  by  the  ministry,  and  secretly  adopted  by  the  go- 
vernors, of  removing  arms  and  military  stores  beyond  the  reach  of 
the  people.  The  exportation  of  powder  from  Great  Britain  had 
been  already  prohibited  ;  General  Gage  had  seized  the  ammunition 
collected  at  Concord,  in  Massachusetts;  and  Lord  Dunmore  deter- 
mined not  to  forego  his  part  in  the  same  good  work.  On  the  twen- 
tieth of  April,  1775,  he  accordingly  seized  and  bore  away  all  the 
powder  in  the  magazine  at  Williamsburg.  The  particulars  of  this 
well  known  exploit  it  is  unnecessary  to  detail.  It  produced  an  im- 
mediate and  violent  excitement  throughout  the  province;  the  militia 
assembled  in  all  parts,  and  marched  towards  Williamsburg,  deter- 
mined to  regain  the  property  which  had  been  fraudulently  seized, 
or  to  make  equivalent  reprisals.  Alarmed  by  this  prompt  and 
manly  resistance,  the  governor  promised  that  the  whole  affair  should 
be  satisfactorily  accommodated  ;  and  Mr.  Nelson  assumed  personally 
the  disagreeable  office  of  meeting  the  militia,  and  exerting  his  in- 
fluence to  prevent  any  injury  to  the  person  of  Lord  Dunmore. 
During  his  absence  on  this  mission,  an  act  of  unmanly  violence  was 
threatened,  which  aroused  the  indignation  of  the  whole  colony.  Be- 
fore daybreak  on  the  morning  of  the  fourth  of  May,  Captain  Monta- 
gue, the  commander  of  the  Fowey,  a  British  man-of-war  lying  oft" 
the  town  of  York,  landed  a  party  of  men  with  the  following  letter, 
addressed  to  Mr.  Nelson's  uncle,  who  was  president  of  council  :  "I 
have  this  morning  received  certain  information  that  his  excellency, 
Lord  Dunmore,  governor  of  Virginia,  is  threatened  with  an  attack, 
at  daybreak  this  morning,  at  his  palace  at  Williamsburg,  and  have 
thought  proper  to  send  a  detachment  from  his  majesty's  ship  under 
my  command,  to  support  his  excellency  ;  I  therefore  strongly  pray 
you  to  make  use  of  every  endeavour  to  prevent  the  party  from  being 
molested  and  attacked,  as  in  that  case  I  shall  be  under  a  necessity 
to  fire  upon  this  town." 


THOMAS    NELSON.  733 

This  infamous  proceeding  excited,  as  may  well  be  imagined,  ( lie 
greatest  indignation  against  Captain  Montague.  Whatever  grounds 
there  might  have  been  for  his  information  respecting  the  attack 
said  to  be  contemplated  upon  the  governor's  palace,  nothing  could 
be  more  cruel  and  unjust,  than  to  avenge  it  on  the  defenceless  town 
of  York  and  its  inhabitants.  The  committee  assembled  at  Wil- 
liamsburg, expressed  their  detestation  of  his  conduct  in  the  strongest 
terms.  "  The  committee,"  say  they,  in  a  set  of  resolutions  which 
they  immediately  published,  together  with  Captain  Montague's 
letter,  "  taking  into  consideration  the  time  of  its  being  sent,  which 
was  too  late  to  permit  the  president  to  use  his  influence,  had  the 
inhabitants  been  disposed  to  molest  and  attack  the  detachment;  and 
further  considering  that  Colonel  Nelson,  who,  had  this  threat  been 
carried  into  execution,  must  have  been  a  principal  sufferer,  was  at 
that  very  moment  exerting  his  utmost  endeavours  in  behalf  of  go- 
vernment, and  the  safety  of  his  excellency's  person,  unanimously 
come  to  the  following  resolutions  : 

"  That  Captain  Montague,  in  threatening  to  fire  upon  a  defence- 
less town,  in  case  of  an  attack  upon  the  detachment,  in  which  said 
town  might  not  be  concerned,  has  testified  a  spirit  of  cruelty  unpre- 
cedented in  the  annals  of  civilized  times  ;  that,  in  his  late  notice  to 
the  president,  he  has  added  insult  to  cruelty  ;  and  that,  considering 
the  circumstances  already  mentioned,  of  one  of  the  most  consider- 
able inhabitants  of  said  town,  he  has  discovered  the  most  hellish 
principles  that  can  actuate  a  human  mind. 

"That  it  be  recommended  to  the  inhabitants  of  this  town,  and  to 
the  country  in  general,  that  they  do  not  entertain  or  show  any  other 
mark  of  civility  to  Captain  Montague,  besides  what  common  de- 
cency and  absolute  necessity  require." 

The  affair  of  the  powder  was  compromised  the  same  day,  by  the 
payment  of  three  hundred  and  twenty  pounds,  its  estimated  value, 
which  was  transmitted  to  the  continental  congress,  and  expended  in 
the  purchase  of  an  ecpial  quantity  for  the  use  of  the  colony.  A  short 
time  afterwards,  Lord  Dunmore  removed  himself  and  his  family 
from  the  palace  in  Williamsburg,  on  board  the  Fowey  ;  and  although 
most  earnestly  solicited  to  return,  by  the  house  of  burgesses  and  the 
council,  then  in  session,  he  persisted  in  remaining  in  the  vessel. 

The  third  convention  of  Virginia  delegates  assembled  at  Rich- 
mond, on  the  seventeenth  of  July  following.  The  proceedings  of 
this  convention  were  marked  by  a  character  of  great  decision  and 
vigour.  One  of  their  first  measures  was  an  ordinance  for  raising 
3c2 


734  THOMAS    NELSON. 

and  embodying  a  sufficient  force  for  the  defence  and  protection  of 
the  colony;  to  be  forthwith  armed,  trained,  furnished  with  all  mili- 
tary accoutrements,  and  ready  to  inarch  at  a  minute's  warning. 
Immediately  after  passing  this  ordinance,  the  convention  proceeded 
to  appoint  the  various  officers  to  command  the  new  body  of  troops 
which  they  thus  determined  to  organize.  They  elected  Patrick 
Henry  colonel  of  the  first  regiment,  and  Thomas  Nelson  colonel  of 
the  second;  a  third  regiment  was  afterwards  agreed  to  be  raised, 
of  which  William  Woodford  was  appointed  colonel. 

On  the  eleventh  of  August,  1775,  the  convention  proceeded  to  the 
appointment  of  delegates,  to  represent  the  colony  in  the  continental 
congress  for  one  year,  and  Colonel  Nelson  was  elected  one  of  them. 
In  consequence  of  this  appointment,  he  of  course  immediately  re- 
signed his  station  at  the  head  of  the  second  regiment  of  the  Virginia 
forces,  and  repaired  to  Philadelphia  with  his  companions.  He  took 
his  seat  in  congress  on  the  thirteenth  of  September,  1775. 

During  the  remainder  of  this  year  he  continued  at  Philadelphia, 
acting  frequently  on  various  committees,  but  distinguished  rather 
for  his  sound  judgment  and  liberal  sentiments,  than  from  any  con- 
spicuous part  in  debate.  Nor  were  his  constituents  at  home  unmind- 
ful of  his  services.  During  his  absence  in  congress,  the  convention 
met  as  usual,  and  proceeded  to  the  election  of  delegates  to  the  next 
congress;  when  Mr.  Nelson  was  returned  as  one  of  these  for  the 
succeeding  year.  It  would  be  uninteresting  to  trace  his  name  as  it 
is  found  on  the  journals  of  congress,  as  a  member  of  various  com- 
mittees through  the  remainder  of  this  year,  and  the  spring  and  sum- 
mer of  1777.  It  will  be  enough  to  say,  that  his  duties  were  fre- 
quently arduous,  delicate,  and  important  in  their  nature  and  results, 
and  that  in  their  performance  he  was  usually  successful.  This  career 
of  public  usefulness  was  cut  short  by  an  unfortunate  accident.  On 
the  second  of  May,  while  seated  in  the  hall  of  congress,  he  was  sud- 
denly seized  with  an  indisposition  so  violent  as  to  oblige  him  imme- 
diately to  leave  the  room.  It  appears  to  have  been  an  attack  of  the 
head ;  and  in  one  of  his  letters  lie  mentions,  that  his  memory  was 
so  much  impaired  at  the  time,  that  he  could  with  difficulty  recollect 
any  thing.  His  reluctance  to  withdraw  at  that  moment  from  a  post 
where  his  services  were  so  useful,  was  extreme,  and  he  for  some  time 
persisted  in  remaining,  with  the  vain  hope  that  he  would  gradually 
recover.  This,  however,  was  not  the  case;  he  was  obliged  to  obtain 
leave  of  absence,  and  at  the  next  meeting  of  the  convention  he 
resigned  his  scat,  in  which  he  was  succeeded  by  Mr.  Mason. 


THOMAS    NELSON.  735 

Mr.  Nelson  had  not  been  long  at  home,  when  his  services  were 
again  demanded  by  the  public.  On  the  sixteenth  of  August,  intel- 
ligence was  received  that  a  British  fleet  had  entered  the  capes.  The 
several  corps  of  militia  throughout  the  commonwealth  were  ordered 
to  march  to  Williamsburg,  York,  Portsmouth,  and  other  points  likely 
to  attract  the  attention  of  the  foe.  This  call  was  obeyed  with  cheer- 
ful and  honourable  alacrity.  The  militia  rapidly  assembled  at  their 
respective  places  of  rendezvous;  and  Thomas  Nelson,  then  county 
lieutenant  of  York,  was  by  the  governor  and  council  immediately 
appointed  brigadier  general  and  commander-in-chief  of  the  forces 
in  the  commonwealth.  Combining  the  advantages  of  education  with 
those  of  fortune;  military  skill  and  gallantry  with  legislative  talents 
and  patriotic  virtues — affable,  modest,  and  generous — Nelson  was 
universally  esteemed  and  beloved.  His  appointment,  the  emolu- 
ments of  which  he  nobly  declined,  whilst  he  eagerly  assumed  its 
arduous  duties,  inspired  the  people  and  the  army  with  fresh  con- 
fidence and  animating  hopes.  The  approach  of  a  fleet,  in  itself 
tremendous,  was  viewed  by  resolute  and  free  citizens  with  a  calm 
and  serene  eye.  Virginia,  however,  was  not  destined  yet  to  be  the 
theatre  of  action.  Sir  William  Howe  continued  his  course  directly 
up  the  Chesapeake  Bay,  and  the  state  was  relieved,  at  least  for  a 
time,  from  the  ravages  of  the  enemy. 

In  the  month  of  October  following,  an  act  was  introduced  and 
subsequently  passed  in  the  Virginia  legislature,  for  the  sequestra- 
tion of  British  property.  Mr.  Nelson  was  at  this  time  a  member 
of  the  legislature,  and  opposed  it  in  the  most  determined  manner. 
The  estates  which  were  thus  suddenly  confiscated,  he  urged,  had 
been  acquired ;  and  these  debts  which  were  in  fact  discharged,  had 
been  incurred  under  the  sanction  of  laws  and  relations  known  to 
both  parties  in  the  contract,  and  then  held  sacred.  The  conduct  of 
the  British  government  had  offered  no  excuse,  for  as  yet  they  had 
made  no  confiscation  under  similar  inducements.  Even  the  acts  of 
that  government,  such  as  they  had  been,  were  not  the  acts  of  in- 
dividuals, and  these  alone  were  made  to  suffer  by  such  a  measure. 
But  not  only  did  he  oppose  it,  he  asserted,  on  the  ground  of  injustice 
to  these  innocent  persons,  who  might  even  have  reprobated  the  very 
policy  for  which  they  were  made  to  suffer,  but  he  objected  to  it  as 
a  matter  of  ingratitude  to  creditors,  who  might,  in  many  instances, 
be  regarded  as  benefactors  to  persons  whose  capital  was  small,  but 
on  whose  honour  and  integrity  they  relied.  "  For  these  reasons, 
sir,"  he  exclaimed  with  honest  vehemence,  after  a  long  and  power- 


736  THOMAS    NELSON. 

ful  address—  "  for  these  reasons  I  hope  the  bill  will  be  rejected;  but 
whatever  be  its  fate,  by  God,  I  will  pay  my  debts  like  an  honest 
man."  The  momentary  breach  of  order  was  overlooked  and  par- 
doned by  the  assembly;  every  member  of  which,  whatever  might 
have  been  his  sentiments  on  the  measure  itself,  viewed  with  respect 
the  noble  feelings  which  had  caused  it. 

On  the  second  of  March,  1778,  congress  resolved  that  it  be  re- 
commended to  the  governments  of  the  respective  states  to  raise  a 
troop  or  troops  of  light  cavalry  to  serve  at  their  own  expense,  ex- 
cept in  the  articles  of  provisions  and  forage.  As  soon  as  these 
resolutions  were  received  in  Virginia,  Blr.  Nelson,  who  had  now  been 
raised  to  the  rank  of  a  general  officer,  published  a  most  animating 
and  spirited  address  to  the  young  gentlemen  of  fortune  in  that  state. 
He  urged  them  to  follow  the  request  of  congress,  and  proposed  a 
meeting  at  Fredericksburg  on  the  twenty-fifth  May,  for  carrying  the 
measure  into  full  effect.  In  pursuance  of  this  gallant  enterprise; 
about  seventy  young  men  assembled,  and  after  uniting  themselves 
together  in  a  voluntary  company,  they  elected  General  Nelson  their 
commanding  officer.  They  proceeded  immediately  to  equip  them- 
selves for  active  service:  but  this,  in  the  state  of  the  times  and  re- 
sources of  the  country,  was  an  affair  of  considerable  difficulty.  At 
length,  however,  they  were  sufficiently  organized,  and  commenced 
their  march  to  Baltimore,  where  they  arrived  early  in  the  month  of 
July.  Here  the  little  band  was  received  and  reviewed  by  Colonel 
Pulaski,  who  was  there  at  that  time  himself,  with  the  hope  of  raising 
a  similar  corps;  he  expressed  his  high  admiration  of  their  gallantry 
and  excellent  condition,  and  exerted  himself  in  every  mode,  to  ob- 
tain for  them  whatever  was  wanting  to  complete  their  equipment. 
At  length  every  thing  being  prepared,  they  were  ready  to  com- 
mence their  march  and  join  the  main  army  under  General  Wash- 
ington; their  gallant  and  generous  commander  well  knew,  however, 
that  many  had  embarked  with  him  from  the  purest  principles  of 
patriotism,  when  their  slender  means  ill  warranted  such  an  expedi- 
tion. He  called  them  together,  therefore,  on  the  eve  of  their  de- 
parture; he  explained  to  them  his  views;  he  encouraged  them  by 
his  own  animated  confidence ;  and  he  held  out  to  them  the  fair  hope 
of  remuneration  at  some  more  prosperous  day.  "If,  however,"  ho 
concluded,  "any  one  here  is  in  want  of  money,  let  him  repair  to 
my  quarters;  I  will  myself  supply  him."  Many  accepted  his  offer, 
as  their  wants  became  pressing  and  their  means  decreased.  He 
was  in  fact  the  banker  for  the  whole  company;  his  generosity  was 


THOMAS    NELSON.  737 

displayed  throughout  the  whole  expedition;  and,  as  is  unfortunately 
too  often  the  result  of  such  conduct,  he  finally  suffered  the  loss  of 
very  considerable  sums.  From  Baltimore  he  marched  to  Philadel- 
phia, whither,  on  the  retreat  of  Sir  William  Howe,  congress  had 
again  returned;  and  held  himself  in  readiness  to  proceed  to  the 
army.  This,  however,  was  now  deemed  inexpedient;  for  we  find 
on  the  journals  of  the  eighth  of  August,  the  following  notice: 

"  Whereas,  in  pursuance  of  the  recommendation  of  congress  of 
March  the  second,  a  volunteer  corps  of  cavalry  from  the  state  of 
Virginia,  under  the  command  of  the  honourable  General  Nelson,  are 
now  in  this  city,  on  their  way  to  the  army,  under  the  command  of 
General  Washington  :  and,  whereas,  the  removal  of  the  enemy 
from  this  state  renders  the  employment  of  this  corps  at  present  un- 
necessary : 

"Resolved,  That  it  be  recommended  to  the  said  corps  to  return, 
and  that  the  thanks  of  congress  be  given  to  the  honourable  General 
Nelson  and  the  officers  and  gentlemen  under  his  command,  for  their 
brave,  generous,  and  patriotic  efforts  in  the  cause  of  their  country." 
As  soon  as  this  resolution  was  passed,  General  Nelson  assembled 
the  corps  together,  made  a  further  advance  of  money  from  his  in- 
dividual funds  to  those  who  were  in  want,  and  then  disbanded  them. 

This  active  exercise  seems  to  have  restored  the  health  of  Mr. 
Nelson,  and  he  was  again  induced  to  listen  to  the  wishes  of  his 
countrymen,  by  becoming  a  delegate  to  congress.  On  the  eighteenth 
of  February,  1779,  he  took  his  seat  in  that  assembly ;  and  we  soon 
after  find  him  an  active  member  of  several  important  committees. 
He  was  especially  engaged  on  that  for  forming  a  plan  of  defence  for 
the  southern  states;  an  object  which  had  become  of  immense  impor- 
tance, since  the  British  had  determined  to  make  it  the  future  theatre 
of  war.  His  constitution,  however,  was  still  unequal  to  the  severe 
labour  and  confinement  which  these  duties  required.  Early  in 
April,  he  experienced  a  return  of  the  same  illness  with  which  he 
had  been  previously  afflicted  ;  and  after  a  vain  struggle  to  resist  it, 
and  continue  his  political  labours,  he  was  compelled,  by  increasing 
indisposition  and  the  entreaties  of  his  physicians  and  friends,  to  re- 
turn home. 

He  was  not  long  permitted,  however,  to  enjoy  the  repose  of  do- 
mestic life.  The  services  of  the  senate  were  given  up,  but  he  was 
soon  called  on  for  those  of  the  field.  In  the  month  of  May,  Virgi- 
nia became  the  victim  of  that  system  of  rapine  and  plunder  to  which 
the  British  resorted,  in  violation  of  all  rules  of  civilized  and  Chris- 
80 


738  THOMAS    NELSON. 

tian  warfare.  Having  publicly  avowed  their  resolution  of  pursuing 
those  measures  "  which  should  make  the  colonies  of  as  little  avail 
as  possible  to  their  new  connexions,"  they  selected  Virginia  as  one 
of  the  first  scenes  of  operation.  They  sailed  for  Portsmouth,  a 
small  place  on  the  western  shore  of  Elizabeth  river,  and  on  their 
arrival  took  possession  of  that  defenceless  town.  The  remains  of 
Norfolk,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  fell,  of  course,  into  their 
hands.  The  Americans  burned  some  of  their  own  vessels ;  but 
others  were  made  prizes  by  the  invaders.  The  British  guards 
marched  eighteen  miles  in  the  night,  and,  arriving  at  Suffolk  by 
morning,  proceeded  to  the  destruction  of  vessels,  naval  stores,  and 
a  large  magazine  of  provisions,  which  had  been  deposited  in  that 
place.  A  similar  destruction  was  carried  on  at  Kemp's  landing, 
Shepherd's  Gosport,  Tanner's  creek,  and  other  places  in  the 
vicinity. 

Early  in  June,  1780,  the  general  assembly  came  to  the  resolution 
of  borrowing  two  millions  of  dollars,  to  be  placed  in  the  continental 
treasury,  by  the  fifteenth  of  that  month.  The  object  of  this  supply 
was  to  enable  congress  to  make  provision  for  the  French  fleet  and 
armament,  of  whose  immediate  arrival  the  strongest  assurances 
had  been  given.  As  soon  as  this  measure  was  adopted,  a  copy  of 
the  resolution  was  sent  to  General  Nelson,  who  commenced,  without 
delay,  the  most  active  personal  exertions,  to  procure  the  assistance 
and  contributions  of  his  friends,  and  others  with  whom  he  was  ac- 
quainted. Having  effected  all  that  was  possible  in  his  own  neigh- 
bourhood, he  made  an  excursion  through  the  southern  counties  of 
the  state,  with  the  same  patriotic  motive.  It  was,  however,  a  task 
of  great  difficulty.  The  resources  of  the  country  had  been  already 
drained.  Its  credit  was  gone.  And  those  who  possessed  money, 
were  afraid  to  trust  it  on  no  better  security  than  that  of  a  govern- 
ment already  too  deeply  involved,  and  with  so  little  apparent  means 
of  extricating  itself  from  its  difficulties.  The  consequences  were 
such  as  might  have  been  expected.  Notwithstanding  his  uncommon 
influence,  his  applications  in  almost  every  instance  proved  unsuc- 
cessful. To  his  urgent  importunities,  the  constant  reply  was — "We 
will  not  lend  the  government  a  shilling — but  we  will  lend  you,  Tho- 
mas Nelson,  all  we  can  possibly  raise."  Thus  situated,  General 
Nelson  determined,  without  hesitation,  to  add  his  own  personal  se- 
curity to  that  of  the  government  ;  and  by  so  doing  succeeded  in 
raising,  before  his  return  to  York,  a  considerable  portion  of  the  re- 
quisite loan. 


THOMAS    NELSON.  739 

These  are  not  the  only  losses  he  sustained  from  his  patriotic 
readiness  to  aid  the  public  credit,  and  afford  assistance  to  those 
who  had  been  employed  in  the  service  of  the  country  without  re- 
muneration. There  is  a  well-authenticated  tradition,  that  during 
the  revolutionary  war,  two  regiments,  stationed  at  York  and  Wil- 
liamsburg, received  orders  to  march  southward.  The  government, 
however,  was  without  funds,  and  the  soldiers  refused  to  proceed 
until  their  arrears  were  discharged.  General  Nelson  was  informed 
of  the  circumstance.  He  advanced  the  money  which  was  demanded 
without  hesitation,  and  the  troops  immediately  commenced  their 
march. 

The  following  spring  is  the  most  gloomy  period  in  the  annals  of 
Virginia.  On  the  sea  coast  she  was  exposed  to  the  ravages  of  Ar- 
nold and  Philips,  and  from  the  south  she  was  overrun  by  the  army 
of  Cornwallis.  Amid  these  scenes  it  will  not  be  imagined  that  Ge- 
neral Nelson  was  inactive.  He  was  the  favourite  soldier  of  Virgi- 
nia, and  we  hear  of  him  in  all  directions,  animating  the  troops  by 
his  energy  and  example,  or  planning  expeditions  to  oppose  the 
enemy.  This,  however,  is  not  the  place  for  dwelling  in  detail  on 
events  which  are  rather  matter  of  general  history,  and  cannot  be 
introduced  with  proper  minuteness  into  a  sketch  like  this.  Passing 
over,  therefore,  the  public  events  of  the  early  part  of  the  year  1781, 
we  find  General  Nelson,  in  the  month  of  June,  summoned  from  his 
duties  in  the  field  to  fill  the  supreme  office  of  the  commonwealth. 
At  that  period  the  constitutional  term  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  service  in 
the  office  of  governor  expired,  and  General  Nelson  was  elected  his 
successor.  He  was  immediately  called  on  to  act  with  the  utmost 
promptness.  The  enemy  were  overrunning  the  country  in  every 
direction,  and  he  therefore  determined  at  once  to  take  the  field  with 
all  the  militia  he  could  muster.  The  Marquis  de  Lafayette  had 
been  sent  to  Virginia,  with  a  body  of  continental  troops,  to  check 
the  ravages  of  the  British  until  some  more  definitive  arrangements 
for  the  campaign  could  be  made.  Under  the  marquis,  governor 
Nelson  immediately  placed  himself  and  his  troops.  He  yielded, 
without  hesitation,  the  rank  which  his  office  gave  him  in  his  own 
state,  and  thus  united  the  whole  force  in  perfect  harmony  and 
discipline. 

While  on  the  one  hand,  however,  in  pursuit  of  the  general  good 
he  yielded  that  to  which  his  office  fairly  entitled  him,  the  same  great 
end  sometimes  obliged  him  to  step  beyond  the  boundaries  which,  in 
the  administration  of  his  public  duties,  the  constitution  drew  around 


740  THOMAS    NELSON. 

Iiim.  By  that  instrument  it  was  declared,  "that  the  governor 
should,  with  the  advice  of  a  council  of  state,  exercise  the  powers 
of  the  government  according  to  the  laws  of  the  commonwealth;  and 
should  not,  under  any  pretence,  exercise  any  power  of  prorogation 
by  virtue  of  any  law,  statute,  or  custom  of  England."  The  legis- 
lature, aware  of  the  difficulties  of  the  times,  the  necessity  of  extra- 
ordinary measures,  and  the  uncertainly  and  even  danger  which 
attended  their  meetings,  when  they  were  driven  by  Tarleton  from 
Charlottesville  to  Staunton,  passed  a  law  by  which  "the  governor, 
with  the  advice  of  the  council,  was  empowered  to  procure,  by  im- 
press or  otherwise,  under  such  regulations  as  they  should  desire, 
provisions  of  every  kind,  all  sorts  of  clothing,  accoutrements  and 
furniture  proper  for  the  use  of  the  army,  negroes  as  pioneers,  horses 
both  for  draught  and  cavalry,  wagons,  boats,  and  other  vessels  with 
their  crews,  and  all  other  things  which  might  be  necessary  for  sup- 
plying the  militia  or  other  troops  employed  in  the  public  service." 
Bound  by  these  strict  provision  of  the  law,  the  governor  was  placed 
in  a  situation  of  much  difficulty.  Two  members  of  the  council  had 
just  fallen  into  the  hands  of  Tarleton,  the  celebrated  British  officer, 
who,  with  his  chosen  body  of  light  horse,  ravaged  the  country  in 
every  direction,  and  made  every  thing  his  prey;  they  were  liberated, 
it  is  true,  but  only  on  giving  their  parole,  that  they  would  not 
resume  their  public  duties.  Two  others  had  resigned,  probably 
from  the  inconvenience  or  danger  of  remaining  at  the  scat  of  go- 
vernment. The  council  was  thus  reduced  to  four  members,  the 
least  number  which,  according  to  the  constitution,  was  competent 
to  transact  business.  In  the  dreadful  state  of  the  country,  overrun 
in  every  direction  by  hostile  armies,  with  little  means  of  knowing 
the  position  of  each  other,  with  no  time  to  deliberate,  and  perhaps 
unacquainted  with  the  nature  and  exigency  of  particular  measures, 
it  was  vain  to  hope  that  these  gentlemen  could  regularly  perform 
the  duties  of  a  council  of  state.  Yet  it  was  with  the  advice  of  that 
council  alone,  that  the  governor  could  constitutionally  act. 

In  this  dilemma,  Mr.  Nelson  was  driven,  by  necessity,  to  perform 
many  measures  on  his  own  authority  and  at  his  own  responsibility — 
a  course  of  conduct  infinitely  painful  to  a  man  of  his  sound  political 
principles,  and  strict  views  of  public  rights.  On  the  one  hand,  he 
saw  and  felt  that  he  was  departing  from  the  line  of  his  duty,  as 
defined  and  limited  by  the  laws  of  the  commonwealth:  on  the  other, 
he  knew  that  its  salvation,  and  indeed  that  of  all  the  Union,  was  at 
stake.     Salus   populi    lex  suprema.     He  decided   to   risk   censure, 


THOMAS    NELSON.  74[ 

perhaps  punishment,  for  his  conduct,  and  pursue  the  disinterested 
course  which  promised  the  greatest  general  benefit  to  the  whole 
community.  This  determination  once  formed,  he  promptly  executed 
it.  As  soon  as  the  allied  army  reached  Virginia,  every  measure 
which  his  office,  his  public  or  personal  influence,  and  his  private 
wealth  enabled  him  to  adopt,  was  promptly  done;  and  it  was  cer- 
tainly owing,  in  no  small  degree,  to  his  exertions,  that  the  frail  ma- 
terials of  the  army  were  kept  together  until  they  secured  the  liberties 
of  the  country,  by  the  glorious  and  final  blow  given  to  the  enemy  at 
Yorktown. 

Need  we  say  that  during  that  memorable  siege  General  Nelson 
was  at  the  head  of  his  militia,  and  participated  with  them  in  all  the 
dangers  and  glories  of  the  enterprise?  Before  the  walls  of  his 
native  town,  and  in  almost  the  last  public  action  of  his  life,  he  dis- 
played the  same  gallantry,  the  same  disinterested  patriotic  zeal, 
which  was  so  conspicuous  in  his  earlier  days,  and  in  all  the  scenes 
of  various  adventure  in  which  his  fortune  cast  him.  Tradition  has 
preserved  some  anecdotes  of  those  interesting  times ;  but  unfortu- 
nately we  are  fast  losing,  in  the  cold  generalities  of  history,  those 
neglected  incidents  which  throw  over  it  a  livelier  interest,  and  im- 
part to  it  a  stronger  reality.  One  little  event  has  been  preserved, 
and  deserves  to  be  related.  It  is  said  of  Governor  Nelson,  that, 
during  the  siege,  observing  his  own  house  uninjured  by  the  artillery 
of  the  American  batteries,  ho  inquired  into  the  cause.  A  respect 
for  his  property,  was  assigned.  Nelson,  whose  devotion  to  the 
common  cause  was  ardent  and  unbounded,  requested  that  the  artil- 
lerists would  not  spare  his  house  more  than  any  other,  especially  as 
lie  knew  it  to  be  occupied  by  the  principal  officers  of  the  British 
army.  Two  pieces  were  accordingly  pointed  against  it.  The  first 
shot  went  through  the  house,  and  killed  two  of  a  large  company  of 
officers,  then  indulging  in  the  pleasures  of  the  table.  Other  balls 
soon  dislodged  the  hostile  tenants. 

When  the  adventures  of  the  siege  was  terminated  by  the  glorious 
reduction  of  the  British  army,  the  services  of  General  Nelson  were 
not  forgotten.  He  had  the  gratification,  too,  to  receive  that  meed 
of  praise  which  he  had  so  fairly  won,  from  him  who  never  bestowed 
it  when  undeserved,  and  whose  praise  or  censure  will  stamp  forever 
the  character  of  those  on  whom  it  has  fallen.  General  Washington 
thus  speaks  of  him  in  his  general  orders  of  the  twentieth  of  October, 
1781 :  "  The  general  would  be  guilty  of  the  highest  ingratitude,  a 
crime  of  which  he  hopes  he  shall  never  be  accused,  if  he  forgot  to 
3  D 


742  THOMAS    NELSON. 

return  his  sincere  acknowledgments  to  his  excellency,  Governor 
Nelson,  for  the  succours  which  he  received  from  him  and  the  militia 
under  his  command,  to  whose  activity,  emulation,  and  bravery,  the 
highest  praises  are  due.  The  magnitude  of  the  acquisition  will  be 
ample  compensation  for  the  difficulties  and  dangers  which  they  met 
with  so  much  firmness  and  patriotism." 

The  constitution  of  Governor  Nelson,  however,  delicate  as  we 
have  seen  it  to  be,  was  not  proof  against  the  fatigues  his  arduous 
duties  had  obliged  him  to  endure.  He  remained  in  office  a  month 
after  the  surrender  of  Lord  Cornwallis ;  but  on  the  twentieth  of 
November,  1781,  we  find  a  letter  addressed  by  him  to  the  speaker 
of  the  house  of  delegates,  by  which  he  retires  from  it.  "  The  very 
low  state  of  health,"  he  says,  "to  which  I  am  reduced,  and  from 
which  I  have  little  expectation  of  soon  recovering,  makes  it  my 
duty  to  resign  the  government,  that  the  state  may  not  suffer  for 
want  of  an  executive."  His  resignation  was  accepted,  and  a  suc- 
cessor appointed.  After  an  arduous  political  life,  and  considerably 
advanced  in  years,  Mr.  Nelson  again  returned  to  private  life,  but 
he  did  not  return  to  that  unmolested  enjoyment  of  it,  which  was 
the  just  reward  of  his  services.  There  are  always  those  who  hang 
around  the  skirts  of  the  good  and  manly,  to  annoy  them  with  petty 
molestations,  and  to  gratify  themselves  by  carping  at,  and  misin- 
terpreting their  conduct,  through  either  a  pitiful  envy,  or  a  grasping 
selfishness.  We  have  already  adverted  to  the  steps  which  necessity 
reluctantly  compelled  Governor  Nelson  to  take,  on  the  virtual  ex- 
tinction of  the  council  of  state.  His  resignation  was  scarcely 
accepted,  when  a  petition  and  remonstrance  was  presented  to  the 
house  of  delegates,  from  sundry  inhabitants  of  the  county  of  Prince 
William.  In  this  they  stated,  among  other  things,  that  they  laboured 
under  divers  grievances,  which  had  proceeded  from  the  several  acts 
of  the  legislature,  vesting  extraordinary  powers  in  the  executive, 
authorizing  impresses,  laying  an  embargo,  and  making  the  paper 
money  a  legal  tender;  that  under  these  acts,  the  greatest  violation 
and  abuse  of  the  laws  had  taken  place ;  but  that  the  late  governor 
had  still  further  assumed  the  power  to  dispense  with  the  laws  them- 
selves, and  disregarding  their  necessary  and  patriotic  restraints, 
had  issued  his  warrants  without  the  advice  of  the  executive  council, 
and  authorized  impresses  in  the  most  unrestrained  and  arbitrary 
manner. 

The  effect  of  an  accusation  so  unfounded,  on  such  a  man  as  Mr. 
Nelson,  is  not  to  be  described.     Although  he  appeared  to  be  fast 


THOMAS    NELSON.  743 

sinking  into  that  grave  which  would  bury  his  errors,  and  disappoint 
the  mean  vengeance  of  his  enemies,  he  no  sooner  heard  of  the  charge 
than  he  desired  promptly  to  repel  it.  "  I  only  ask,"  he  immediately 
wrote  to  the  speaker  of  the  house  of  delegates,  "I  only  request  that 
I  may  be  indulged  with  half  an  hour,  that  I  may  lay  before  the  house 
a  candid  statement  of  facts,  and  my  reasons  for  adopting  the  mea- 
sures which  have  given  so  much  offence."  His  wish  was  of  course 
immediately  granted;  his  letter  was  referred  to  a  committee  on  the 
state  of  the  commonwealth,  by  whom  the  charges  were  investigated, 
and  they  made  a  report  absolving  him  from  blame;  which  was  twice 
read,  and  agreed  to  without  a  dissenting  voice.  To  the  candid  in- 
quirer into  the  truths  of  history,  this  evidence  will  be  all  sufficient ; 
yet  it  is  to  be  regretted  the  report  itself  is  no  longer  in  existence. 
In  times  of  tumult  and  revolution,  the  regular  record  of  events  is 
often  lost,  and  we  are  obliged  to  rely  on  such  facts  as  prove  the 
general  result.  In  the  journal  of  the  day  the  report  was  never 
entered;  in  the  place  which  it  should  occupy,  a  large  blank  is  left 
with  the  words  "as  followeth,"  immediately  preceding  it;  and  the 
original  document  cannot  now  be  found.  One  act  of  justice  alone 
remained;  it  was  to  relieve  Mr.  Nelson  from  the  unpleasant  circum- 
stances to  which  his  patriotic  conduct  might  subject  him.  This  was 
done  by  an  act  of  the  legislature,  which  we  shall  insert  at  length, 
as  a  tribute  due  to  the  memory  of  this  excellent  gentleman.  It  was 
passed  on  the  thirty-first  of  December,  1781,  and  is  as  follows: 

"  An  act  to  indemnify  Thomas  Nelson,  Esquire,  late  governor 
of  this  commonwealth,  and  to  legalize  certain  acts  of  his  adminis- 
tration. Whereas,  upon  examination,  it  appears  that  previous  to 
and  during  the  siege  of  York,  Thomas  Nelson,  Esquire,  late  go- 
vernor of  this  commonwealth,  was  compelled  by  the  peculiar  cir- 
cumstances of  the  state  and  army,  to  perform  many  acts  of  govern- 
ment without  the  advice  of  the  council  of  state,  for  the  purpose  of 
procuring  subsistence  and  other  necessaries  for  the  allied  army  under 
the  command  of  his  excellency  General  Washington;  be  it  enacted 
that  all  such  acts  of  government,  evidently  productive  of  general 
good,  and  warranted  by  necessity,  be  judged  and  held  of  the  same 
validity,  and  the  like  proceedings  be  had  on  them  as  if  they  had  been 
executed  by  and  with  the  advice  of  the  council,  and  with  all  the  for- 
malities prescribed  by  law.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  that  the  said 
Thomas  Nelson,  Esquire,  be,  and  he  hereby  is,  in  the  fullest  man- 
ner, indemnified  and  exonerated  from  all  penalties  and  dangers 
which  might  have  accrued  to  him  from  the  same." 


744  THOMAS    NELSON. 

After  passing  thus  honourably  through  the  ordeal  of  public  opinion, 
Mr.  Nelson  determined  to  retire  from  political  life,  and  fixed  himself 
chiefly  at  a  pretty  little  estate  called  Offly,  in  Hanover  county.  Here, 
surrounded  by  his  numerous  family,  he  brought  back,  in  some  de- 
gree, the  gentler  pleasures  of  his  earlier  youth,  and  assembled  around 
him  not  only  his  own  countrymen,  but  many  a  foreigner,  who  left  his 
hospitable  mansion  delighted  with  his  distinguished  and  benevolent 
host. 

From  the  period  of  Mr.  Nelson's  retirement,  his  health  continued 
to  decline.  He  never  afterwards  engaged  in  any  public  transactions, 
but  lived  alternately  at  his  seat  in  Hanover  county,  and  his  house  at 
York,  where  he  had  formerly  resided,  until  his  death.  This  event 
happened  at  the  former  place  on  the  fourth  of  January,  1789,  just 
after  he  had  completed  his  fiftieth  year.  He  descended  into  the 
grave  honoured  and  beloved;  and,  alas!  of  his  once  vast  estates, 
that  honour  and  love  was  almost  all  that  he  left  behind  him.  He 
had  spent  a  princely  fortune  in  his  country's  service;  his  horses  had 
been  taken  from  the  plough,  and  sent  to  drag  the  munitions  of  war; 
liis  granaries  had  been  thrown  open  to  a  starving  soldiery,  and  his 
ample  purse  had  been  drained  to  its  last  dollar,  when  the  credit  of 
Virginia  could  not  bring  a  sixpence  into  her  treasury.  Yet  it  was  the 
widow  of  this  man,  who,  beyond  eighty  years  of  age,  blind,  infirm, 
and  poor,  had  yet  to  learn  whether  republics  can  be  grateful. 

After  the  simple  narrative  which  we  have  here  given  of  the  prin- 
cipal events  of  Mr.  Nelson's  life,  no  laboured  eulogy  of  his  character 
and  virtues  will  be  demanded.  If,  after  contemplating  the  splendid 
and  heroic  parts  of  his  character,  we  shall  inquire  for  the  milder 
virtues  of  humanity,  and  seek  for  the  man,  we  shall  find  the  refined, 
beneficent  and  social  qualities  of  private  life,  through  all  its  forms 
and  combinations,  so  happily  modified  and  united  in  him,  that  in  the 
words  of  the  darling  poet  of  nature,  it  may  be  said, 

"His  life  was  gentle;  and  the  elements 

So  mixed  in  him,  that  nature  might  stand  up 

And  say  to  all  the  world — this  was  a  man." 


BIRTH    PLACE  OF    R.H.LEE  *,  FRANCIS    LIGHTFOOT   LEE 


FRANCIS  LIGHTFOOT  LEE. 


Francis  Lightfoot  Lee  was  born  on  the  fourteenth  day  of 
October,  1734.  His  classical  and  literary  acquirements  were  en- 
tirely derived  from  his  domestic  tutor,  a  Scotch  clergyman  of  the 
name  of  Craig,  who,  being  a  man  of  science,  not  only  made  him  a 
good  scholar,  but  gave  him  an  early  fondness  for  reading  and  mental 
investigation,  which,  in  a  mind  so  apt  and  vigorous  by  nature,  pre- 
pared him  for  those  scenes  of  usefulness  and  honour  in  which  he  was 
afterwards  engaged.  The  independent  fortune  bequeathed  to  him  by 
his  father,  precluded  the  necessity  of  studying  a  profession:  hence, 
possessing  the  refined  wit  and  humour  of  a  Sterne,  together  with  a 
voice  of  the  most  melodious  sweetness  and  power,  his  outset  in  life 
was  a  round  of  pleasurable  enjoyments.  His  company  was  eagerly 
solicited,  and  the  fair  sex  vied  with  his  own  in  showing  the  gratifi 
cation  which  his  presence  every  where  occasioned. 

Among  the  first  who  anticipated  the  evils  which  a  rapacious  and 
unprincipled  administration  was  preparing  for  the  colonies,  Richard 
Henry  Lee,  the  elder  brother  of  Mr.  Lee,  stood  forth,  as  we  have 
already  recorded,  with  a  firmness  and  zeal  which  gave  animation 
to  all  around  him.  It  was  impossible  to  listen  to  his  eloquence, 
depicting  in  the  strong  language  of  an  indignant  patriot,  the  policy 
that  desired,  under  the  pretence  of  raising  a  revenue,  to  sacrifice 
the  most  precious  rights  of  a  free  people  at  the  shrine  of  despotism, 
without  feeling  the  glow  of  genuine  patriotism  thrilling  through  the 
frame.  Attached  as  he  was  to  ease  and  pleasure,  Mr.  Lee  heard 
and  felt  these  warning  counsels,  not  only  as  a  brother,  but  as  one  in 
whose  breast  the  love  of  country  was  also  a  prevailing  passion. 
The  song,  the  dance,  the  convivial  party,  began  to  lose  their  charms, 
and  gradually  to  yield  to  the  sterner  duties  of  the  citizen. 

Mr.  Lee  now  offered  himself  as  a  candidate  for  the  county  of 

Loudon,  in  the  province  of  Virginia,  where  his  lands  were  situated, 

and  look  his  seat  as  a  member  of  the  house  of  burgesses,  about  the 

year  1765.     Although  not  gifted  with  the  powers  of  oratory,  his 

81  3d2  745 


743  FRANCIS    LIGHTFOOT    LEE. 

good  sense,  extensive  reading,  and  sound  and  discriminating  judg- 
ment, made  him  a  useful  member  of  the  house.  In  this  situatior 
he  continued  until  the  year  1772,  when  he  married  Rebecca,  tin 
second  daughter  of  Colonel  John  Tayloe,  of  the  county  of  Rich 
mond ;  and  his  term  of  service,  as  representative  of  the  county  of 
Loudon,  having  expired,  he  was  elected  a  member  for  the  county  of 
Richmond,  in  which,  after  his  marriage,  he  had  permanently  esta- 
blished his  residence. 

Mr.  Lee  filled  no  other  public  station  than  that  of  a  member  of 
the  Virginia  assembly  previous  to  the  fifteenth  of  August,  1775, 
when,  upon  the  resignation  of  Colonel  Bland,  he  was  elected  a  mem- 
ber of  the  continental  congress  by  the  convention  of  Virginia.  The 
selection  of  Mr.  Lee,  at  such  a  period,  to  represent  his  country  in 
such  a  body,  affords  conclusive  evidence  of  the  high  opinion  en- 
tertained of  his  abilities  and  public  spirit.  Nor  were  the  expecta- 
tions of  his  countrymen  disappointed;  for  he  appears  to  have  so  far 
enjoyed  their  confidence,  as  to  have  been  successively  re-elected  to 
that  office  on  the  twentieth  of  June,  1776,  twenty-second  May,  1777, 
and  twenty-ninth  May,  1778. 

Although  Mr.  Lee  was  not  accustomed  to  public  speaking,  and 
from  his  earliest  entrance  into  life  was  addicted  more  to  pleasure 
than  business,  j'et,  when  duty  urged  him  to  exertion,  very  few  sur- 
passed him  in  depth  of  thought,  strength  of  argument,  and  force  of 
conclusion.  He  was,  therefore,  appointed  to  many  of  the  most  im- 
portant committees  of  congress,  and  often  filled  the  chair  as  chair- 
man of  the  committee  of  the  whole. 

Whilst  a  member  of  the  continental  congress,  Mr.  Lee  assisted 
in  framing  the  old  articles  of  confederation,  which,  although  subse- 
quently found  incompetent  to  the  purposes  of  union,  and  to  the  pro- 
motion of  the  prosperity  of  a  growing  people,  were,  nevertheless, 
the  cement  which  at  that  time  bound  the  states  together  in  one 
common  cause,  and  finally  gave  success  to  their  views.  So  much 
wisdom,  fortitude,  justice,  and  disinterestedness,  marked  the  conduct 
of  congress,  that  the  obedience  of  the  states  was  voluntarily  and 
cheerfully  given  to  their  calls.  Indeed,  the  annals  of  the  world  can 
hardly  afford  greater  proof  of  pure  and  honest  patriotism,  than  the 
whole  conduct  of  the  continental  congress,  at  that  period,  exhibited; 
nor  of  a  people,  whose  love  of  liberty,  and  estimation  of  talents  and 
worth  caused  them  more  contentedly  to  submit  to  privations,  and 
obey  the  wishes  of  those  in  whom  they  confided. 

In  the   spring  of  1779,  Mr.  Lee  retired  from   congress  and  re- 


FRANCIS    LIGHTFOOT    LEE.  717 

turned  to  the  liome  to  which  both  his  temper  and  inclination  led 
him,  with  pleasure  and  delight.  He  was  not,  however,  long  per- 
mitted to  enjoy  the  satisfaction  it  conferred  ;  for  the  internal  affairs 
of  his  native  state  were  in  a  situation  of  so  much  agitation  and  per- 
plexity, that  his  fellow  citizens  insisted  on  his  representing  them  in 
the  senate  of  Virginia.  He  carried  into  that  body  all  the  integrity, 
sound  judgment,  and  love  of  country,  for  which  he  had  ever  been 
conspicuous,  and  his  labours  there  were  alike  honourable  to  himself, 
and  useful  to  the  state. 

He  did  not  long  remain  in  this  situation.  His  love  of  ease,  and 
fondness  for  domestic  occupations,  now  gained  the  entire  ascendency 
over  him,  and  he  retired  from  public  life  with  a  firm  determination 
of  never  again  engaging  in  its  busy  and  wearisome  scenes  :  and  to 
this  determination  he  strictly  adhered.  In  this  retirement,  his  cha- 
racter was  most  conspicuous.  He  always  possessed  more  of  the 
gay,  good  humour,  and  pleasing  wit  of  Atticus,  than  the  sternness 
of  Cato,  or  the  eloquence  of  Cicero.  To  the  young,  the  old,  the 
grave,  the  gay,  he  was  alike  a  pleasing  and  interesting  companion. 
None  approached  him  with  diffidence ;  no  one  left  him  but  with  re- 
gret. To  the  poor  around  him  he  was  a  counsellor,  physician,  and 
friend  ;  to  others,  his  conversation  was  at  once  agreeable  and  in- 
structive, and  his  life  a  fine  example  for  imitation.  Like  the  great 
founder  of  our  republic,  he  was  much  attached  to  agriculture,  and 
retained  from  his  estate  a  small  farm  for  experiment  and  amuse- 
ment. 

Having  no  children,  Mr.  Lee  lived  an  easy  and  a  quiet  life.  Read- 
ing, farming,  and  the  company  of  his  friends  and  relatives,  filled  up 
the  remaining  portion  of  his  days.  A  pleurisy,  caught  in  one  of  the 
coldest  winters  ever  felt  in  Virginia,  terminated  the  existence  of 
both  his  beloved  wife  and  himself  within  a  few  days  of  each  other. 
His  last  moments  were  those  of  a  Christian,  a  good,  an  honest,  and 
a  virtuous  man  ;  and  those  who  witnessed  the  scene  were  all  ready 
to  exclaim,  "Let  me  die  the  death  of  the  righteous,  and  let  my  last 
end  be  like  his." 


.CARTER   BRAXTON. 


Carter  Braxton  was  born  at  Newington,  the  seat  of  his  father, 
a  handsome  mansion  situated  on  the  northern  hank  of  Mattapony 
river,  in  the  county  of  King  and  Queen,  Virginia,  on  the  tenth  of 
September,  1736.  His  father,  George  Braxton,  a  wealthy  planter, 
derived  the  greater  part  of  his  estate  from  his  ancestors,  who,  it  is 
believed,  had  acquired  it  principally  by  commercial  pursuits. 

Carter  Braxton  received  a  liberal  education  at  the  college  of 
William  and  Mary,  at  that  time  one  of  the  best  seminaries  in 
the  British  colonies.  He  derived  from  his  father  and  grandfather, 
a  very  considerable  fortune,  consisting  chiefly  of  land  and  slaves. 
He  possessed  three  or  four  very  large  plantations  in  the  county  of 
.King  William,  on  Pamunkey  river,  the  products  of  which  were  to- 
bacco and  Indian  corn,  at  that  time  the  staples  of  the  country;  and 
also  a  very  large  body  of  land  in  the  county  of  Amhurst,  most  fa- 
vourably situated  for  the  culture  of  tobacco.  He  acquired  the  pos- 
session of  this  large  estate  at  an  early  period  of  life,  and  there  were 
few  young  men  in  the  colony  on  whom  fortune  smiled  more  propi- 
tiously, in  the  beginning. 

At  the  early  age  of  nineteen  years,  he  married  Judith  Robinson, 
a  young  lady  of  great  beauty,  and  daughter  of  Mr.  Christopher  Ro 
binson,  a  wealthy  planter  of  the  county  of  Middlesex,  and  a  relative 
of  speaker  Robinson.  By  this  marriage  he  acquired  an  accession 
to  his  already  large  estate.  This  lady  bore  him  two  daughters,  but 
in  giving  birth  to  the  second,  died  on  the  thirtieth  of  December, 
1757,  in  the  twenty-first  year  of  her  age. 

Soon  after  the  death  of  his  wife,  Mr.  Braxton  embarked  for 
England,  where  he  remained  several  years,  and  returned  to  his 
native  land  in  the  autumn  of  1760.  It  is  believed  that  his  principal 
object  in  making  this  visit  was  the  improvement  of  his  mind  and 
manners,  by  an  intercourse  with  the  best  and  most  polished  society 
in  the  metropolis  of  the  British  empire. 
748 


RE3.0F  CARTER 


CARTER    BRAXTON.  749 

On  the  fifteenth  of  May,  1761,  he  married  Elizabeth  Corbin,  the 
eldest  daughter  of  Richard  Corbin,  of  Lanneville,  King  and  Queen 
county,  who  was  at  that  time,  and  until  the  commencement  of  hos- 
tilities, the  king's  receiver  general  of  the  customs  in  the  colony  of 
Virginia  ;  by  this  marriage  he  had  sixteen  children,  of  whom  six 
died  in  infancy. 

The  extent  of  Mr.  Braxton's  fortune  rendering  it  unnecessary 
for  him  to  study  any  profession,  his  occupation,  during  the  early 
part  of  his  life,  was  that  of  a  gentleman  planter.  His  habits  were  un- 
doubtedly very  expensive,  according  to  the  fashion  of  that  day  amongst 
all  those  who  have  been  denominated  the  landed  aristocracy  of  the 
colony.  His  cellars  were  filled  with  the  finest  wines,  and  his  plate 
and  other  furniture,  were  of  the  richest  kind.  His  manners  were 
refined,  and  his  hospitality  generous  ;  and  his  house  became  the  re- 
sort of  the  gay,  the  fashionable,  and  the  rich. 

It  is  not  now  possible  to  ascertain  the  precise  period  when  Mr. 
Braxton  was  first  called  into  public  life.  It  is  believed,  however, 
that  he  was  a  member  of  the  house  of  burgesses,  the  popular  branch 
of  the  colonial  legislature,  as  early  as  the  year  1761  ;  and  that  he 
took  an  active  part  in  the  eventful  session  of  1765,  when  the  cele- 
brated resolutions  of  Patrick  Henry  were  adopted.  By  these  it 
was  strongly  affirmed,  that  the  sole  right  and  power  to  lay  taxes 
and  impositions  on  the  people  of  the  colony,  was  in  the  general  as- 
sembly, and  that  every  attempt  to  vest  such  power  in  the  parlia- 
ment, had  a  manifest  tendency  to  destroy  British  as  well  as  American 
freedom. 

In  the  session  of  the  house  of  burgesses,  which  commenced  on 
the  eleventh  of  May,  1769,  being  a  new  assembly  elected,  and  con- 
vened soon  after  the  arrival  of  Lord  Bottetourt,  as  governor  of 
Virginia,  Mr.  Braxton  was  one  of  the  delegates  from  the  county  of 
King  William.  The  proceedings,  and  speedy  dissolution  of  that 
body,  are  matters  of  history.  The  session  was  marked  by  a  set  of 
resolutions  so  strong,  as  to  have  excited  even  the  amiable  and  popu- 
lar Bottetourt  to  displeasure. 

Lord  Bottetourt  was  then  fresh  from  the  court  of  his  royal  master, 
and  did  not  at  all  relish  the  noble  stand  which  the  house  had  unex- 
pectedly taken.  The  adoption  of  the  resolutions  caused  the  imme- 
diate dissolution  of  the  assembly,  by  the  governor,  in  these  words: 
"Mr.  Speaker  and  gentlemen  of  the  house  of  burgesses, — I  have 
heard  of  your  resolves,  and  augur  ill  of  their  effects.  You  have 
made  it  my  duty  to  dissolve  you,  and  you  are  dissolved  accordingly  " 


750  CARTER    BRAXTON. 

— But  the  minds  of  that  assembly  were  too  firm  and  enlightened, 
to  be  driven  from  the  defence  of  the  sacred  rights  of  their  constitu- 
ents, by  this  act  of  power.  As  soon  as  they  were  dissolved,  the 
whole  body  assembled  in  a  private  house  of  the  city  of  Williams- 
burg, and  entered  into  the  memorable  non-importation  agreement 
of  the  eighteenth  of  May,  1769.  In  the  subscription  to  that  agree- 
ment, we  find  the  name  of  Carter  Braxton  associated  with  the  vene- 
rated names  of  Randolph,  Nicholas,  Bland,  Cary,  Carter,  Lee, 
Washington,  Henry,  Jefferson,  Nelson,  and  numerous  other  pure, 
disinterested,  and  determined  patriots. 

But  the  dissolution  of  the  house  of  burgesses  did  not  change  the 
materials  of  which  it  had  been  composed.  The  same  members 
were  re-elected  without  a  single  exception,  and  among  them,  Mr. 
Braxton.  At  the  first  meeting  of  this  assembly,  which  took  place 
on  the  seventh  of  November,  1769,  much  greater  harmony  pre- 
vailed than  had  existed  for  several  years  before.  This  state  of 
things  is  easily  accounted  for,  by  an  extract  from  the  opening 
speech  of  Lord  Bottetourt:  "I  think  myself  peculiarly  fortunate," 
said  his  lordship,  "to  be  able  to  inform  you,  that  in  a  letter  dated 
thirteenth  of  May,  I  have  been  assured  by  the  earl  of  Hillsborough, 
that  his  majesty's  present  administration  have  at  no  time  enter- 
tained a  design  to  propose  to  parliament,  to  lay  any  further  taxes 
upon  America,  for  the  purpose  of  raising  a  revenue;  and  that  it  is 
their  intention  to  propose,  in  the  next  session  of  parliament,  to  take 
off  the  duties  upon  glass,  paper,  and  colours,  upon  consideration  of 
such  duties  having  been  laid  contrary  to  the  true  principles  of  com- 
merce. It  may  possibly  be  objected,  that  as  his  majesty's  present 
administration  are  not  immortal,  their  successors  may  be  inclined 
to  attempt  to  undo  what  the  present  ministers  should  have  attempted 
to  perform;  and  to  that  objection  I  can  give  but  this  answer, — that 
it  is  my  firm  opinion,  that  the  plan  I  have  stated  to  you  will  cer- 
tainly take  place,  and  that  it  will  never  be  departed  from ;  and  so 
determined  am  I  for  ever  to  abide  by  it,  that  I  will  be  content  to  be 
declared  infamous,  if  I  do  not,  to  the  last  hour  of  my  life,  at  all 
times,  in  all  places,  and  upon  all  occasions,  exert  every  power  with 
which  I  either  am,  or  ever  shall  be,  legally  invested,  in  order  to  ob- 
tain and  maintain  for  the  continent  of  America,  that  satisfaction 
which  I  have  been  authorized  to  promise  this  day,  by  the  confiden- 
tial servants  of  our  gracious  sovereign,  who,  to  my  certain  know- 
ledge, rates  his  honour  so  high,  that  he  would  rather  part  with  his 
crown  than  preserve  it  by  deceit." — The  noble  sentiments  expressed 


CARTER    BRAXTON.  751 

by  the  governor,  and  the  feeling  manner  in  which  they  were  con- 
veyed, were  fully  reciprocated   by  the  house. 

The  second  session  closed  on  the  twenty-eighth  of  June,  and  the 
house  was  prorogued  ^o  the  twenty-fifth  of  October  following,  but 
did  not  meet  before  the  eleventh  of  July,  1771.  In  the  interval, 
Lord  Bottetourt  died,  and  the  executive  government  devolved  for  a 
short  period,  on  William  Nelson,  president  of  the  council.  Lord 
Dunmore  shortly  afterwards  assumed  the  reins  of  government,  and, 
by  proclamation,  bearing  date  the  twelfth  of  October,  1771,  dis- 
solved the  late  assembly,  and  writs  were  issued  for  a  new  one, 
which  met  on  the  tenth  of  February,  1772.  At  the  time  of  the 
election  of  burgesses,  Mr.  Braxton  was  high  sheriff  of  his  county, 
and  consequently  ineligible  to  a  seat  in  the  assembly. 

After  the  dissolution  of  the  legislature  by  Dunmore,  on  the  twenty- 
seventh  of  May,  1774,  a  spirited  association  was  immediately  entered 
into  by  eighty-nine  of  its  members,  which  recommended,  amongst 
other  things,  that  the  several  colonies  of  British  America,  should 
appoint  deputies  to  meet  in  general  congress.  The  effect  of  this 
recommendation  was  the  election,  by  the  several  counties  in  Vir- 
ginia, of  a  convention,  which  met  in  Williamsburg,  on  the  first  of 
August,  1774.  Of  this  convention,  the  first  that  ever  met  in  Vir- 
ginia, Carter  Braxton  was  a  member,  being  elected  by  the  people 
of  King  William  county.  At  their  first  meeting,  they  pledged 
themselves  to  make  a  common  cause  with  the  people  of  Boston  in 
every  extremity,  and  broke  off  all  commercial  connexion  with  the 
mother  country.  They  appointed  seven  delegates  to  the  congress 
on  the  part  of  Virginia,  and  furnished  them  with  a  spirited  letter  of 
instructions. 

The  same  convention  again  met  at  Richmond,  on  the  twentieth 
of  March,  1775,  and  after  adopting  the  strongest  measures  for  put- 
ting the  country  in  a  posture  of  defence,  and  passing  resolutions  for 
encouraging  the  growth  of  wool,  flax,  hemp,  and  cotton,  the  manu- 
facture of  cloths,  iron,  nails,  and  gunpowder,  and  making  other 
useful  regulations,  they  dissolved  themselves,  having  been  a  week  in 
session,  and  recommended  to  the  people  of  the  counties  to  elect  dele- 
gates to  another  convention  to  serve  for  one  year.  Thus  early  did 
the  doctrine  of  annual  elections  entwine  itself  around  the  affections 
of  this  patriotic  people. 

In  the  spring  of  this  year,  an  event  occurred  in  which  Mr.  Brax- 
ton bore  a  conspicuous  part.  On  the  twentieth  of  April,  1775,  at 
night,  Lord  Dunmore  caused  the  powder  belonging  to  the  colony, 


752  CARTER    BRAXTON. 

and  which  was  deposited  in  the  magazine  at  Williambsburg,  to  be 
secretly  withdrawn,  and  transferred  to  a  British  armed  ship,  then 
lying  at  Burwell's  Ferry,  on  James'  river.  The  pretext  for  this 
unlawful  seizure  was,  that  the  governor  had  neard  of  an  insurrection 
of  the  slaves  in  a  neighbouring  county,  and  that  he  had  removed 
the  powder  to  a  place  of  greater  security;  that  he  assured  the 
municipal  authority  of  Williamsburg,  that  whenever  it  was  wanted 
on  any  insurrection,  it  should  be  returned  in  half  an  hour.  This 
conditional  promise  of  the  return  of  the  powder,  supported  by  the 
influence  of  Mr.  Peyton  Randolph,  Mr.  Nicholas,  and  others,  who 
were  well  known  and  respected  as  patriots,  had  the  effect  of  quiet- 
ing, although  it  did  not  satisfy,  the  minds  of  the  people  of  that 
ancient  city.  When  this  news  spread  through  the  country,  it  pro- 
duced an  electrical  effect.  The  volunteer  militia  of  several  adjacent 
counties  assembled  at  Fredericksburg,  to  the  number  of  six  or  seven 
hundred  men.  They  were  with  difficulty  restrained  from  marching. 
They  elected  a  council,  which  decided  on  deputing  Mr.  Mann  Page 
to  Williamsburg,  to  ascertain  the  state  of  affairs.  A  letter  from 
Peyton  Randolph,  who  was  then  the  president  of  congress,  and 
known  to  be  an  ardent  friend  of  American  liberty,  induced  them, 
with  reluctance,  to  retire  to  their  respective  homes.  Before  they 
retired,  however,  they  published  their  sentiments,  and  their  advice 
to  their  brothers  in  arms,  concluding  with  a  firm  resolution  to  re- 
assemble at  a  moment's  warning,  and  by  force  of  arms,  to  defend 
the  laws,  liberties,  and  rights,  of  that  and  of  any  sister  colony.  This 
publication  was  despatched  to  the  other  counties,  and  caused  the 
disbanding  of  the  volunteers  assembled  near  Mr.  Pendleton's  in 
Caroline,  and  of  those  coming  down  from  the  counties  of  Berkeley, 
Frederick,  and  Dunmore  (now  Shenandoah.)  But  this  advice  was 
not  followed,  nor  approved  of,  by  the  Hanover  volunteers.  Patrick 
Henry  was  at  their  head.  He  spoke  to  them,  and  they  marched. 
Their  object  was  to  obtain,  by  making  reprisals  on  the  king's  pro- 
perty, sufficient  to  indemnify  the  colony  for  the  powder  that  had 
been  taken  away. 

It  is  remarkable,  how  essentially,  at  this  moment,  the  leaders  of 
the  patriots  in  Virginia  differed  from  each  other  in  their  opinions 
of  the  measures  proper  to  be  pursued.  The  advice  which  Randolph 
gave  to  the  volunteers  at  Fredericksburg,  proceeded  from  the  purest 
and  most  patriotic  motives.  With  him  agreed  Nicholas,  Pendleton, 
and  other  distinguished  friends  of  American  liberty.  They  were 
anxious  to  avoid  proceeding  to  extremities:  they  endeavoured  to 


CARTER    BRAXTON.  -    753 

avoid  the  shedding  of  blood.  They  still  clung  to  the  fond  hope  that 
a  reconciliation  might  be  effected,  and  all  their  rights  secured 
without  a  resort  to  force.  They  probably  thought  that  by  striking 
the  first  blow,  they  might  be  placed  in  the  wrong,  and  that,  by  tem- 
perance and  forbearance,  they  would  gain  more  friends  to  the  cause 
of  their  country — if  they  should  be  driven  finally  to  independence — 
than  by  giving  way  to  an  ebullition  of  passion,  even  though  it  was 
caused  by  an  acknowledged  wrong,  and  by  an  illegal  act  of  power. 
On  the  contrary,  Mr.  Henry  was  even  then  perfectly  satisfied, 
"that  we  must  fight;"  that  there  was  no  way  of  avoiding  it  with 
honour;  that,  as  the  blow  was  in  fact  struck  by  the  royal  governor, 
it  would  be  dastardly  and  disgraceful  to  submit  to  it;  and  that 
much  benefit  would  result  to  the  cause  of  freedom,  by  immediately 
resenting  the  insult,  and  obtaining  redress  for  the  injury.  Posterior 
events  proved  that  Henry  was  the  true  prophet,  and  his  countrymen 
have  uniformly  applauded  his  zeal  and  admired  his  courage.  His 
company  consisted  of  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  well  armed 
and  equipped,  and  with  this  force  he  had  advanced  on  the  evening 
of  the  third  of  May,  as  far  as  Doncastle's,  within  sixteen  miles  of 
Williamsburg.  Lord  Dunmore  seemed  determined  to  prepare  for 
the  contest,  and  obtained,  from  the  Fowey  man  of  war,  a  detach- 
ment of  forty  marines  to  guard  his  palace; — the  captain  of  that  ship 
at  the  same  time  declaring,  that  in  case  of  their  being  molested  or 
attacked,  he  would  fire  on  the  town  of  York. 

In  this  state  of  things,  Mr.  Braxton  interposed  his  good  offices, 
and  his  influence  in  warding  off"  the  impending  blow.  His  efforts 
were  crowned  with  success.  He  had  adopted  the  moderate  councils 
of  Pendleton,  Nicholas,  and  Randolph,  and  his  address,  suavity  of 
manners,  and  connexion  with  Colonel  Corbin,  the  king's  receiver- 
general,  enabled  him  to  settle  the  dispute  without  bloodshed.  He, 
at  first,  endeavoured  to  persuade  Henry  to  disband  his  men,  using 
the  same  arguments  that  had  succeeded  with  the  volunteers  of  Caro- 
line, whom  he  had  seen  a  few  days  before  with  Mr.  Pendleton;  but 
finding  him  resolute  in  refusing  to  disband  until  the  powder,  or  its 
value,  should  be  returned,  he  proceeded  to  Williamsburg,  where 
his  father-in-law,  Colonel  Corbin,  kept  his  office.  With  him,  the 
negotiation  succeeded.  The  receiver-general  paid  him,  by  a  bill 
on  Philadelphia,  the  whole  amount  of  Henry's  demand,  with  which 
Mr.  Braxton  returned  to  Doncastle's,  where  he  delivered  it  to 
Henry,  who  gave  his  receipt  for  the  money,  and  discharged  his 
company. 

82  3E 


754  CARTER    BRAXTON. 

But  for  this  interposition,  Virginia  might  have  witnessed  the  blood 
of  her  sons  flowing  in  the  streets  of  Williamsburg,  almost  as  soon 
as  Massachusetts  did  that  of  her  hardy  militia,  in  the  town  of  Lex- 
ington. The  battle  of  the  latter  place  had  occurred  on  the  nine- 
teenth of  April,  and  was  produced  by  a  cause  similar  to  that  which 
had  called  the  Hanover  volunteers  to  the  field. 

Immediately  after  the  dissolution  of  the  assembly,  in  May,  1774, 
new  writs  were  issued,  and  another  house  of  burgesses  was  chosen. 
Of  that  house  Mr.  Braxton  was  elected  a  member.  It  was  pro- 
rogued from  time  to  time,  but  at  length,  by  the  advice  of  his  council, 
Lord  Dunmore  convened  them  on  the  first  of  June,  1775.  This  was 
the  last,  and  perhaps  the  most  important,  house  of  burgesses  that 
had  ever  assembled  under  the  royal  government.  In  that  eventful 
session,  Mr.  Braxton  appears  to  have  been  a  very  active  and  useful 
member.  He  served  not  only  on  three  of  the  regular  committees, 
but  frequently  on  those  special  committees,  to  whom  were  referred 
the  subjects  of  dispute  between  the  governor  and  the  legislature. 

It  was  in  the  night,  between  the  seventh  and  eighth  of  June,  that 
the  governor  fled  from  his  palace,  and  went  on  board  the  Fowcy. 
The  repeated  and  earnest  solicitations  of  his  council,  and  of  the 
house  of  burgesses,  could  not  prevail  on  him  to  return:  he  would 
not  even  come  back  for  the  purpose  of  giving  his  assent  to  a  num- 
ber of  bills  which  had  been  passed,  and  to  which  he  had  no  objec- 
tion. The  assembly  very  properly  refused  to  attend  him  on  board 
the  Fowey.  They  continued  their  session  till  the  fifteenth,  when 
they  adjourned  to  October,  but  never  again  met.  The  governor,  in 
a  short  time,  commenced  a  disgraceful  and  predatory  war  on  the 
colony. 

The  government  being  thus  dissolved  by  the  abdication  of  the 
governor,  all  the  powers  thereof,  as  well  legislative  as  executive, 
devolved  necessarily  on  the  general  convention,  which  met  at  Rich- 
mond, on  the  seventeenth  of  July,  1775,  and  sat  until  the  twenty- 
sixth  of  August.  Of  this  body  Mr.  Braxton  was  a  member.  The 
great  importance  of  this  convention  is  apparent,  not  only  from  the 
fact  that  the  ravages  of  war  were  now  brought  home  to  them  by 
Dunmore,  but  from  the  nature  of  the  ordinances  passed  by  them. 

The  convention  again  met  on  the  first  of  December,  1775,  at 
Richmond,  but  immediately  adjourned  to  Williamsburg.  On  the 
fifteenth  of  that  month,  they  proceeded  to  elect  a  delegate  to  con- 
gress in  the  place  of  Peyton  Randolph,  who  died  in  Philadelphia, 
on  the  twenty-second  of  October,  whilst  he  was  presiding  over  that 


CARTER    BRAXTON.  755 

body.  Mr.  Braxton  was  appointed  his  successor,  and  he  soon  after 
took  his  seat  in  the  great  national  council,  where  he  affixed  his  name 
to  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  as  one  of  the  delegates  from 
Virginia. 

On  the  twentieth  of  June,  1776,  the  convention  resolved,  that  the 
delegates  to  be  appointed  to  represent  the  colony  in  general  con- 
gress, should  consist  of  rive  in  number,  and  that  any  three  of  them 
should  be  sufficient.  In  consequence  of  this  resolution,  the  names 
of  Mr.  Harrison  and  Mr.  Braxton  were  omitted,  and  the  other  five 
gentlemen  were   re-elected,  from  the  eleventh  of  August  following. 

The  first  general  assembly  under  the  republican  constitution,  as- 
sembled in  Williamsburg  on  the  seventh  of  October,  177C.  The 
members  of  the  house  of  delegates,  the  most  numerous  branch  of 
that  assembly,  were  the  same  persons,  with  very  few  exceptions, 
who  had  composed  the  preceding  convention.  Mr.  Braxton  himself 
was  one  of  the  exceptions.  When  the  convention  met  in  May,  1776, 
William  Aylett,  and  Richard  S.  Taylor,  were  the  members  from  the 
county  of  King  William.  On  the  twenty-second  of  May,  Mr.  Aylett 
having  accepted  a  military  commission,  his  seat  was  declared  to  be 
vacated,  and  the  president  was  directed  to  issue  a  warrant  of  elec- 
tion to  supply  the  vacancy.  Under  that  warrant,  Mr.  Braxton  was 
elected  by  the  people,  and  took  his  seat  in  the  succeeding  house  of 
delegates.  This  body  was  the  convention  under  a  new  name;  for 
no  election  had  been  made  by  the  people,  of  delegates,  between 
the  formation  of  the  constitution  and  this  meeting  of  the  general 
assembly. 

The  first  session  of  the  legislature  of  Virginia  was  most  interest- 
ing and  important ;  and  it  is  obvious,  from  an  inspection  of  the 
journals,  that  Mr.  Braxton  was  one  of  the  most  active  members  of 
the  house.  He  was  on  the  committee  of  religion,  of  which  he  was 
chairman;  on  the  committee  of  propositions  and  grievances,  of 
which,  although  he  was  not  first  named,  he  made  most  of  the  reports 
during  the  session,  and  consequently  must  have  acted  as  chairman; 
and  on  the  committee  of  trade.  Besides  these,  he  was  a  member 
of  many  other  special  committees  of  the  greatest  importance,  and 
sometimes  took  the  chair  of  the  committee  of  the  whole. 

Mr.  Braxton  continued  to  receive,  during  the  remainder  of  his 
life,  and  under  every  change  of  fortune,  which  finally  became  most 
afflictive  and  trying,  strong  and  unerring  proofs  of  the  confidence 
of  the  people,  and  of  the  legislature  of  his  state.  He  was  a  mem- 
ber of  the  house  of  delegates  in  the  years  1777,  1779,  1780,  1781, 


756  CARTER    BRAXTON. 

1783,  and  1785.  In  the  last  year,  his  name  stands  recorded  as  one 
of  the  supporters  of  the  act  for  establishing  religious  freedom;  an 
act  bearing  the  character  of  a  constitutional  provision;  an  act  penned 
by  Jefferson,  advocated  by  Madison,  and  of  more  value  to  the  re- 
ligious and  civil  liberty  of  the  people  of  Virginia,  than  any  other  law 
that  has  been  passed  from  the  adoption  of  their  constitution  to  this 
day.  In  January,  1786,  he  was  appointed  a  member  of  the  privy 
council,  or  council  of  state,  of  the  commonwealth,  and  on  the  twenty- 
third  of  that  month,  took  his  seat  at  the  board:  he  continued  a  mem- 
ber of  that  body  until  the  thirtieth  of  March,  1791.  After  that 
period  he  was  elected  by  the  people  of  Henrico,  he  having  removed 
with  his  family  to  Richmond  in  1786,  a  member  of  the  house  of 
delegates.  In  the  winter  session  of  1793,  he  was  again  elected  by 
the  general  assembly  into  the  executive  council,  and  took  his  seat  at 
the  board  on  the  thirty-first  of  May,  1794.  It  appears  that  he  was 
an  assiduous  and  faithful  member.  The  last  time  that  he  sat  in 
council,  was  on  the  sixth  of  October,  1797,  only  four  days  before 
liis  death. 

Although  Mr.  Braxton  did  not  possess  the  resplendent  abilities 
which  shone  so  conspicuously  in  Henry,  Pendleton,  Jefferson,  and 
Lee,  he  was  a  man  of  cultivated  mind,  and  of  considerable  talents. 
He  frequently  engaged  in  debate,  in  the  conventions  and  in  the 
legislature.  His  oratory  was  probably  like  his  manners — easy,  flow- 
ing, smooth,  and  polished.  A  gentleman  who  became  acquainted 
with  Mr.  Braxton  after  the  termination  of  the  war,  observes  that 
"  he  was  an  agreeable,  though  not  a  remarkably  forcible,  public 
speaker.  His  eloquence  was  easy  and  gentlemanly ;  his  language 
good ;  and  his  manner  agreeable." 

It  has  been  already  stated  that  Mr.  Braxton  derived  from  his 
ancestors  a  splendid  fortune.  At  the  commencement  of  the  revolu- 
tion, he  was  still  an  opulent  man.  He  had  always  a  propensity  to 
engage  in  commerce,  and  in  the  early  part  of  his  life  was  concerned 
in  merchandising,  but  not  on  a  very  extensive  scale.  Unhappily  for 
himself  and  his  family,  as  soon  as  the  war  commenced,  he  entered 
into  commerce  upon  an  enlarged  plan.  All  his  mercantile  projects 
and  adventures  proved  to  be  disastrous.  In  a  few  years,  all  his 
vessels  were  swept  from  the  ocean :  ship  after  ship  was  captured  by 
the  enemy ;  his  debts  could  only  be  collected  in  the  depreciated  cur- 
rency;  his  personal  property  was  seized  by  the  sheriff;  his  lands  he 
had  in  part  sold,  when  he  first  engaged  in  these  speculations;  the 
rest,  with  his  slaves  and  furniture,  he  mortgaged,  to  satisfy  various 


CARTER    BRAXTON.  757 

creditors; — lawsuits  accumulated  on  him.  The  court  of  chancery 
groaned  under  the  weight  of  the  suits  in  which  he  was  a  party — 
plaintiff  or  defendant.  He  became  involved  in  pecuniary  embarrass- 
ments, from  which  it  was  impossible  to  extricate  him.  His  temper 
was  sanguine,  and  hence  he  imposed  on  himself,  and  consequently 
on  his  friends.  He  was  in  possession  of  a  considerable  estate,  which 
he  struggled  to  preserve;  and,  by  making  calculations  which  could 
never  be  realised,  induced  his  friends  to  pledge  themselves  for  him 
too  deeply,  and  failed  in  performing  his  engagements.  But  the  fact 
that  two  of  his  own  sons-in-law  became  sureties  for  him  to  a  great 
extent,  and  shared  the  fate  of  the  rest,  fully  proves  that  the  injury 
done  by  him  to  his  friends,  who  were  induced  to  become  responsible 
for  him,  was  not  done  designedly,  but  proceeded  from  his  sanguine 
temper,  and  from  being  himself  deceived.  Legitimate  misfortune 
ought  to  command  our  respect — not  call  forth  our  censure. 

Mr.  Braxton  finally  sunk  under  his  embarrassments,  and  died 
heart-broken:  he  experienced  two  paralytic  attacks — the  last  of 
which  removed  him  from  this  earthly  scene.  This  event  occurred 
at  Richmond,  on  the  tenth  of  October,  1797.  His  venerable  widow, 
by  the  exertions  of  her  friends,  and  the  operation  of  a  beneficent 
law,  saved  from  the  wreck  of  his  estate  enough  to  protect  her  de 
clining  years  from  absolute  want.  Thus  this  gentleman,  whose  early 
prospects  were  so  bright  and  flattering,  and  who  was  so  usefully 
engaged  in  his  country's  service  for  many  years,  became,  in  his  lat- 
ter days,  by  a  succession  of  disastrous  events,  the  sport  of  the  most 
cruel  fortune. 

Mr.  Braxton  was  a  man  of  mild  and  philanthropic  disposition. 
He  was  attached  to  domestic  life,  and  never  was  so  happy  as  when 
associated  with  his  wife  and  children.  As  a  husband,  a  father,  a 
friend,  and  a  neighbour,  he  was  kind,  affectionate,  and  obliging. 
His  manners  were  entirely  those  of  a  polished  gentleman,  and  in 
all  his  ordinary  intercourse  with  society,  he  was  amiable  and  ex- 
emplary. 

3e2 


WILLIAM   HOOPEB. 


William  Hooper,  a  delegate  in  congress  from  the  state  of 
North  Carolina,  was  born  at  Boston,  in  the  province  of  Massachusetts 
Bay,  on  the  seventeenth  of  June,  1742.  He  displayed,  at  a  very 
early  age,  the  marks  of  considerable  talent,  but  his  constitution  was 
extremely  delicate  from  his  birth.  The  first  rudiments  of  know- 
ledge he  received  entirely  from  his  father,  who  devoted  great  atten- 
tion to  his  early  education,  and  retained  him  under  his  own  imme- 
diate control  until  he  was  seven  years  old.  He  was  then  sent  to  a 
free  grammar  school  in  Boston,  at  that  time  under  the  care  of  John 
Lovell,  a  teacher  of  more  than  usual  celebrity  in  his  day;  and  after 
remaining  with  him  several  years,  was  removed  at  the  age  of  fifteen 
to  Harvard  University.  In  this  institution  he  remained  three  years; 
he  devoted  himself  while  there  with  extreme  ardour,  and  in  the  vaca 
tions  which  he  passed  at  home,  it  is  said  that  under  the  instructions 
of  his  father,  his  application  was  even  more  excessive  than  whilst 
he  was  within  the  college  walls.  His  inclinations  seem  to  have  led 
him  rather  to  the  study  of  elegant  literature,  an  intimate  knowledge 
of  the  great  masters  of  antiquity,  and  the  cultivation  of  a  refined 
taste  in  composition  and  in  public  speaking,  than  to  the  pursuit  of 
severer  and  more  abstract  science.  He  commenced  bachelor  of  arts 
in  the  year  17C0,  and  left  college  high  in  rank  and  reputation  among 
his  fellow  students. 

It  was  the  early  intention,  as  it  had  been  the  earnest  wish  of  his 
father,  that  Mr.  Hooper  should  select  the  church  as  his  profession. 
His  own  inclinations,  however,  led  him  to  prefer  the  bar,  and  that 
appears  to  have  been  a  scene  more  appropriate  for  his  talents  and 
acquirements.  To  this  change  in  his  plans  his  father  yielded;  and, 
as  soon  as  his  collegiate  course  had  terminated,  he  became  a  student 
of  law  under  James  Otis,  one  of  the  most  distinguished  members  of 
the  bar  in  the  province. 

At  this  period  commenced  the  attempts  of  the  English  parliament 
758 


RES.    OF     W?    HOOPER  ,  WILMINGTON     N.C. 


WILLIAM    HOOPER.  759 

against  the  rights  and  privileges  of  their  fellow  subjects  in  the  Ame- 
rican colonies.  Mr.  Otis  took  an  early  and  decided  stand,  by  his 
writings  and  by  his  open  declarations,  against  the  assumed  power 
of  the  British  government.  He  was  excelled  by  none  in  zeal,  and 
equalled  by  few  in  abilities.  The  high  esteem  and  respect  which 
Mr.  Hooper  entertained  for  his  preceptor,  naturally  produced  a  co- 
incidence in  their  political  views  ;  and  there  is  little  doubt  that  at 
this  time  those  principles  were  implanted  in  his  mind,  which  subse- 
quent events  matured,  and  the  exigencies  of  his  country  afterwards 
called  forth  into  practical  usefulness. 

When,  at  length,  Mr.  Hooper  was  called  to  the  bar,  he  found 
that  the  profession  in  his  native  province  was  so  well  filled,  in  re- 
spect both  to  numbers  and  age,  that  there  was  scarcely  any  field 
for  the  exercise  of  youthful  industry  or  talent.  He  determined, 
therefore,  to  try  his  fortunes  in  some  other  part  of  the  country.  In 
North  Carolina  he  had  many  connexions  of  considerable  wealth  and 
influence,  and  this  circumstance  induced  him  to  select  that  province 
as  the  theatre  of  his  early  labours. 

After  a  year  or  two,  however,  spent  in  North  Carolina,  his  father 
became  exceedingly  anxious  that  he  should  return  to  Boston.  His 
health,  naturally  delicate,  had  suffered  considerably  from  the  seve- 
rity with  which  he  applied  himself  to  the  study  and  practice  of  his 
profession,  as  well  as  from  the  extreme  labour  which  arose  from 
its  active  prosecution. 

Another  circumstance  may  have  contributed,  in  some  degree,  to 
the  loss  of  health,  from  which  Mr.  Hooper  suffered.  The  manners 
of  the  country  were  social  to  a  degree  bordering  on  conviviality, 
and  little  suited  to  one  brought  up  under  the  more  rigid  discipline 
of  the  north.  Visiters  had  already  designated  Wilmington  as  the 
region  of  kindness.  Hospitality  was  practised  to  excess ;  and  an 
immoderate  attachment  to  convivial  enjoyment,  was  a  folly  of  the 
opulent  which  spread  through  the  classes  of  society,  until  none  were 
exempt.  Many,  indeed,  of  the  oldest  families  of  the  state,  now  re- 
duced to  comparative  poverty,  have  reason  to  rue  the  prodigal  libe- 
rality of  their  ancestors. 

In  the  fall  of  1767,  having  determined  to  fix  his  residence  per- 
manently in  North  Carolina,  he  married  Miss  Anne  Clark,  of  Wil- 
mington, in  that  province  ;  a  young  lady  whose  family  was  highly 
respectable,  and  whose  brother,  General  Thomas  Clark,  was  after- 
wards a  well-known  officer  in  the  army  of  the  United  States.  As 
Mr.  Hooper  had  now  become  a  citizen  and   a  settled   resident  of 


760  WILLIAM    HOOPER. 

Wilmington,  it  may  be  well  supposed  that  he  soon  held  a  prominent 
station  among  those  who  were  distinguished  for  their  information, 
talents,  and  influence. 

His  professional  duties  Mr.  Hooper  continued  to  pursue  with  un- 
abated and  successful  zeal.  He  soon  held  a  high  rank  among  the 
advocates  of  the  province;  and  as  early  as  1768,  when  he  was  only 
twenty-six  years  of  age,  was  spoken  of  as  one  of  the  leading  mem- 
bers of  the  bar. 

In  the  year  1770,  Mr.  Hooper  took  an  active  part  in  behalf  of 
the  government,  against  the  insurgents,  who  were  known  by  the 
name  of  the  Regulators.  These  insurgents,  who  had  adopted  this 
title,  lest  they  should  be  looked  upon  merely  as  an  ordinary  mob, 
were,  for  the  most  part,  composed  of  the  lowest  classes  of  the  people, 
and  inhabited  the  remote  and  thinly  settled  parts  of  the  province. 
Here,  without  the  means  of  instruction,  without  knowledge  of  the 
laws,  gaining  a  precarious  subsistence,  wild,  poor  and  miserable, 
they  became  the  ready  instruments  of  men  who  were  plausible  and 
cunning  enough  to  point  out  to  them  their  wretchedness,  and  to  pro- 
mise them  redress.  They  told  them  of  large  sums  of  money  which 
had  been  lavished  in  erecting  a  palace  for  the  governor  ;  of  heavy 
taxes  which  they  were  made  yearly  to  pay,  without  receiving  from 
their  expenditure  the  slightest  benefit ;  of  enormous  fees  which 
were  extorted  by  all  the  subordinate  officers  of  the  government  ; 
until,  from  murmurs  and  complaints,  they  led  them  by  degrees  to 
riot  and  rebellion.  The  first  symptoms  of  a  turbulent  spirit  had 
appeared  in  the  northern  counties  of  the  province  as  early  as  1766; 
and  the  discontented  and  factious,  at  length  proceeded  to  form  them- 
selves into  regular  associations,  in  which  they  bound  themselves  by 
oath,  to  support  the  cause  in  which  they  were  engaged.  Relying 
on  their  united  strength,  and  gaining  courage  from  impunity,  they 
proceeded  to  inflict  summary  justice  on  the  objects  of  their  peculiar 
vengeance.  The  judges  were  driven  from  the  bench,  the  attorneys 
were  struck  down  while  in  the  performance  of  their  public  duties,  or 
dragged  ignominiously  through  the  streets ;  and  the  civil,  even  the 
military  power  were  placed  completely  at  defiance.  Flushed  with 
success,  they  soon  forgot  the  original  causes  of  complaint,  and  their 
leaders  determined  to  turn  to  their  own  advantage  the  power  they 
had  obtained.  At  every  meeting  their  demands  and  their  violence 
increased.  They  gave  full  rein  to  every  disordered  passion  ;  they 
drove  their  defenceless  countrymen  from  their  homes ;  and  laid  waste 
their  property  with  fire  and  sword.     In  the  midst  of  all  this,  their 


WILLIAM    HOOPER.  70] 

leaders  avowed  their  true  intentions  ;  they  acknowledged  that  their 
ohject  was  no  longer  a  redress  of  grievances,  hut  that  it  was  to 
seize  the  reins  of  government,  and  acquire  wealth  hy  the  profitable 
offices  in  its  gift.  Under  these  circumstances,  the  most  patriotic 
citizens  deemed  it  their  duty  to  support  the  government,  forgetting 
for  the  time  the  wrongs  which  they  had  received  from  it.  Among 
these  was  Mr.  Hooper.  He  advised  a  resort  at  once  to  decisive  mea- 
sures, as  the  only  means  hy  which  the  country  could  he  saved  from 
anarchy.  His  advice  was  taken,  the  militia  of  the  province  were 
called  out,  and,  after  a  severe  battle,  the  rioters,  who  had  assembled 
to  the  number  of  three  thousand,  were  defeated,  and  tranquillity 
restored. 

In  the  year  1773,  Mr.  Hooper,  who  had  been  a  permanent  in- 
habitant of  the  province  scarcely  six  years,  was  chosen  to  represent 
the  town  of  Wilmington,  in  which  he  resided,  in  the  general  assem- 
bly. In  1774,  he  was  again  sent  to  the  same  body,  from  the  county 
of  New  Hanover.  Here  it  soon  became  his  duty  to  oppose  one  of 
those  arbitrary  acts  of  the  British  government,  of  which  so  many 
are  found  in  the  history  of  every  state.  In  the  year  1773,  the  laws 
regulating  courts  of  justice  in  the  province  were  about  to  expire, 
and  it  became  necessary  to  revive  their  provisions  by  a  new  enact- 
ment. The  British  party,  taking  advantage  of  the  occasion,  intro- 
duced a  clause  in  the  new  bill,  the  object  of  which  was  to  screen 
from  the  attachment  to  which  they  had  hitherto  been  liable,  any 
property  in  North  Carolina  which  belonged  to  persons  who  did  not 
reside  within  the  state.  This  bill  received  the  approbation  of  the 
governor  and  senate,  but  when  it  was  presented  to  the  house  of  re- 
presentatives, it  met  with  strong  and  determined  opposition.  In  the 
debate,  which  was  long  and  obstinate,  Mr.  Hooper  took  the  lead. 
Nor  did  he  confine  his  efforts  to  the  chamber  in  which  the  question 
was  debated.  He  endeavoured  to  spread  throughout  the  colony  a 
full  knowledge  of  the  question,  in  which  he  justly  deemed  many  of 
their  dearest  rights  were  deeply  involved.  He  published  a  series 
of  essays  under  the  signature  of  Hampden,  and  thus  prepared  the 
people  at  large  for  these  changes,  which  he  now  perceived  to  be  in- 
evitable. 

Personally,  to  Mr.  Hooper,  nothing  could  be  more  injurious  than 
the  course  which  he  had  chosen.  The  measures  which  were  pur- 
sued, chiefly  by  his  energetic  efforts,  ended  in  leaving  the  province, 
for  more  than  twelve  months,  without  any  court  of  law.  He  thus 
lost  the  means  on  which  he  depended  for  support — at  an  age  too,  and 
83 


762  WILLIAM    HOOPER. 

under  circumstances,  when  he  could  sustain  with  difficulty  such  a 
deprivation.  In  all  his  conduct,  however,  there  appears  to  have 
been  perfect  disinterestedness. 

He  was  now  destined,  however,  to  support  his  country  in  a  more 
conspicuous  scene.  On  the  twenty-fifth  of  August,  1774,  a  general 
meeting  of  deputies  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  province  was  held  at 
Newbern.  They  there  passed  a  resolution  approving  the  proposal 
of  a  general  congress  to  be  held  at  Philadelphia,  and  elected  Mr. 
Hooper  the  first  delegate  to  that  assembly.  They  pledged  them 
selves  to  support  the  acts  of  their  delegates,  and  declared  them  to 
be  binding  in  honour,  upon  every  inhabitant  of  the  province,  who 
was  not  alien  to  his  country's  good,  and  an  apostate  to  the  liberties 
of  America. 

With  these  credentials,  Mr.  Hooper  took  his  seat  in  congress  on 
the  twelfth  of  September,  1774,  and  was  immediately  placed  on  two 
important  committees. 

On  the  fifth  of  April,  1775,  Mr.  Hooper  was  again  elected  a  de- 
legate to  serve  in  the  second  general  congress,  which  met  at  Phila- 
delphia in  the  month  of  May  of  that  year.  Soon  after  taking  his 
seat,  he  was  selected  as  the  chairman  of  a  committee,  which  was 
appointed  to  draught  an  address  to  the  inhabitants  of  Jamaica.  In 
this  he  asserted  in  strong  language,  the  deliberate  intention  of  the 
British  government  for  many  years  past  to  destroy,  in  every  part  of 
the  empire,  the  free  constitution  which  it  had  so  long  enjoyed.  That, 
with  a  dexterity  artful  and  wicked,  they  had  varied  the  modes  of 
attack  according  to  the  different  characters  and  circumstances  of 
those  whom  they  meant  to  reduce.  In  the  East  Indies,  scarcely 
veiling  their  tyranny  under  the  thinnest  disguise — but  wantonly  sacri- 
ficing the  lives  of  millions  to  gratify  their  avarice  and  power:  in 
Britain,  where  the  maxims  at  least  of  freedom  were  known,  em- 
ploying the  secret  arts  of  corruption:  in  America,  too  resolute  for 
the  employment  of  open  force,  and  as  yet  too  pure  for  corruption, 
forming  plausible  systems,  making  specious  pretences,  and  trying 
by  all  the  arts  of  sophistry  to  prove  their  right  to  enslave.  These 
principles  they  afterwards  attempted  to  enforce  by  the  hand  of 
power.  The  power  and  the  cunning,  however,  of  our  adversaries, 
he  adds,  were  alike  unsuccessful.  We  refused  to  their  parliaments 
an  obedience  which  our  judgments  disapproved  of:  we  refused  to 
their  armies  a  submission,  which  spirits  unaccustomed  to  slavery 
could  not  brook.  He  then  states  the  successive  measures  which  had 
been  tried  in  vain;  the  prayers  which  had  been  rejected;  the  re- 


WILLIAM    HOOPER.  7G3 

monstrances  which  had  been  disregarded ;  and  the  only  remedy 
which  had  been  left,  the  sacrifice  of  commerce  for  the  preservation 
of  liberty.  He  regrets  the  hard  necessity  which  compelled  the  ex- 
tension of  this  system  to  the  West  Indies;  while  he  expresses  the 
belief  of  congress,  that  no  apology  is  necessary  to  the  patriotic 
assembly  of  Jamaica,  who  know  so  well  the  value  of  liberty;  who 
are  so  sensible  of  the  extreme  danger  to  which  ours  is  exposed ; 
and  who  must  foresee  that  the  destruction  of  ours  will  be  followed 
by  the  destruction  of  their  own.  He  concludes  in  the  following  bold 
and  animating  language,  which  shows  how  far,  at  that  period,  the 
delegates  had  determined  to  carry  their  resistance: — 

"  That  our  petitions  have  been  treated  with  disdain,  is  now  be- 
come the  smallest  part  of  our  complaint:  ministerial  insolence  is 
lost  in  ministerial  barbarity.  It  has,  by  an  exertion  peculiarly  in- 
genious, procured  those  very  measures,  which  it  laid  us  under  the 
hard  necessity  of  pursuing,  to  be  stigmatized  in  parliament  as  rebel- 
lious: it  has  employed  additional  fleets  and  armies  for  the  infamous 
purpose  of  compelling  us  to  abandon  them:  it  has  plunged  us  in  all 
the  horrors  and  calamities  of  civil  war:  it  has  caused  the  treasure 
and  blood  of  Britons  (formerly  shed  and  expended  for  far  other 
ends)  to  be  spilt  and  wasted  in  the  execrable  design  of  spreading 
slavery  over  British  America:  it  will  not,  however,  accomplish  its 
aim:  in  the  worst  of  contingencies,  a  choice  will  still  be  left,  which 
it  never  can  prevent  us  from  making." 

On  the  twelfth  June,  Mr.  Hooper  brought  in  a  resolution  recom- 
mending the  observance  of  the  twentieth  of  July,  as  a  day  of  public 
humiliation,  fasting,  and  prayer. 

During  the  remainder  of  the  year  1775,  Mr.  Hooper's  name  ap- 
pears frequently  on  the  journals  of  congress,  as  a  member  of  various 
committees,  some  involving  measures  of  the  deepest  interest,  and 
associated  on  them  with  Jefferson,  Franklin,  Adams,  and  other 
leading  members  of  the  house.  So  meagre,  however,  are  the  notices 
which  these  volumes  afford,  that  we  look  in  vain  for  any  thing  which 
can  illustrate  the  measures  they  advised,  and  frequently  have  no 
record  of  the  measures  themselves. 

He  was  associated  with  Dr.  Franklin  and  Mr.  Livingston,  in 
January,  1776,  on  a  committee  to  consider  a  proper  method  of 
paying  a  just  tribute  of  gratitude  to  the  memory  of  General  Mont- 
gomery, who  had  lately  fallen  with  so  much  glory  beneath  the  walls 
of  Quebec.  They  recommended  the  erection  of  a  monument  to 
his  memory,  to  express  the  veneration  of  the  United  Colonies;  and 


764  WILLIAM    HOOPER. 

to  transmit  to  future  ages,  as  examples  truly  worthy  of  imitation, 
his  patriotism,  conduct,  boldness  of  enterprise,  insuperable  perse- 
verance, and  contempt  of  danger  and  death.  Their  recommenda- 
tion was  not  disregarded.  A  monument  was  erected  by  congress, 
in  the  city  of  New  York. 

During  a  considerable  part  of  the  spring  of  1776,  Mr.  Hooper 
was  obliged  to  be  absent  from  congress,  by  the  public  and  private 
business  which  required  his  attention  in  North  Carolina.  He  took 
a  prominent  part  while  there,  in  several  important  political  mea- 
sures. He  distinguished  himself  greatly,  as  a  speaker,  in  the  con- 
ventions which  were  held  at  Hillsborough  and  Halifax;  and  the  elo- 
quent address  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  British  empire,  which  ema- 
nated from  the  former,  was  the  production,  exclusively,  of  his  pen. 

In  the  summer  he  returned  to  his  post,  and  on  the  fourth  of  July 
gave  his  vote,  with  his  colleagues,  for  the  Declaration  of  Indepen- 
dence. During  the  remainder  of  the  year,  he  is  found  in  active 
service — he  was  placed  on  the  committee  for  regulating  the  post 
office,  and  on  those  of  the  treasury,  secret  correspondence,  appeals 
from  the  admiralty  courts,  and  the  laws  relative  to  captures — situa- 
tions requiring  extreme  prudence,  industry,  and  judgment. 

On  the  twentieth  December,  1776,  Mr.  Hooper  was  a  third  time 
elected  a  delegate  to  congress ;  but  so  great  was  the  derangement 
of  his  private  affairs,  from  the  situation  of  the  country,  and  the  ne- 
glect to  which  they  were  exposed  from  his  public  occupations,  that 
he  found  it  impossible  longer  to  absent  himself  from  Carolina.  On 
the  fourth  of  February,  1777,  he  obtained  leave  of  congress  to 
return  home,  and  shortly  after  resigned  his  seat  entirely. 

On  his  return  to  Carolina,  Mr.  Hooper  exerted  himself,  with  new 
zeal,  in  the  support  of  the  revolutionary  cause.  He  was  a  promi- 
nent leader  in  all  the  great  public  measures  which  were  demanded 
by  the  exigency  of  the  times.  On  the  most  trying  occasions,  the 
loftiness  and  elasticity  of  his  spirit  were  manifest  and  striking. 
Events  which  cast  a  gloom  over  the  minds  of  many  of  his  most 
patriotic  coadjutors,  had  no  effect  in  damping  his  ardour,  or  de- 
pressing his  hopes.  The  disastrous  issue  of  the  battle  of  German- 
town,  which  spread  consternation  among  the  friends  of  liberty,  only 
gave  fresh  animation  to  his  zeal.  When  the  report  of  that  event 
reached  Wilmington,  he  was  surrounded  by  a  party  of  his  friends, 
who  were  overwhelmed  with  dismay  at  the  unfortunate  intelligence. 
•'We  have  been  disappointed,"  he  exclaimed  with  great  animation, 
and  starting  from  his  seat,  "we  have  been  disappointed! — but  no 


WILLIAM    HOOPER.  765 

matter;  now  that  we  have  become  the  assailants,  there  can  be  no 
doubt  of  the  issue." 

About  this  time  he  removed  with  his  family  from  the  town  of 
Wilmington,  to  a  plantation  which  belonged  to  him,  about  eight 
miles  distant,  on  Masonsborough  sound.  This  place,  however,  he 
was  soon  after  obliged  to  leave,  on  account  of  the  aggressions  of  the 
enemy.  It  will  be  readily  supposed  that  the  very  prominent  part 
he  had  taken  in  the  revolutionary  measures  of  his  own  province, 
and  afterwards  in  those  of  the  colonies  in  general,  had  rendered 
him  notorious,  and  peculiarly  obnoxious  to  the  partisans  of  the 
British  government.  Soon  after  his  election  to  congress,  and  while 
absent  on  his  public  duties,  the  captain  of  a  sloop  of  war,  lying  in 
Cape  Fear  river,  had  descended  to  the  unworthy  vengeance  of  firing 
upon  a  house  belonging  to  him,  which  was  situated  on  the  shore  of 
that  river,  about  three  miles  from  Wilmington.  On  his  return  from 
congress,  these  outrages  assumed  a  character  still  more  personal. 
A  31ajor  Craig,  having  under  his  command  a  considerable  force, 
arrived  in  Cape  Fear  river,  and  compelled  Mr.  Hooper  to  seek  his 
immediate  safety,  by  taking  refuge  in  the  interior  country.  His 
family  he  removed  to  Wilmington,  preferring  to  cast  them  on  the 
humanity  of  an  open  enemy,  rather  than  expose  them  to  the  perils 
of  a  predatory  warfare.  Uncertain  of  the  issue  of  the  measures 
which  he  had  advocated,  but  yet  pursuing  them  with  unabated  zeal, 
he  was  well  aware  of  the  danger  to  which  he  would  be  exposed  by 
any  reverse  of  fortune.  He,  therefore,  made  an  arrangement  for 
seeking  a  refuge  in  one  of  the  French  West  India  islands,  should 
success  finally  attend  the  British  arms;  and  it  is  said  that  a  similar 
plan  had  been  concerted  by  all  the  members  of  congress  with  the 
French  minister.  In  November,  1781,  Wilmington  was  evacuated 
by  the  enemy,  and  Mr.  Hooper  returned  to  it  with  his  family. 
Shortly  afterwards  he  removed  to  Hillsborough. 

On  the  twenty-second  September,  1786,  he  was  appointed  by  con- 
gress, one  of  the  judges  of  a  federal  court,  formed,  according  to  the 
articles  of  confederation,  to  determine  a  controversy  which  had 
arisen  between  the  states  of  Massachusetts  and  New  York,  relative 
to  a  territory,  which  was  claimed  by  each  state  as  within  its  boun- 
daries. The  points  involved  in  this  controversy,  were  of  extreme 
importance,  and  affected,  to  a  large  extent,  the  territorial  rights  of 
both  states.  In  asserting  these  rights,  each  had  already  acted  with 
considerable  warmth ;  and  the  court  had  a  question  of  extreme  deli- 
cacy, as  well  as  difficulty  to  settle.  This  was,  however,  obviated. 
3F 


766  WILLIAM    HOOPER. 

by  an  arrangement  between  the  states.  On  the  sixteenth  of  De- 
cember commissioners,  appointed  by  the  respective  parties,  met  at 
the  city  of  Hartford  in  the  state  of  Connecticut,  and  an  agreement 
was  entered  into  between  them,  by  which  their  disputes  were  settled 
without  appealing  to  the  doubtful  authority,  which  had  been  recog- 
nised as  binding  by  the  articles  of  confederation. 

In  the  year  1787,  the  health  of  Mr.  Hooper,  whose  constitution 
was  always  delicate,  had  become  considerably  impaired.  He  had 
continued,  however,  to  hold  a  distinguished  rank  in  the  councils  of 
the  state,  and  to  maintain  a  very  high  station  at  the  bar.  Speaking 
of  him  about  this  period,  the  late  Judge  Iredell  remarked,  that  his 
latest  exertions  were  in  every  respect  equal  to  those  of  his  earlier 
days.  He  now  began,  however,  gradually  to  relax  his  public  and 
professional  exertions,  and  in  a  short  time  withdrew  entirely  from 
active  life. 

The  few  years  that  he  lived  after  his  retirement  were  spent  in 
domestic  enjoyment,  for  which  he  was  better  fitted  by  his  temper, 
his  sensibilities,  and  his  health,  than  for  the  fatiguing  anxieties  of 
public  life.  He  died  at  Hillsborough,  in  the  month  of  October, 
1790,  at  the  early  age  of  forty-eight  years,  leaving  a  widow,  two 
sons,  and  a  daughter. 

As  a  literary  man,  his  reputation  was  considerable.  This  is 
evinced  by  the  selection  which  was  always  made  of  his  pen  in  the 
public  proceedings  of  importance  which  were  agitated  in  his  neigh- 
bourhood; especially  as  there  were  several  men  of  no  mean  literary 
reputation  residing  in  or  near  Wilmington. 

As  a  lawyer,  his  success  at  the  bar,  especially  when  the  circum- 
stances of  his  emigration  are  recollected,  was  extremely  flattering; 
and  he  is  said  to  have  merited  it  by  the  propriety  of  his  professional 
conduct.  In  this  he  was  always  honourable  and  candid ;  he  was 
free  from  envy ;  and  ever  anxious  to  aid  the  efforts  of  rising  industry 
or  genius. 

As  a  politician,  the  best  monument  to  his  fame  is  in  the  facts  and 
incidents  of  his  public  career.  His  penetration  into  character  was 
remarkable;  and  is  proved  in  the  selection  of  his  friends — from 
whom,  it  is  said,  he  experienced  in  every  instance  that  warm  reci- 
procal attachment  which  was  due  to  his  judgment,  his  ardour,  and 
his  constancy.  By  these  means,  in  moments  of  great  political  diffi- 
culty and  danger,  he  united  around  him  a  force  of  talent  and  cha- 
racter, eminently  serviceable  in  promoting  and  supporting  his 
patriotic  designs.     These  designs  were  uniformly  stamped  with  the 


WILLIAM    HOOPER.  707 

manliness  and  the  energy  which  marked  his  character.  The  cham- 
pion of  that  illustrious  band,  which  in  North  Carolina  first  opposed 
the  encroachments  of  arbitrary  power,  all  his  actions  were  founded 
on  principles  as  correct,  as  his  motives  were  disinterested  and  pure. 
When  he  engaged  in  revolutionary  measures,  he  was  fully  aware 
of  the  dangers  to  which  he  exposed  his  person  and  estate;  yet  in 
spite  of  untoward  events,  his  enthusiasm  never  abated,  his  firmness 
never  forsook  him.  In  times  the  most  disastrous  he  never  de- 
sponded, but  maintained  the  ground  he  had  assumed  with  increased 
intrepidity 


JOSEPH   HEWES. 


Joseph  Hewes  was  born  in  the  year  1730,  at  Kingston,  New 
Jersey,  and  after  enjoying  the  advantages  of  education  common  at 
that  period,  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood  of  Princeton  college, 
he  went  to  Philadelphia  to  acquire  a  knowledge  of  commercial 
business. 

When  his  term  of  apprenticeship  in  a  counting-house  was  closed, 
he  entered  into  the  bustle  and  activity  of  trade;  and  availing  him- 
self of  the  fortunate  situation  of  the  colonies  in  respect  to  commerce, 
and  the  great  opportunities  then  afforded  by  the  British  flag,  par- 
ticularly when  used  to  protect  American  ships,  he  was  soon  one  of 
the  large  number  of  thriving  colonial  merchants,  whose  very  pros- 
perity became  a  lure  to  Great  Britain,  and  induced  her  to  look  to 
this  country  for  a  revenue. 

Mr.  Hewes  did  not  remove  to  North  Carolina  until  he  was  thirty 
years  of  age,  previous  to  which  time  he  had  been  residing  at  New 
York  and  Philadelphia,  alternately,  with  occasional  and  frequent 
visits  to  his  friends  in  New  Jersey. 

Having  made  choice  of  Edenton  for  his  future  home,  he  soon  be- 
came distinguished  in  the  community  of  that  city  for  his  successful 
career  as  a  merchant,  his  liberal  hospitalities,  great  probity  and 
honour,  and  his  agreeable  social  qualities. 

Although  nearly  a  stranger  in  the  state,  he  was  very  shortly  in- 
vited to  take  a  seat  in  the  colonial  legislature  of  North  Carolina, — 
an  office  to  which  he  was  repeatedly  chosen,  and  which  he  always 
filled  with  advantage  to  the  people  of  that  colony,  and  with  credit 
to  himself. 

When  the  British  ministry  had  proceeded  so  far  as  to  close  the 
port  of  Boston, — thus  evincing  their  fixed  determination  to  proceed 
in  their  plan  of  taxing  the  colonies,  and  the  committees  of  corres- 
pondence instituted  first  at  Boston,  and  afterwards  elsewhere,  had 
proposed  a  meeting  of  deputies  to  a  general  congress  to  be  held  at 
768 


JOSEPH    HWES   OF   NX. 
Bisaiup]  Jladdphia  m-1779'  vrtule  sctte-ndine-to  Jus 
Loiigre aumal  duties  -  and  Biiriadm  Christ  Qmrdi 
"byBisDtoj  "White 


JOSEPH    HEWES.  77  ] 

Philadelphia,  Mr.  Hewes  was  one  of  three  citizens  selected  by  North 
Carolina  to  represent  her  in  that  assembly. 

On  the  fourth  of  September,  in  the  year  1774,  this  first  congress 
began  their  session ;  and  on  the  fourteenth  of  the  same  month,  Mr. 
Hewes  arrived  and  took  his  seat. 

The  credentials  of  Mr.  Hewes  spoke  a  bolder  language  than  was 
found  in  tbose  of  most  of  the  delegates;  for  while  the  greater  part 
of  the  colonies  professed,  in  appointing  the  members,  an  earnest 
desire  of  reconciliation,  and  named  the  return  of  harmony  as  the 
principal  object  of  their  assembling,  North  Carolina  resolved,  by  a 
general  meeting  of  deputies  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  province,  that 
the  people  approved  of  the  proposal  of  a  general  congress  to  be 
held  at  Philadelphia,  to  deliberate  on  the  state  of  British  America, 
and,  "to  take  such  measures  as  they  may  deem  prudent  to  effect 
the  purpose  of  describing  with  certainty  the  rights  of  Americans, 
repairing  the  breach  made  in  those  rights,  and  for  guarding  them 
for  the  future  from  any  such  violations  done  under  the  sanction  of 
public  authority." 

The  delegates  were  accordingly  invested  by  this  meeting  of  de- 
puties, with  such  powers  as  might  "  make  any  acts  done  by  them, 
or  consent  given  in  behalf  of  this  province,  obligatory  in  honour 
upon  every  inhabitant  thereof  who  is  not  an  alien  to  his  country's 
good,  and  an  apostate  to  the  liberties  of  America." 

But,  however  diversified  may  have  been  the  instructions  and 
powers  given  to  the  colonial  delegates  chosen  for  this  congress,  cer- 
tainly a  separation  from  Great  Britain  was  no  part  of  the  object 
then  in  view.  Reconciliation  and  the  restoration  of  harmony  under 
the  regal  government  was  the  aim  and  the  desire  of  all,  although 
the  means  of  obtaining  such  a  result  were  variously  estimated,  as 
involving  more  or  less  of  forcible  resistance. 

Immediately  after  the  assembling  of  congress  two  important  com- 
mittees had  been  appointed,  to  whom,  in  fact,  nearly  all  the  business 
of  the  congress  was  intrusted.  The  one  was  to  "  state  the  rights 
of  the  colonies  in  general,  the  several  instances  in  which  those  rights 
are  violated  or  infringed,  and  the  means  most  proper  to  be  pursued 
for  obtaining  a  restoration  of  them."  The  other  was  to  "  examine 
and  report  the  several  statutes  which  affect  the  trade  and  manufac- 
ture of  the  colonies." 

To  the  first  of  these  committees  Mr.  Hewes  was  added  very  soon 
after  he  took  his  seat,  and  contributed  his  assistance  to  the  prepara- 
ion  of  their  report. 

84  3  f  2 


772  JOSEPH    HEVVES. 

The  non-importation  agreement  was  a  very  remarkable  event  in 
the  annals  of  the  revolution.  It  could  only  have  been  thought  of 
by  men  having  the  most  perfect  confidence  in  the  integrity  and  pa- 
triotism of  the  people,  without  whose  universal  and  strict  resolution 
to  maintain  it,  such  a  measure  would  be  palpably  unavailing.  A 
system  of  privation  not  enforced  by  any  law,  nor  guarded  with  any 
penal  sanctions,  but  resting  entirely  on  the  deep  and  general  sense 
of  wrongs  inflicted,  and  of  the  necessity  of  a  united  effort  to  obtain 
redress — it  evinced  a  steady  resolution,  a  sober  patriotism,  and  a 
generous  sacrifice  of  selfish  views  to  the  common  good,  unequalled 
in  the  history  of  the  world. 

If  any  class  of  people  more  than  the  rest  were  entitled  to  parti- 
cular praise  for  the  patriotic  ardour  which  induced  them  to  join  in 
this  combination,  it  was  unquestionably  the  mercantile  part  of  the 
community,  who  sacrificed  not  only  many  of  the  comforts  and  en- 
joyments of  life,  but  gave  up  also  the  very  means  of  their  subsis- 
tence, in  relinquishing  the  importing  trade,  to  which  they  had  been 
accustomed  to  devote  their  capital  and  labour. 

Mr.  Hewes  was  a  merchant,  and  a  successful  one.  He  had  been 
for  more  than  twenty  years  engaged  in  the  sale  of  merchandize  im- 
ported chiefly  from  England  and  the  British  dependencies;  but  he 
did  not  hesitate  on  this  occasion  to  assist  in  the  preparation  of  the 
plan,  to  vote  for  it,  and  to  affix  his  own  name  to  the  compact. 

Congress,  after  adopting  an  address  to  the  people  of  Great  Bri- 
tain, an  address  to  the  king,  and  one  to  the  people  of  Canada,  all 
distinguished  by  uncommon  elegance  and  force  of  diction,  and 
having  resolved,  that  it  was  expedient  to  meet  again  in  May  of  the 
succeeding  year,  adjourned  on  the  twenty-sixth  of  October,  and  Mr. 
Hewes  returned  to  his  home  in  North  Carolina. 

In  the  ensuing  spring,  a  convention  of  that  colony  was  held  at 
Newbern,  when  Mr.  Hewes  was  elected  a  member  of  the  continental 
congress  about  to  assemble.  The  general  assembly  approved  of 
this  choice,  and  at  the  same  time  resolved  to  adhere  strictly  to  the 
non-importation  agreement,  and  to  use  what  influence  they  pos- 
sessed to  induce  the  same  observance  in  every  individual  of  the 
province. 

Mr.  Hewes  attended,  accordingly,  at  Philadelphia,  when  the  new 
congress  assembled  in  May,  and  continued  with  them  until  their 
adjournment,  the  last  day  of  July. 

The  battle  of  Bunker's  Hill,  and  the  appointment  of  a  comman- 
der-in-chief of  the  army,  with  a   long  list  of  major-generals  and 


JOSEPH    HEWES.  773 

brigadiers,  in  the  succeeding  month,  placed  the  true  nature  of  the 
contest  more  distinctly  in  the  view  of  the  people  of  America,  and  of 
'he  world.  The  society  of  Friends,  of  which  Mr.  Hewes'  parents  had 
been  members,  as  well  as  himself  in  his  youth,  were  now  straining 
every  nerve  in  an  effort  to  prevent  the  revolutionary  and  republican, 
and  warlike  doctrines  of  the  times  from  gaining  a  reception  among 
the  Quakers.  The  society  was  numerous,  wealthy,  and  respectable, 
and  its  opposition  was  powerful  and  active.  In  the  beginning  of 
the  year  1775,  there  had  been  a  general  convention  of  the  "  people 
called  Quakers"  residing  in  Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey,  which 
had  put  forth  a  "  Testimony,"  denouncing  the  congress  and  all  its 
proceedings.  This,  however,  had  no  effect  on  Mr.  Hewes ;  or,  if  any, 
not  that  intended.  He  broke  entirely  from  communion  with  the 
Quakers,  and  became  not  only  a  promoter  of  war,  but  a  man  of 
gaiety  and  worldly  habits,  even  to  the  extent  of  being  a  frequent 
visiter  of  the  ladies,  and  partaking,  with  glee  and  animation,  of  the 
pleasures  of  the  dance,  in  which  he  is  said,  after  escaping  from  the 
restraints  of  his  Quaker  education,  to  have  taken  much  delight. 

In  the  recess  of  congress,  between  July  and  September,  he  did 
not  return  to  North  Carolina,  but  made  a  visit  to  his  friends  in  New 
Jersey,  and  was  at  hand  when  the  next  session  was  begun. 

He  was  placed  on  the  committee  of  claims,  and  that  charged  with 
the  fitting  out  of  the  armed  vessels  ordered  to  be  built  or  equipped 
for  congress — the  germ  of  the  United  States'  navy;  and  thus  he  be- 
came in  effect,  and  in  the  nature  of  his  duties  and  responsibilities, 
the  first  secretary  of  the  navy. 

In  the  commencement  of  the  next  year,  Mr.  Hewes  having  at- 
tained great  respect  in  congress  by  his  excellent  qualities  and  habits 
of  close  attention  to  business,  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  secret 
committee,  a  post  of  extreme  difficulty,  and  great  responsibility,  and 
requiring  the  closest  application. 

After  this  time,  he  was  generally  appointed  on  the  most  important 
committees,  such  as  that  to  concert,  with  General  Washington,  a 
plan  of  operations  for  the  ensuing  campaign;  the  one  intrusted  with 
the  difficult  task  of  digesting  a  plan  of  confederation  ;  another  charged 
with  the  superintendence  of  the  treasury  ;  one  raised  for  the  purpose 
of  inquiring  into  the  causes  of  the  miscarriages  in  Canada,  and  seve- 
ral others  of  less  moment.  Mr.  Hewes  was,  during  this  period,  a  most 
active  man  of  business  ;  the  disbursements  of  the  naval  committee 
were  under  his  especial  charge,  and  eight  armed  vessels  were  fitted 
out  with  the  funds  placed  at  his  disposal.     He  was  attentive  also  to 


774  JOSEPH    HEWES. 

the  condition  of  North  Carolina,  then  direfully  distracted  with  civil 
war,  and  menaced  also  by  the  common  enemy  ;  gunpowder  and 
other  munitions  of  war  were  sent  by  him  at  his  own  expense,  but 
reimbursed  afterwards  by  congress,  to  supply  the  exigencies  of  the 
republican  troops  in  that  part  of  the  country. 

He  had  the  satisfaction  of  being  present  during  all  the  debate  on 
the  question  of  declaring  independence,  and  of  voting  in  favour  of 
the  instant  adoption  of  that  imperishable  manifesto,  which  has  made 
the  fourth  of  July  a  jubilee  for  this  nation.  In  voting  on  this  side, 
he  acted  in  accordance  with  a  resolution  passed  by  the  North  Caro- 
lina convention,  on  the  twenty-second  of  April  preceding,  empower- 
ing the  delegates  from  that  colony  to  "  concur  with  those  of  the 
other  colonies  in  declaring  independency." 

North  Carolina  had  thus  the  merit  of  being  the  first  one  of  the 
colonies  which  openly  declared  in  favour  of  throwing  ofF  all  con- 
nexion with  Great  Britain — a  spirited  and  manly  determination 
which  entitles  the  leading  men  of  that  state  to  distinguished  praise. 
Mr.  Hewes,  by  his  indefatigable  exertions  in  the  equipment  of  the 
naval  armament,  as  well  as  by  the  fearless  constancy  with  which  he 
had  advocated  independence,  had  acquired,  to  a  very  great  degree, 
the  esteem  and  respect  of  the  people  whom  he  represented.  In  the 
beginning  of  the  year  1777,  he  was  again  chosen  a  delegate,  with 
such  powers  as  to  make  whatever  he  and  his  colleagues  might  do  in 
congress,  obligatory  on  every  inhabitant  of  the  state. 

Mr.  Hewes,  however,  did  not  accept  this  appointment.  He  left 
to  his  colleagues  the  tour  of  duty  in  congress,  and  devoted  himself 
to  his  private  affairs,  and  to  the  benefit  of  the  state  at  home  during 
the  greater  part  of  that  year,  and  the  whole  of  the  next,  nor  did  he 
resume  his  seat  until  the  month  of  July,  1779.  He  was  at  this  time 
in  very  ill  health,  his  constitution  had  been  totally  broken  down,  and 
he  was  able  to  give  little  more  assistance  to  the  public  councils  of 
the  nation. 

His  end  was  rapidly  approaching ;  the  last  vote  given  by  him  in 
congress  was  on  the  twenty-ninth  of  October,  after  which  he  was 
wholly  confined  to  his  chamber  until  the  tenth  of  November,  when 
he  expired,  in  the  fiftieth  year  of  his  age. 

On  the  day  of  his  death,  congress  being  informed  of  the  event, 
and  of  the  intention  of  his  friends  to  inter  his  remains  on  the  following 
day,  resolved  that  they  would  attend  the  funeral  with  a  crape  round 
the  left  arm,  and  continue  in  mourning  for  the  space  of  one  month: 
that  a  committee  should  be  appointed  to  superintend  the  ceremony, 


JOSEPH    HEWES.  775 

the  Rev.  Mr.  White  their  chaplain,  should  officiate  on  the  occasion, 
and  that  invitations  should  be  sent  to  the  general  assembly  and  the 
president  and  supreme  executive  council  of  Pennsylvania,  the 
minister  plenipotentiary  of  France,  and  other  persons  of  distinction. 

The  funeral  ceremonies  were  accordingly  conducted  with  all  the 
pomp  and  display  which  the  simple  manners  and  sobriety  of  temper, 
then  prevalent  in  Philadelphia,  would  admit.  A  large  concourse  of 
people,  including  all  the  distinguished  personages,  civil  and  military, 
witnessed  the  interment  of  his  remains  in  the  burial  ground  of  Christ 
church,  and  the  outward  show  of  respect  to  his  memory  was  not,  in 
this  instance,  forced  or  insincere. 

Mr.  Hewes  possessed  a  prepossessing  figure  and  countenance, 
with  great  amenity  of  manners,  and  an  unblemished  reputation  for 
probity  and  honour.  He  left  a  considerable  fortune,  but  no  children 
to  inherit  it 


JOHN  PENN. 


John  Penn  was  born  in  the  province  of  Virginia,  and  county  of 
Caroline,  on  the  seventeenth  day  of  May,  1741,  being  the  only  child 
of  Moses  Penn,  and  Catharine,  his  wife,  who  was  a  daughter  of 
John  Taylor,  of  the  same  state  and  county.  Mr.  Penn  grew  up 
towards  manhood  in  the  family  of  his  father,  and,  from  a  striking 
deficiency  of  parental  attention,  was  neither  sent  to  any  of  those 
seminaries  in  which  a  proper  education  could  only  be  obtained,  nor 
to  acquire  knowledge  in  the  study  of  a  profession.  At  the  age  of 
eighteen  years,  when  his  father  died,  he  had  merely  received  two 
or  three  years'  instruction  at  a  country  school,  where  he  rapidly 
acquired  the  little  knowledge  it  could  confer. 

By  the  death  of  his  father,  in  1759,  young  Penn  became  his  own 
guardian,  and  the  sole  manager  of  his  patrimony,  which  was  com- 
petent, but  not  large.  At  that  period  books  were  scarce,  and  the 
small  collection  of  his  father  was  without  value;  but  young  Penn, 
animated  by  an  ardent  desire  to  improve  his  understanding,  availed 
himself  of  his  vicinity  to  Edmond  Pendleton,  who  was  a  relative  of 
the  family.  The  only  library  within  the  reach  of  young  Penn  was 
that  which  belonged  to  his  accomplished  relative,  and  he  was  freely 
and  liberally  gratified  with  the  use  of  it.  Profiting  with  unremitting 
industry,  by  this  solitary  advantage,  he  soon  conceived  the  arduous 
idea  of  adopting  the  profession  of  the  law.  This  project  in  a  youth 
whose  early  days  had  been  absolutely  destitute  of  instruction,  whose 
subsequent  education  had  been  so  contracted,  and  whose  existing 
advantages  were  restricted  to  the  use  of  a  library,  with  no  other 
guide  to  his  studies  than  his  natural  good  sense,  portrayed  the  cha- 
racter of  a  mind  at  once  formed  for  triumph,  and  destined  to  ele- 
vate its  possessor. 

"There  be  some  sports  are  painful;  but  their  labour 
Delight  in  them  sets  off;" 

and  the  laborum  dulce  lenimen  of  Mr.  Penn,  in  the  progress  of  his 
studies,  was  the  anticipation  of  future  fame,  and  the  prospect   of 
776 


RES.  OF    JOHN    PENN 

Grajutoflle  IT  C  ,  now  destroyed 


JOHN    PENN.  777 

celebrity  which  was  opened  to  his  view  through  the  long  vista  of 
the  law. 

When  he  attained  the  age  of  twenty-one  years,  he  enjoyed  the 
reward  of  his  unceasing  application  in  his  favourite  pursuit,  by  ob- 
taining a  license  to  become  a  practitioner  of  law.  Possessing  great 
genius  and  industry,  he  soon  became  eminent  for  his  eloquence  and 
skill,  and  suddenly  began  to  reap  the  fruits  of  his  professional  labours 
and  merit.  To  great  fluency  he  added  promptitude  of  mind;  and, 
in  appropriate  cases,  never  failed  to  employ  the  pathetic  with  equal 
force  and  propriety.  He  has  been  frequently  known  to  draw  tears 
from  a  court  and  jury,  while  his  own  were  suffused  by  the  sympathy 
of  his  sensations.  This  is  not  the  parade  of  panegyric,  but  a  fact 
to  which  distinguished  living  witnesses  can  bear  testimony. 

His  nearest  relatives  having  removed  to  the  province  of  North 
Carolina,  Mr.  Penn  followed  their  example  in  the  year  1774;  and 
translated  himself  to  new  events,  and  to  the  study  of  new  laws,  with 
so  much  ease  and  celerity,  that  he  immediately  became  as  profes- 
sionally eminent  in  that  province  as  he  had  been  in  Virginia. 

It  could  not  be  expected  that  the  comprehensive  mind  of  Mr.  Penn 
was  inattentive  to  the  progress  of  the  political  storm,  which,  after 
the  most  gloomy  portents,  now  threatened  to  burst  over  the  country. 
He  was  not,  however,  elected  a  delegate  to  the  first  congress;  but, 
on  the  resignation  of  Mr.  Casewell,  he  was  appointed,  on  the  eighth 
of  September,  1775,  to  supply  the  vacancy,  and  took  his  seat,  as 
the  representative  of  North  Carolina,  on  the  twelfth  of  the  follow- 
ing October.  In  the  subsequent  year  he  inscribed  his  name  upon  a 
record  of  wrongs  and  rights,  and  a  monument  of  political  wisdom 
and  personal  devotion,  which  secured  to  it  a  never-dying  reputation. 
He  was  successively  re-elected  to  congress  in  the  years  1777,  1778, 
and  1779,  and  performed  the  duties  of  his  station  with  promptitude 
and  fidelity.  Present,  with  few  intermissions  during  this  long  period, 
at  the  post  of  duty,  he  was  extensively  engaged  in  the  current  busi- 
ness of  the  house,  and  zealously  performed  his  portion  of  service, 
as  a  member  of  many  important  and  secondary  committees. 

In  the  year  1780,  a  heavy  gloom  overspread  the  face  of  Ameri- 
can affairs,  from  the  total  ruin  and  dispersion  of  the  army  under 
General  Gates,  at.  the  battle  of  Camden.  At  length,  Lord  Corn- 
wallis,  on  the  eighth  of  September,  began  his  march  from  Camden, 
proceeding  through  the  settlement  of  Wraxhaw  to  Charlottetown, 
in  the  western  part  of  North  Carolina.  When  General  Gates  was 
defeated,  and  the  enemy  advanced  into  her  territory,  North  Carolina, 


778  JOHN    PENN. 

stunned  by  the  blow,  and  almost  defenceless,  turned  her  eyes  to 
wards  Mr.  Penn,  and  invested  him  with  powers  almost  dictatorial. 
Authorized  to  seize  or  impress  supplies,  to  re-animate  resistance, 
and  surrounded  by  discouraged  friends,  hopeless  well-wishers,  or  in- 
veterate foes,  he  had  a  task  to  perform,  not  less  arduous  than  deli- 
cate, and  not  less  distressing  than  indispensable.  But  nature  had 
formed  him  for  the  effort:  indefatigable,  cheerful,  extremely  con- 
ciliating in  his  manners,  firm  in  his  political  principles,  and  invigo- 
rated by  an  inextinguishable  ardour,  he  passed  through  the  crisis 
with  honour  to  himself,  and  satisfaction  to  the  state;  having  ren- 
dered services  essential  for  the  prosecution  of  the  war  where  its 
pressure  was  most  severe,  and  contributing  materially  towards  the 
establishment  of  that  independence,  to  the  declaration  of  which  he 
had  affixed  his  signature. 

The  incursion  of  Lord  Cornwallis  was  short  and  disastrous.  The 
defeat  of  Major  Ferguson,  who  had  advanced  by  another  route  into 
North  Carolina,  at  King's  Mountain — the  fall  of  that  officer,  and 
the  destruction,  captivity,  or  dispersion  of  his  whole  corps,  arrested 
the  career  of  the  British,  and  compelled  Lord  Cornwallis,  on  the 
fourteenth  of  October,  to  retreat  into  South  Carolina. 

The  return  of  peace  found  Mr.  Penn  in  the  station  of  a  private 
citizen,  possessed  of  sufficient  property,  derived  from  his  industry 
and  patrimony:  the  latter,  however,  had  been  diminished,  instead 
of  increased,  by  the  offices  which  he  had  filled.  In  that  situation, 
blessed  with  a  contented  mind,  and  employed  in  discharging  his  pri- 
vate duties  with  innate  benevolence,  he  passed  the  remainder  of  his 
life,  which  terminated  in  the  month  of  September,  1788.  He  died 
in  the  forty-seventh  year  of  his  age.  On  the  twenty-eighth  of  July, 
1763,  he  was  united  to  Susannah  Lyme,  and  had  three  children,  two 
of  whom  died  unmarried. 


RES.  OF    EDW»    RUTLEDGE, 

Broad  St  Charleston  S.C 


EDWARD   RUTLEDGE. 


Edward  Rutledce  was  born  in  the  city  of  Charleston,  in  the 
month  of  November,  1749.  Of  his  early  years,  little  more  is  re- 
membered than  the  vivacity  of  his  manners,  the  docility  of  his  dis- 
position, and  his  filial  affection  and  obedience.  Being  destined  to 
the  profession  of  the  law,  and  the  numerous  family  of  his  mother 
pointing  out  the  propriety  of  his  making  the  earliest  exertions  for 
self-advancement,  he  was  at  an  early  age  placed  with  his  elder  bro- 
ther, who  was  at  that  period,  or  was  rapidly  becoming,  the  most 
distinguished  pleader  at  the  Charleston  bar.  To  complete  his  legal 
education,  he  was  sent  to  England  in  the  year  1769,  and  was  en- 
tered a  studentat  the  Temple.  His  attendance  upon  the  courts  of 
law,  and  the  houses  of  parliament,  was  unremitting,  and  he  now  had 
frequent  opportunities  of  witnessing  the  oratorical  exertions  of  Dun- 
ning, Wedderburnc,  Thurlow,  Mansfield,  Cambden,  and  Chatham, 
(the  brilliant  characters  of  the  day,)  by  which  his  taste  was  materi- 
ally improved,  and  his  mind  enlarged.  His  successful  representa- 
tion of  the  peculiar  manner  of  some  of  those  eminent  men,  after  a 
lapse  of  twenty  years,  proves  that  he  was  an  attentive  observer. 

After  the  requisite  number  of  terms,  he  was  called  to  the  bar  be- 
fore his  departure  from  England,  and  having  returned  home,  com- 
menced the  practice  of  law  in  1773.  He  could  not,  at  the  age  of 
twenty-three  years,  be  a  profound  jurist,  but  his  mind  was  naturally 
sound  and  logical ;  possessing  considerable  fluency  of  speech,  quick- 
ness of  apprehension,  an  exuberant  fancy,  an  expressive  countenance, 
an  harmonious  voice,  and  altogether  what  might  be  termed  a  grace- 
ful delivery.  He  never  failed  to  dazzle  where  he  did  not  convince, 
and,  whatever  were  the  merits  of  the  case,  those  of  the  orator  were 
seldom  denied. 

He  was  thus  advancing  with  rapidity  to  professional  eminence, 
when  he  was  summoned  by  his  countrymen  to  exert  his  talents  on 
a  more  splendid  theatre,  to  relinqnish  his  private  concerns,  and 
85  3  G  781 


-<82  EDWARD    RUTLEDGE. 

take  Lis  seat  in  the  great  council  of  the  nation,  which  assembled  at 
Philadelphia,  in  1774. 

Among  those,  who,  from  a  just  perception  of  their  own  abilities, 
were  induced  to  proffer  their  services  in  the  foremost  ranks  of  pa- 
triotism, few  were  better  qualified  to  maintain  the  rights,  and  sus- 
tain the  character  of  the  country,  than  Edward  Rutledge.  To  the 
ardour  of  youth  he  added  no  inconsiderable  degree  of  prudence;  he 
was  neither  rash  nor  diffident,  and  although  his  enemies  (for  he  was 
too  zealous  not  to  have  enemies)  charged  him  with  vanity  and  self- 
sufficiency,  he  appears  always  to  have  been  a  candid  listener  to  the 
reason  and  experience  of  others ;  and  if  it  be  considered  a  high 
honour,  as  it  undoubtedly  was,  that  so  young  a  man  was  associated 
with  Middleton,  Lynch,  John  Rutledge,  and  Gadsden,  the  circum- 
stance of  his  being  coeval  on  the  poll  will  deservedly  raise  him  in 
our  estimation.  The  merchants,  who  were  at  this  time  a  numerous 
and  influential  portion  of  the  community,  deprecated  a  total  inter- 
diction of  trade  with  Great  Britain  ;  and,  uniting  with  others  in  the 
colony,  made  strong  opposition  to  Mr.  Rutledge,  who  was  more 
forward  than  his  colleagues  in  announcing,  with  characteristic  can- 
dour, his  opinion  in  favour  of  that  expedient.  He  tested  his  judg- 
ment in  preferring  permanent  benefit  to  temporary  relief,  and  con- 
tributed in  a  material  degree  to  excite  in  others  that  tone  of  feeling 
which  bore  us  triumphantly  through  the  difficulties  which  were  in- 
creasing with  an  appalling  rapidity. 

It  is  difficult  to  ascertain  what  particular  line  of  conduct  he  pur- 
sued in  the  congress  of  1774,  as  one  of  the  first  resolutions  of  that 
enlightened  body,  without  which  the  nation  would  not  have  been 
saved,  was  to  debate  with  closed  doors;  and  this  measure  was  ac- 
companied by  an  agreement  of  secrecy  among  its  members.  He 
appears,  however,  from  one  of  his  letters  to  the  late  Judge  Bee,  a 
friend  upon  whose  discretion  the  utmost  reliance  could  be  placed, 
that  he  was  not  attached  to  the  most  violent  party.  In  this  letter, 
dated  October,  1774,  he  observes,  "  I  long  to  tell  you  what  we  have 
done,  but  am  prevented,  from  silence  having  been  imposed  upon  us 
all,  by  consent,  the  first  week  in  congress.  This,  however,  I  may 
say,  that  the  province  will  not  be  able  to  account  for  our  conduct 
until  we  explain  it,  though  it  is  justifiable  upon  the  strictest  princi- 
ples of  honour  and  policy.     Don't  be  alarmed  ;  we  have  done  no 

mischief,  though  I  am  sure,  if,  Mr. had  had  his  way,  we  should. 

But  you  may  thank  your  stars  you  sent  prudent  men  ;  and  I  trust 
that  the  youngest  is  not  the  least  so.     The  gentleman  to  whom  you 


EDWARD    RUTLEDGE.  783 

have  alluded  is,  if  possible,  worse  than  ever  ;  more  violent,  more 
wrong-headed.  But  I  do  not  mean  to  censure  others ;  sufficient  for 
me  if  I  pursue  a  right  line,  and  meet  with  the  approbation  of  my 
countrymen." 

Mr.  Rutledge  soon  after  received  the  approbation  for  which  he 
expressed  a  solicitude,  being  formally  thanked,  with  the  other  dele- 
gates, by  the  provincial  congress,  and  again  appointed  a  member 
of  the  next  continental  congress. 

Mr.  Rutledge  is  known  to  have  taken  an  active  part  in  the  trans- 
actions of  the  ensuing  year,  and  particularly  in  the  discussions 
which  preceded  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  The  resolution 
of  congress,  recommending  the  several  provinces  to  erect  permanent 
governments  instead  of  the  temporary  institutions  which  then  ex- 
isted, was  considered  by  that  body,  and  by  all  America,  as  decisive 
of  that  event,  and  we  find  Mr.  Rutledge  associated  with  John  Adams 
and  Richard  Henry  Lee  to  draw  a  suitable  preamble  to  it.  He  is 
said,  together  with  many  others,  to  have  proposed  some  alterations 
to  the  original  report  of  this  celebrated  declaration,  but  we  are  nei- 
ther acquainted  with  their  nature  nor  success.  Full  credit  must  cer- 
tainly be  given  to  Mr.  Jefferson  for  the  structure  and  wording  of 
the  draught,  although,  in  the  enumeration  of  grievances,  many  mem- 
bers probably  contributed  their  mite,  and  helped  to  swell  the  cata- 
logue. Immediately  after  the  adoption  of  this  bold  measure,  mis- 
fortunes thickened  so  fast  upon  us,  in  the  defeat  of  our  army  on 
Long  Island,  the  derangement  of  our  finances,  and  the  consequent 
disaffection  of  large  portions  of  the  community,  that  many  began 
to  think  the  act  was  premature,  if  not  inexpedient  and  rash.  But 
congress  soon  showed  that  they  had  not  acted  from  a  short-lived 
ebullition  of  Spirit,  but  from  a  steady,  deep-rooted  courage,  which 
adversity  might  prove,  but  could  not  shake.  All  their  proceedings 
were  marked  by  a  dignity  and  firmness  worthy  of  the  cause  in  which 
they  were  engaged,  and  of  every  praise  which  a  grateful  posterity 
can  bestow. 

The  British,  deeming  it  a  favourable  crisis  to  renew  their  negotia- 
tions for  peace,  or  rather  their  intrigues  to  create  divisions  amongst 
us,  a  committee  of  congress  was  appointed,  at  the  request  of  Lord 
Howe,  to  confer  with  him  on  the  proposals  he  should  make;  and 
Dr.  Franklin,  John  Adams,  and  Mr.  Rutledge,  were  deputed  for  that 
purpose.  The  conference,  as  had  been  anticipated,  was  productive 
of  no  beneficial  result.  We  may  safely  presume,  from  the  charac- 
ters of  the  commissioners,  that  our  rights  and  grievances  were  ably 


784  EDWARD    RUTLEDGE. 

and  eloquently  portrayed ;  such,  indeed,  we  are  informed,  was  the 
fact,  and  that  the  junior  member  took  a  very  active  part  in  the  dis- 
cussion ;  but  we  possess  no  particulars  farther  than  the  report  to 
congress,  already  before  the  public.  Mr.  Rutledge,  however,  who 
was  always  a  free  talker  upon  revolutionary  topics,  was  accustomed 
to  relate  an  anecdote  of  Dr.  Franklin,  very  characteristic  of  that 
extraordinary  man,  and  which  does  not  appear  to  have  been  else- 
where noticed. 

Upon  taking  leave  of  Lord  Howe,  his  lordship  politely  sent  the 
commissioners  to  New  York  in  his  own  barge,  and  just  as  they  were 
approaching  the  shore,  the  doctor  began  to  chink  some  gold  and  sil- 
ver coin  in  his  breeches  pocket,  of  which,  upon  their  arrival  at  the 
wharf,  he  very  formally  offered  a  handful  to  the  sailors  who  had 
rowed  the  boat.  The  commanding  officer  not  permitting  them  to 
accept  the  money,  the  doctor  very  deliberately  replaced  it  in  his 
pocket:  when  questioned  by  his  associates  upon  so  unexpected  a 
procedure,  he  observed,  "As  these  people  are  under  the  impression 
that  we  have  not  a  farthing  of  hard  money  in  the  country,  I  thought 
I  would  convince  them  of  their  mistake:  I  knew,  at  the  same  time, 
that  I  risked  nothing  by  an  offer  which  their  regulations  and  disci- 
pline would  not  permit  them  to  accept."  With  this  light  anecdote 
we  must  conclude,  with  regret,  all  that  we  have  to  relate  respecting 
Mr.  Rutledge  whilst  in  congress;  and,  as  Americans,  we  must  be 
satisfied  to  forego  the  gratification,  derivable  from  a  particular  know- 
ledge of  the  conduct  and  speeches  of  the  distinguished  patriots  of 
that  assembly,  under  the  conviction  which  every  reflecting  mind 
must  feel,  that  a  public  exhibition  of  their  proceedings  would  have 
produced  parties  among  the  people,  and  perhaps  such  incurable 
jealousies  and  divisions,  as  would  have  proved  fatal  to  the  pros- 
perity of  the  rising  republic. 

Mr.  Rutledge  was  again  appointed  to  congress  in  the  year  1779, 
but  sickness  compelled  him  to  return  home  before  he  had  reached 
the  then  seat  of  the  general  government.  Indeed,  from  the  time 
of  his  leaving  congress  in  1777,  the  affairs  of  his  own  state  were 
becoming  highly  critical.  The  population  of  South  Carolina  not 
being  in  proportion  to  the  spirit  of  its  citizens,  the  British  supposed 
that  its  conquest  could  with  certainty  be  effected;  and  commencing 
their  operations  with  great  vigour,  had  apparently  accomplished 
their  undertaking,  by  the  surrender  of  Charleston  in  the  year  1780 
Previous  to  this  event,  the  enemy  had  made  several  incursions,  but 
were  compelled  to  retreat.     In  1779,  they  landed  at  Port-Royal 


EDWARD    KUTLEDGE.  785 

Island,  with  a  party  of  regular  troops  under  Major  Beard;  and  in 
order  to  dislodge  them,  it  was  advisable  to  make  a  large  draught 
from  the  Charleston  militia.  Mr.  Rutlcdge,  who  was  always  active 
in  civil  or  military  services,  at  that  time  commanded  a  company  in 
the  ancient  battalion  of  artillery.  His  friend,  Thomas  Heyward, 
also  a  signer  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  commanded  an- 
other; and  it  was  highly  affecting  and  animating  to  see  them  both 
marching  to  the  attack.  The  result  is  well  known:  the  enemy,  com- 
posed of  well  disciplined  troops,  and  equal  in  number — certain  of 
victory,  owing  to  the  different  qualities  of  the  respective  forces,  and 
the  advantages  of  position  which  they  possessed — and  possessing 
assurance  enough  to  propose  a  surrender  at  discretion — were,  never- 
theless, defeated  and  driven  from  the  island.  If,  from  the  small  num- 
ber of  forces  engaged,  this  was  not  a  battle  to  become  very  famous 
in  the  world,  the  individual  danger  was  not  thereby  diminished;  nor 
ought  the  glory  to  be  less,  than  when  larger  armies  are  in  conflict, 
and  more  important  consequences  ensue:  at  any  rate,  our  troops 
acquired  all  the  reputation  which  it  was  possible  to  do,  in  their 
situation. 

In  the  month  of  May,  1780,  Charleston  surrendered.  Whilst  it 
was  closely  invested,  Mr.  Rutledge  was  ordered  by  General  Lincoln, 
the  commander  of  the  American  forces,  to  endeavour  to  elude  the 
vigilance  of  the  enemy,  and  hasten  the  march  of  the  troops  which 
were  advancing  to  the  relief  of  the  garrison.  A  similar  attempt 
had  been  previously  executed  with  success,  by  his  friend  General 
Thomas  Pinckney;  but  he,  less  fortunate,  was  taken  prisoner.  He 
was  soon  afterwards  sent  to  St.  Augustine,  in  company  with  others, 
who  were  termed  dangerous  rebels,  where  he  was  detained  near 
twelve  months  before  he  was  exchanged.  With  the  other  captives, 
he  was  landed  at  Philadelphia,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  which  he  re- 
sided with  his  very  particular  friends,  General  C.  C.  Pinckney,  and 
General  Thomas  Pinckney,  at  that  time  prisoners,  and  their  respec- 
tive families,  about  six  months;  a  house  having  been  loaned  to  them 
near  Germantown,  by  the  late  respectable  and  benevolent  Dr.  Logan. 
As  soon  as  circumstances  permitted,  he  proceeded  to  the  south,  where 
the  American  armies,  under  Greene,  Sumpter,  and  Marion,  were 
beginning  to  make  a  successful  struggle.  Before  the  evacuation  of 
Charleston,  the  country  was  so  far  in  possession  of  the  Americans 
as  to  enable  the  citizens  of  Carolina  to  restore  civil  government ; 
and  Mr.  Rutledge,  in  1782,  was  one  of  the  representatives  who  were 
convened  at  the  village  of  Jacksonborough.  The  arrangements  of 
3g2 


786  EDWARD    RUTLEDGE. 

this  assembly  respecting  confiscations  and  banishments,  although 
they  would  have  been  in  the  usual  order  of  things  during  civil  wars 
in  other  parts  of  the  world,  were  soon  severely  reprobated  by  the 
liberality  and  humanity  of  the  citizens  of  South  Carolina,  and  were 
finally  repealed,  with  few  exceptions,  and  with  some  loss  to  the  state ; 
so  that  if  there  was  error,  for  which  there  was  surely  great  excite- 
ment, if  not  justification,  it  was  speedily  rectified.  Mr.  Rutledge 
had  seen  and  suffered  so  much  distress,  that  he  could  not  but  feel 
highly  indignant  at  the  disaffection  and  treachery  of  those  who  were 
supposed,  in  a  great  degree,  to  have  contributed  to  produce  it;  and 
departing,  no  doubt,  from  the  sound  principles  of  civil  liberty  for 
which  he  had  been  so  zealous  an  advocate,  he  assented  to  a  bill  of 
pains  and  penalties.  In  the  application,  however,  of  an  act  so  in- 
consistent with  the  correct  notions  on  this  subject  which  now  pre- 
vail, he  was  governed  by  his  characteristic  benevolence  and  good- 
ness of  heart;  he  strenuously  advocated  the  exemption  of  all  those, 
the  peculiarity  of  whose  circumstances  rendered  their  conduct  in  any 
degree  excusable,  or  who  had  any  plausible  pretence  for  not  joining 
the  standard  of  their  country.  Soon  after  the  adjournment  of  this 
enraged  assembly,  the  city  of  Charleston  was  evacuated  by  the  Bri- 
tish, (December,  1782,)  and  Mr.  Rutledge  returned  with  joy  and 
triumph  to  the  place  of  his  nativity,  which  contained  his  dearest 
friends  and  relations.  Amongst  these,  not  the  least  interesting,  was 
his  venerable  mother.  She  had  endured  some  persecution  from  the 
British,  not  for  her  good  will  to  the  cause  of  America,  for  that  coidd 
not  be  otherwise,  but  for  her  supposed  power  and  capacity  to  aid 
that  cause.  The  commandant  of  Charleston  had  ordered  her  to  be 
removed  from  her  country  residence,  and  confined  to  the  limits  of 
the  town,  upon  the  suggestion  that  much  was  to  be  apprehended 
from  a  woman  like  Mrs.  Rutledge.  He  did  not  distinctly  state  the 
nature  of  his  apprehensions,  but  they  were  a  flattering  testimonial 
that  the  talents,  for  which  we  have  already  given  her  credit,  were 
peculiarly  great. 

Mr.  Rutledge  was  now  actively  and  successfully  engaged  in  the 
practice  of  his  profession,  and  services  in  the  state  legislature,  and 
60  continued  for  seventeen  years:  although,  during  this  long  period, 
he  led  a  very  laborious  and  useful  life,  taking  every  day  deeper  root 
in  the  affections  of  the  community,  yet  so  little  variety  was  there  in 
that  life,  so  little  marked  was  it  by  striking  incidents,  or  uncommon 
achievements,  that  the  particular  detail  of  it  might  not  be  very 
interesting.     The  daily  exercises  of  liberality,  unremitted  benevo- 


EDWARD    EUTLEDGE  737 

lence,  and  disinterested  exertions  in  behalf  of  the  widow  and  the 
orphan,  and  the  helpless  of  every  description,  and  an  almost  self- 
devotedness  to  relatives  and  friends,  must  necessarily  fix  an  indeli- 
ble impression  in  the  hearts  of  those  who  surrounded  him,  and  who 
felt  the  influence  and  benefit  of  his  virtues;  but  they  furnish  no 
trait  to  dazzle  or  attract  the  world  at  large. 

When  hostilities  commenced  between  France  and  England,  as  it 
was  impossible  that  American  feelings  should  be  perfectly  neutral, 
he  may  be  classed  with  those  who  were  enthusiastic  in  their  wishes 
for  the  success  of  the  former;  but  he  never  forgot  what  was  due  to 
his  country;  and  the  indignation  of  no  man  was  more  strongly  ex- 
cited by  the  conduct  of  Mr.  Genet,  and  of  the  French  Directory. 
On  the  other  hand,  he  considered  our  treaty  with  Great  Britain  of 
1796,  as  making  too  great  a  sacrifice  to  that  nation.  Perhaps  the 
opposition  he  made  to  it  tended  in  some  degree  to  alienate  him  from 
the  venerable  statesman  who  was  the  framer  of  it,  and  with  whom 
he  had  been  in  habits  of  intimacy,  when  associated  in  the  congress 
of  1774.  His  merits  he  always  took  pleasure  in  descanting  upon ; 
and  he  never  ceased  to  respect  him,  although  he  thought  he  had 
erred  as  a  politician.  In  matters  of  this  nature,  as  to  what  will  be 
the  precise  operation  of  a  treaty,  or  any  other  act  of  policy,  the  most 
clear-sighted  see  but  a  little  distance;  and  it  must  be  left  to  time 
or  chance  to  distribute  the  palm  of  wisdom.  It  may  with  truth  be 
affirmed,  that  as  Mr.  Rutledge  was  certainly  governed  by  no  party, 
or  factious,  or  interested  motives,  if  the  evils  which  had  been  appre- 
hended from  the  measure  in  question  have  not  been  realised,  no 
person  could  rejoice  more  sincerely  than  he  did  at  the  failure  of  his 
anticipations,  which  were,  at  the  same  time,  those  of  a  large  por- 
tion, probably  a  majority,  of  the  American  people. 

He  never  sought  offices,  nor  appeared  desirous  of  public  honours. 
Those  which  the  state  could  confer,  he  always  might  readily  have 
obtained.  When  the  battalion  of  artillery,  in  which  he  always  served, 
was  constituted  a  regiment,  he  was  immediately  elected  its  colonel: 
and  when  his  friend,  General  C.  C.  Pinckney,  left  the  senate,  he 
supplied  the  vacancy. 

In  the  year  1798  he  retired  from  the  profession  of  the  law,  and 
was  elected  governor  of  the  state;  but  he  lived  to  complete  only 
half  the  term  for  which  he  had  been  appointed.  His  constitution, 
never  strong,  was  materially  shattered  by  hereditary  gout;  and  his 
increasing  debility  was  apparent  to  all  who  saw  him.  He,  never- 
theless, continued  to  perform  the  duties  of  his  station  with  his  wonted 


788  EDWARD    RUTLEDGE. 

activity  and  cheerfulness;  but,  at  length,  during  the  sitting  of  the 
legislature  at  Columbia,  his  indisposition  was  such  as  to  make  him 
anxious  to  return  to  Charleston,  where  he  had  left  his  family.  The 
state  constitution,  however,  requiring  that  the  governor  should  for 
that  period  remain  at  the  seat  of  government,  he  felt  some  scruples 
at  violating  the  constitution,  (that  is,  the  mere  letter  of  it,)  without 
the  sanction  of  the  popular  branches  of  the  legislature;  and,  con- 
trary to  the  advice  of  a  friend,  communicated  to  them  his  intention 
of  returning  home,  under  the  expectation  that  they  would  readily 
express  their  approbation.  But,  as  his  adviser  had  anticipated,  (for 
the  clamour  of  party  was  beginning  to  rage  with  fury,)  a  sort  of 
cavilling  debate  arose  as  to  the  power  of  the  house  to  absolve  from 
a  constitutional  injunction;  upon  which,  the  motion  to  approve  of 
the  governor's  departure,  although  it  would  have  been  carried  if 
continued,  was  indignantly  withdrawn.  The  governor  was  some- 
what mortified  at  this  conduct,  and,  determined  not  to  furnish  the 
least  handle  for  censure,  he  remained  until  the  time  of  adjournment. 
On  his  way  to  Charleston,  he  suffered  inconveniences  from  exces- 
sive rains  and  cold,  which  he  was  ill  qualified  to  endure,  and  soon 
after  he  arrived  at  his  house,  was  unable  to  rise  from  his  bed.  He 
bore  his  last  illness  with  great  fortitude,  and  expired  on  the  twenty- 
third  day  of  January,  1S00. 

Military  and  other  funeral  honours,  of  course,  followed  his  de- 
cease; and  it  was  not  a  less  necessary  consequence  of  that  event, 
that  so  amiable,  so  benevolent,  and  so  good  a  man,  should  be  deeply 
lamented.  It  was,  in  truth,  a  great  shock  to  the  community;  for 
although  others  might  have  had  equal  claims  to  respect  and  esteem, 
no  one  was  so  much  and  so  generally  beloved. 

That  Edward  Rutledge  possessed  eminent  virtues,  both  as  a  pub- 
lic and  private  character,  though  they  have  been  very  imperfectly 
exhibited  to  view  in  this  short  account  of  his  life,  is  admitted  by  all 
who  had  any  knowledge  of  him.  Our  acquaintance  with  mankind 
would  lead  us  to  expect  that  these  were  attended  by  the  usual  spirit 
of  detraction,  more  especially  as  he  had  none  of  those  negative 
qualities  which  furnish  the  strongest  shield  against  malignity.  We 
do  not  recollect,  however,  that  any  defects  of  consequence,  for  he 
possessed  no  vices,  were  ever  supposed  to  tarnish  his  fair  fame. 

There  is  one  portion  of  his  character  which  might  readily  be  mis- 
conceived, and  ought  therefore  to  be  explained.  When  it  is  stated 
that  he  possessed  the  most  affable  and  winning  manners,  procuring 
him  a  popularity  which  survived  even  the  ordeal  of  jarring  politics, 


EDWARD    EUTLEDGE.  789 

we  are  apt  to  figure  to  ourselves  a  man  of  smiles  and  bows,  incli- 
ning to  be  all  things  to  all  men;  but  this  would  be  forming  a  very 
erroneous  opinion  of  Mr.  Rutledge:  for  so  far  from  having  obse- 
quious or  courtier-like  manners,  his  deportment,  although  perfectly 
free  from  austerity,  was  composed,  serious,  and  dignified;  his  heart 
was  so  well  expressed  in  his  fine  countenance,  that  the  dullest  phy- 
siognomist could  scarcely  mistake  the  delineation  of  its  feelings,  and 
a  stranger  in  distress  might  have  singled  him  from  a  crowd,  as  the 
man  most  likely  to  bestow  sympathy  and  relief.  The  truth  is,  his 
prepossessing  manners,  though  somewhat  refined  by  education  and 
society,  having  their  foundation  in  an  amiable  temper  and  a  bene- 
volent disposition,  cost  him  no  trouble  to  acquire  or  assume,  and 
were  very  distinguishable  from  those  superficial  graces,  (if  graces 
they  can  be  called,)  which  bear  the  stamp  of  frivolity  and  insincerity, 
and  are  rather  injurious  than  beneficial  to  their  possessor;  and  as 
to  his  being  of  that  description  of  politicians  who  preserve  their 
popularity  by  observing  the  course  of  events  and  joining  the  ma- 
jority, who  pretend  to  lead  when  they  are  led,  and  affect  to  take 
the  helm  when  they  are  only  floating  down  the  stream,  he  was  too 
ardent  and  impetuous  to  make  such  cold  and  selfish  calculations; 
he  was,  on  the  contrary,  always  forward  in  expressing  his  opinions, 
sometimes  hasty,  perhaps,  in  forming  them,  but  whatever  they  were, 
he  strove  hard  to  procure  their  adoption,  to  direct  the  measures 
which  his  judgment  approved;  and  as  it  ought  to  be  with  every 
statesman  conscious  of  the  correctness  of  his  views  and  principles, 
he  was  readier  to  give  than  to  receive  the  impulse. 

At  the  bar,  his  entire  conduct  was  a  model  for  imitation.  De- 
spising all  low  and  illiberal  practice,  he  was  by  no  means  backward 
in  showing  his  indignation  whenever  it  was  displayed:  to  the  junior 
members,  he  was  ever  prompt  to  extend  his  friendship  and  patron- 
age; to  the  judges,  he  was  polite  and  respectful;  and  to  witnesses, 
he  was  considerate  and  candid,  never  attempting  to  puzzle  or  embar- 
rass them,  except  there  were  strong  signs  of  falsehood  or  corruption. 

With  all  these  qualities,  he  was  lively  and  facetious,  fond  of  ban- 
tering his  associates,  but  never  indulging  in  those  coarse  jests  which 
encourage  indecent  familiarities,  or  that  sarcastic  wit  which  pro- 
vokes mirth  at  the  expense  of  friendship. 

As  an  orator,  Mr.  Rutledge  was  certainly  very  eminent,  but  not 

without  faults.     He  was  always  smooth,  fluent,  animated,  and  very 

prompt  at  reply;  his  voice  was  clear  and  loud,  his  action  easy  and 

graceful,  and   his  countenance  in  the  highest  degree  prepossessing. 

86 


790  EDWARD    RUTLEDGE. 

To  these  qualities  must  be  added  that  of  character.  Cicero  says. 
"an  orator  must  be  a  good  man;"  as  the  effect  must  be  very  dif 
ferent,  where  he  is  heard  with  suspicion  and  distrust — or  with 
that  favour  and  confidence  which  a  good  character  seldom  fails  to 
inspire.  Wherever  indignation  was  to  be  roused,  or  animosity 
allayed,  or  the  sense  of  honour,  of  patriotism,  or  public  spirit 
awakened,  he  was  a  most  triumphant  speaker;  but  where  objects 
of  pity  or  distress  presented  themselves,  and  the  tender  passions 
were  to  be  excited,  he  was  superior  to  any  of  his  contemporaries. 

The  person  of  Mr.  Rutlcdge  was  above  the  middle  size,  and  in- 
clining to  corpulency;  his  complexion  was  florid  and  fair,  and  if  not 
what  would  be  termed  a  handsome  man,  the  expression  of  his  coun- 
tenance was  universally  admired.  He  lost  the  greater  part  of  his 
hair  early  in  life,  the  remainder  being  perfectly  white,  and  curling 
on  his  neck;  so  that  had  it  not  been  for  the  goodness  of  his  teeth, 
and  the  smoothness  of  his  visage,  and  the  fine  flow  of  his  spirits,  he 
would  have  been  considered  a  much  older  man  than  he  was.  His 
dress  was  always  old-fashioned;  and,  although  apparently  indifferent 
about  it,  he  certainly  would  never  have  suffered  a  tailor  to  clothe 
him  in  the  usual  apparel  of  a  man  of  his  years.  There  was  not  the 
slighest  affectation  in  this;  but  a  man's  consciousness  of  his  age  is 
proportioned  to  the  activity  and  variety  of  his  past  life,  and  the 
scenes  through  which  he  has  passed ;  hence  his  own  appeared  to 
himself  to  be  longer  than  it  was,  according  to  the  usual  estimate. 
Being  latterly  afflicted  with  gout,  his  gait  was  infirm,  and  he  walked 
with  a  cane :  before  he  was  debilitated  by  this  disease,  his  step  was 
steady  and  quick,  his  arms  usually  folded  across  his  breast,  or  his 
hands  interlocked  behind.  His  general  demeanor  was  serene  and 
composed,  and  when  in  a  sitting  posture  he  usually  rested  his  chin 
upon  his  hand,  as  if  in  serious  contemplation.  Colonel  Trumbull's 
small  picture  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  contains  a  good  like- 
ness of  him  ;  in  the  large  portrait  it  is  said  not  to  be  exactly  preserved. 

Shortly  after  the  arrival  of  Mr.  Rutledge  from  Europe,  he  mar- 
ried Harriet,  daughter  of  Henry  Middleton,  one  of  his  colleagues  in 
the  congress  of  1774 — 1775,  and  who  succeeded  Peyton  Randolph, 
as  president  of  that  body.  By  this  lady  he  left  a  son,  Major  Henry 
M.  Rutledge  of  Tennessee,  and  a  daughter  now  resident  at  Charles- 
ton. Upon  the  death  of  his  first  wife,  he  married  Mary,  now  living 
daughter  of  Thomas  Shubrick,  and  widow  of  Nicholas  Eveleigh, 
formerly  comptroller  of  the  treasury  of  the  United  States,  by  the 
appointment  of  General  Washington 


/ 


THOMAS   HEYWARD, 


Mr.  Thomas  Heyward,  the  eldest  son  of  Colonel  Daniel  Hey- 
ward,  of  St.  Luke's  parish,  in  the  province  of  South  Carolina,  was 
born  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1746.  His  father,  one  of  the  wealthiest 
planters  in  the  province,  had  acquired  the  greater  part  of  his  estate 
by  his  sagacity  and  industry.  Though  the  maker  of  his  own  for- 
tune, he  did  not  think  that  money  was  every  thing;  and  determined 
to  bestow  on  his  son  a  more  valuable  inheritance  than  the  land  and 
slaves  which  were  to  descend  to  him.  His  wisdom  found  its  reward. 
By  a  good  education,  his  son  was  enabled  to  render  important  ser- 
vices to  his  country,  and  prepared  for  that  station  in  the  congress 
of  the  United  States,  which  has  connected  the  name  of  Heyward 
with  one  of  the  most  memorable  acts,  not  only  in  the  history  of  the 
United  States,  but  in  that  of  human  nature. 

At  an  early  age,  young  Heyward  was  placed  at  the  best  school 
in  the  province.  The  ancient  languages  were  then  diligently  taught 
in  the  schools;  and  he  acquired  such  a  knowledge  of  Latin  as 
enabled  him  to  read  the  Roman  historians  and  poets,  and  to  imbibe 
their  lessons  of  liberty.  From  school  he  was  removed  to  the  office 
of  Mr.  Parsons,  a  lawyer  celebrated  for  his  learning  and  dexterity. 

After  the  usual  term  of  study,  he  was,  according  to  the  course  of 
education  then  prevalent,  sent  to  England  to  be  entered  in  one  of 
the  Inns  of  Court.  It  does  not  appear  that  he  placed  himself  in  a 
lawyer's  office,  to  while  away  the  period  between  youth  and  man- 
hood, before  he  took  possession  of  his  estate.  His  expectations 
from  his  father  might  have  furnished  him  with  a  plea  for  indolence 
or  indifference,  or  only  called  forth  a  decent  attention  to  his  studies ; 
but  he  valued  his  fortune  only  as  it  enabled  him  to  strengthen  and 
enlarge  his  mind,  and  to  qualify  himself  for  public  pursuits.  In  the 
Temple,  he  therefore  pursued  his  studies  with  the  zeal  which  cha- 
racterised their  commencement,  and  emulated  the  diligence  of  those, 
who  could  look  only  to  a  profession  for  advancement. 

After  completing  his  studies  in  the  Middle  Temple,  Mr.  Heyward 

793 


794  THOMAS    HEY  WARD. 

set  out  upon  his  travels.  Several  years  were  spent  in  visiting  diffe- 
rent countries  on  the  continent  of  Europe.  Nor  was  his  tour  unpro- 
fitable to  him.  He  endeavoured  to  travel  with  the  spirit  of  a  patriot, 
that,  undazzled  by  the  magnificence  of  Europe,  he  might  preserve 
his  heart  true  to  America.  With  such  feelings,  he  could  not  but 
compare  the  general  industry,  the  moderate  fortunes,  the  absence 
of  extreme  poverty,  the  equality  of  ranks,  the  simple  style  of  living, 
and  the  domestic  felicity  in  America,  with  the  bloated  wealth,  the 
aristocratic  pride,  the  pauperism,  the  luxury,  and  the  licentiousness, 
which  glared  upon  him  from  every  direction,  in  Europe.  He  was 
not  insensible  of  her  advancement  in  science,  letters,  and  arts,  and 
the  conveniences  and  elegances  of  life  ;  but  he  loved  to  turn  his 
eyes  towards  those  contrasts  which  would  strengthen  his  attachment 
to  the  place  of  his  birth,  and  the  home  of  his  affections. 

Untainted  by  gay  life,  and  contented  with  the  moderation  of  his 
own  country,  he  returned  from  Europe.  He  brought  back  an  un- 
derstanding improved  by  books  and  men.  ■  Society  and  pleasure 
had  not  alienated  him  from  his  profession  ;  and  he  therefore  en- 
tered immediately  upon  the  labours  of  the  law.  In  1773,  he  mar- 
ried Miss  Mathews,  a  lady  of  an  amiable  temper,  and  a  beautiful 
person.  In  her  society,  his  affectionate  dispositions  were  indulged 
and  cherished.  In  the  midst  of  his  domestic  enjoyments  and  pro- 
fessional advancement,  the  differences  between  England  and  the 
colonies,  which  had  only  been  allowed  to  repose  since  1764,  were 
renewed.  Mr.  Heyward  was  no  stranger  to  the  principles  which 
alone  could  reconcile  them ;  nor  would  his  zealous  temper  permit 
him  to  speculate  merely  on  the  questions  in  dispute.  He  could  not 
be  ignorant  of  the  weight  which  his  fortune,  his  education,  and  his 
profession  gave  him  in  society  ;  he,  therefore,  early  associated  him- 
self with  the  venerable  leaders  of  the  revolution. 

Uniting  a  fearless  with  an  amiable  temper,  he  soon  became  a 
favourite  with  the  people.  He  was  elected  to  the  first  revolutionary 
assembly  in  the  province,  and  shortly  after  chosen  a  member  of  the 
council  of  safety,  an  office  bestowed  only  on  the  determined  and 
the  prudent.  Their  powers  were  discretionary,  and  their  duties 
grave  and  weighty.  To  collect  intelligence,  to  awe  the  disaffected, 
to  direct  the  public  mind,  and  to  see  that  the 'youthful  commonwealth 
suffered  no  injury,  were  services  which  demanded  no  small  portion 
of  wisdom  and  courage,  ability  and  address. 

Without  such  a  machine,  the  revolution  must  have  moved  heavily 
along.      His    fidelity  to  this    trust    recommended    him    to    higher 


THOMAS    HEYWARD.  795 

honours.  When,  in  1775,  on  the  expectation  of  an  invasion,  John 
Rutledge  and  Christopher  Gadsden  were  recalled  from  congress  to 
be  employed  at  home  in  the  defence  of  the  state,  Mr.  Heyward  was 
selected  to  supply  one  of  the  vacancies.  His  modesty  led  him  to 
hesitate  in  accepting  the  appointment,  and  he  only  yielded  to  the 
wishes  of  a  respectable  delegation  of  citizens.  He  arrived  at  Phila- 
delphia in  time  to  attend  in  his  place  upon  the  discussion  of  Ameri- 
can Independence;  and  found  himself  in  the  midst  of  that  assembly 
of  sages,  whose  sagacity  and  intrepidity  had  reminded  a  Chatham 
of  the  fathers  of  ancient  Rome.  Here  he  was  daily  enlightened 
and  elevated  by  the  mellow  wisdom  of  Franklin,  the  indignant  elo- 
quence of  Adams,  and  the  aspiring  genius  of  Jefferson. 

To  unite  in  that  memorable  instrument,  in  which  the  fruitless 
language  of  remonstrance  gave  way  to  an  animated  enumeration 
of  our  wrongs,  and  a  calm  but  firm  assertion  of  our  rights,  was  one 
of  the  first  duties  that  he  was  called  upon  to  discharge. 

In  1778,  Mr.  Heyward  was  elected  a  judge  of  the  criminal  and 
civil  courts  of  the  new  government.  It  was  not  a  place  to  flatter 
the  ambition  of  a  member  of  the  congress  of  1776,  and  Mr.  lley- 
ward's  fortune  placed  him  above  pecuniary  considerations.  A  sense 
of  public  duty  alone  induced  him  to  take  a  judicial  office,  when  it 
was  yet  undecided  whether  the  judge  might  not  be  punished  as  a 
traitor.  He  was  soon  called  to  a  painful  exercise  of  his  authority. 
While  the  British  army  lay  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Charleston,  he 
presided  at  the  trial  and  condemnation  of  some  persons  charged 
with  a  treasonable  correspondence,  who  were  afterwards  executed 
in  sight  of  the  enemy's  lines.  This  rendered  him  obnoxious  to  the 
enemy,  and  in  the  capitulation  of  Charleston,  it  was  thought  that 
he  was  intended  to  be  excluded  from  its  benefits,  by  the  article 
which  excepted  those,  who,  under  the  mock  forms  of  justice,  had 
been  instrumental  in  putting  to  death  his  majesty's  good  and  loyal 
subjects. 

Though  appointed  a  judge,  he  still  held  a  commission  in  the 
militia;  and,  in  the  affair  at  Beaufort,  commanded  a  company  of 
the  Charleston  Ancient  Battalion  of  Artillery. 

General  Bloultrie  now  commanded,  at  Beaufort,  a  mixed  force 
of  regulars  and  militia  ;  and  of  the  latter,  the  most  efficient  member 
was  the  Charleston  Artillery,  a  disciplined  battalion  animated  by  the 
recollection  of  past  services  and  fame.  Their  courage  and  skill 
could  r.ot  have  been  placed  under  a  safer  direction  ;  for  their  two 
captains,  Rutledge  and  Heyward,  if  they  had  not  a  military  reputa- 
3H 


796  THOMAS     HEYWARD. 

tion  to  sustain,  were  now  to  support,  with  their  blood,  that  cause 
which  had  so  often  animated  the  eloquence  of  the  one,  and  inspired 
the  self-devotion  of  the  other.  The  presence  of  two  of  the  most 
distinguished  patriots  in  the  state,  members  of  that  celebrated  con- 
gress which  had  given  independence  to  their  country,  also  imparted 
interest  and  dignity  to  the  scene.  To  the  artillery  was  ascribed  the 
success  of  the  day ;  nor  was  Mr.  Heyward  without  a  trophy  of  vic- 
tory, in  the  wound  which  he  received  from  a  musket  ball.  In  the 
disastrous  attack  upon  Savannah,  this  corps  had  their  share  of  suf- 
fering and  loss.  When  Charleston  was  besieged,  he  had  attained 
to  the  command  of  the  battalion,  whose  steadiness  and  skill  during 
the  tedious  operations  of  the  enemy,  rivalled  that  of  the  veterans  of 
the  line.  With  the  fall  of  the  town,  he  became  a  prisoner  of  war. 
If  fear  or  despondency  could  have  overcome  him,  he  would  have 
made  his  peace  with  the  conquerors,  and  secured  both  his  person 
and  estate.  But,  though  aware  that  if  he  allowed  the  day  of  mercy 
to  pass  away,  he  was  one  of  those  to  whom  no  future  clemency  would 
be  extended,  he,  with  the  bravest  and  best  men  in  the  country,  ad- 
hered to  the  good  old  cause,  and  thought  it  even  criminal  to  despair 
of  the  fortunes  of  the  republic.  This  band  of  patriots  were  an 
odious  and  a  dangerous  spectacle.  They  reproached  the  fallen 
virtues  of  those  who  had  sought  the  protection  of  the  enemies  of 
their  country.  Their  heroism  might  yet  arouse  the  sleeping  patriot- 
ism of  the  timid  and  the  desponding ;  and  under  their  courage  the 
discontented  might  one  day  rally.  While  any  refused  the  oath  of 
allegiance,  the  conquest  of  the  province  was  incomplete.  The  lieu- 
tenant-governor of  the  state,  Christopher  Gadsden,  and  all  those 
who  still  considered  themselves  Americans,  were,  therefore,  appre- 
hended. From  among  these,  the  leaders  of  the  revolution  were  se- 
lected to  be  transported  to  St.  Augustine,  while  the  younger  patriots 
were  confined  in  the  prison-ships  in  the  harbour  of  Charleston.  Judge 
Heyward  was  among  the  former.  His  spirit  was  not  to  be  broken 
neither  by  exile  nor  threats.  Even  his  cheerfulness  was  superior 
to  misfortune,  and  to  the  music  of  "  God  save  the  king,"  he  adapted 
the  words  of  •'  God  save  the  states,"  a  song  now  popular  on  festive 
occasions,  that,  under  a  loyal  tune,  the  prisoners  might  give  play  to 
the  feelings  of  patriotism.  During  his  imprisonment,  a  party  of  the 
enemy  from  St.  Augustine  visited  his  plantation,  and  seized  and  carried 
away  all  his  slaves.  No  interposition  on  the  part  of  his  friends  was 
permitted,  and  the  civil  authority  sanctioned  this  military  plunder. 
The  hatred  to  his  name  had  nearly  involved  his  brothers  in  a  similar 


THOMAS    HEYWAHD.  797 

calamity;  but  their  minority  was  at  length  permitted  to  except  them 
from  the  devastation. 

Though  some  of  Mr.  Hey  ward's  slaves  were  afterwards  reclaimed, 
one  hundred  and  thirty  of  the  number  remained  among  the  spoils 
of  the  enemy,  and  were  probably  transferred  from  the  rice  fields  of 
Carolina  to  the  sugar  estates  of  Jamaica. 

The  prisoners  at  St.  Augustine  were  at  length  released;  but  his  ill 
fortune  had  not  yet  deserted  him.  On  his  passage  to  Philadelphia 
he  fell  overboard,  and  only  escaped  drowning  by  holding  to  the 
rudder  of  the  ship  until  he  was  taken.  It  was  in  Philadelphia  that 
the  exiles  from  Carolina  were  first  assured  that  their  state  was  re- 
conquered, and  independence  secured. 

But,  as  if  infelicity  was  the  lot  of  man,  it  was  in  the  midst  of  the 
exultations  of  the  patriot,  that  he  was  visited  with  the  severest 
domestic  affliction.  In  him,  public  and  private  virtue  were  happily 
blended,  and  the  patriot  and  the  husband  were  sustained  by  the 
same  sensibility.  In  his  grief  for  the  loss  of  the  companion  of  his 
youth,  and  the  mother  of  his  children,  every  other  feeling  was  now 
swallowed  up.  From  this  state  of  mind  he  slowly  recovered,  and 
gradually  found  tranquillity  in  the  discharge  of  his  public  duties. 

Upon  his  return  to  Carolina,  he  resumed  the  labours  of  the  bench, 
and  continued  to  act  as  judge  until  1798.  He  was,  in  1700,  ap- 
pointed a  member  of  the  convention  for  forming  a  state  constitution. 
In  this  dignified  body,  concentrating  the  experience,  the  ability,  and 
the  virtue  of  the  state,  he  contributed  his  part  to  secure  what  he  had 
before  assisted  to  advance,  the  liberty  and  independence  of  his 
country.  He  lived  to  see  the  states  united  under  the  federal  con- 
stitution, and  reverenced  that  instrument  as  the  palladium  of  national 
power,  prosperity,  and  glory.  From  public  labours  and  cares,  he 
withdrew  himself  in  1791,  and  found  in  retirement  and  the  bosom 
of  his  family,  the  calmness  of  a  virtuous  old  age.  By  a  marriage 
in  1786,  with  Miss  E.  Savage,  he  had  secured  a  companion  for  his 
retirement,  by  whose  superior  understanding  the  cares  of  life  were 
divided,  and  its  vacuities  supplied. 

Three  children  were  the  fruits  of  this  marriage;  and  it  was  in 
the  midst  of  a  family,  whose  tenderness  had  smoothed  the  path  of 
his  downward  years,  that  he  died  at  his  country  seat,  in  March,  1809. 

Though  of  a  grave  temper,  which  was  indicated  by  his  counte- 
nance, he  was  not  insensible  to  wit  and  pleasantry.  In  early  life 
he  was  fond  of  company,  from  which  he  seems  only  to  have  been 
estranged  by  the  afflictions  and  the  cares  which  thickened  upon  him. 


798  THOMAS    HEYWARD. 

His  judgment  was  sound,  and  his  disposition  ardent.  These  are 
attested  by  the  offices  he  filled,  and  the  part  that  he  bore  in  the 
revolution.  His  friendships,  and  the  general  esteem  of  his  fellow 
citizens,  furnish  proofs  of  the  goodness  of  his  heart.  In  his  public 
duties  he  was  honest,  firm,  and  intelligent.  He  conscientiously  and 
fearlessly  embarked  in  the  revolution.  He  was  neither  blind  to  its 
dangers,  nor  indifferent  to  its  morality.  His  life,  estate,  and  repu- 
tation, he  cast  upon  the  waters  of  strife.  A  successful  revolution 
could  confer  no  more  on  him  than  on  the  humblest  of  his  country- 
men. Though  the  prize  was  common,  his  stake  was  among  the 
largest.  Of  such  a  character,  a  stranger  to  public  virtue  can 
scarcely  form  a  conception;  and  yet  America  produced  thousands 
in  whom  the  promotion  of  the  general  weal  was  the  predominating 
motive — who  ventured  upon  the  most  desperate  hazards  under  the 
influence  of  a  patriotism  which  stifled  every  selfish  consideration; 
nobly  grasping  at  an  assured  freedom,  and  a  national  independence 
for  themselves  and  their  posterity. 

The  lesson  they  teach  is  the  only  preservative  of  freedom.  It 
can  neither  be  achieved  nor  maintained  without  patriotism.  By 
revolving  in  our  minds  the  actions  of  the  patriots  of  the  revolution, 
we  cherish  the  principles  of  liberty.  Their  lives  are  public  property, 
and  should  be  embalmed  for  their  posterity  as  the  pabulum  of  pub- 
lic VIRTUE. 


THOMAS   LYNCH. 


Thomas  Lynch,  jr.  was  born  at  his  father's  plantation  on  the 
banks  of  the  North  Santee  river,  Prince  George's  parish,  South 
Carolina,  on  the  fifth  of  August,  1749.  His  mother's  maiden  name 
was  Elizabeth  H.  Alston,  who-'e  loss  it  was  his  misfortune  to  de- 
plore in  early  childhood.  He  was  placed,  when  of  a  sufficient  age 
to  leave  his  father's  roof,  at  the  Indigo  Society  School,  Georgetown, 
S.  C.  Young  Lynch  had  unfolded  such  infallible  tokens  of  a  capa- 
city for  letters,  combined  with  great  docility  of  disposition,  and  an 
ardent  and  ingenious  spirit,  that  his  judicious  parents  determined 
to  send  him  to  Europe,  before  he  had  even  completed  his  thirteenth 
year.  On  his  arrival  in  England,  he  was  placed  at  Eton  school, 
where  he  remained  long  enough  to  acquire  the  elements  of  classical 
learning,  and  to  qualify  himself  for  admission  as  a  gentleman  com- 
moner at  the  University  of  Cambridge.  At  this  institution  he  took 
his  degrees;  but  we  regret  to  add,  that  of  this  interesting  portion 
of  his  life,  we  have  been  unable  to  gather  any  incidents  whatsoever, 
excepting  the  fact  of  his  having  enjoyed,  in  an  eminent  degree,  the 
consideration  of  his  contemporaries,  which  was  firmly  fixed  by  his 
virtues,  acquisitions,  and  insatiable  thirst  for  knowledge. 

The  accounts  which  his  father  received  of  his  progress  must 
have  been  highly  flattering;  for,  in  the  pride  and  fondness  of  his 
parental  affection,  he  sketched  out  schemes  of  usefulness  and  dis- 
tinction for  his  son,  somewhat  bordering  on  an  extravagant  philan- 
thropy. Conscious  that  it  would  be  in  his  power  to  bequeath  him 
a  fortune  that  would  take  away  all- necessity  for  exertion,  he  was 
desirous  of  supplying  the  place  of  this  effective  stimulus,  by  more 
generous  principles  of  action.  He  desired  him  to  enter  his  name  at 
the  Temple,  and  to  prosecute  a  regular  course  of  legal  studies;  not 
for  the  single  purpose  of  perfecting  his  education,  or  for  the  subse- 
quent acquirement  of  that  political  momentum,  which  in  this  country 
seems  almost  invariably  to  be  derived  from  success  at  the  bar;  but 
that  he  might  dedicate  his  learning  and  talents,  regardless  of  all 
87  3  h  2  801 


802  THOMAS    LYNCH. 

views  of  profit,  to  those  cases  of  unprotected  truth  and  justice; 
which  occasionally  arise  at  the  forum. 

In  accordance  with  the  views  of  his  father,  young  Lynch  com- 
menced his  terms  at  the  Temple.  The  black  letter  of  the  law  had 
never  many  charms  for  him.  Although  he  had  made  himself  master 
of  the  philosophy  of  jurisprudence,  and  was  admirably  versed  in  the 
principles  of  the  British  constitution,  yet  his  high  relish  for  the  more 
fascinating  portions  of  literature  rendered  the  technical  branches  of 
the  science  exceedingly  irksome  to  him  ;  few  indeed  can  be  reconciled 
to  them,  except  under  the  gripe  of  a  hard  and  invincible  necessity. 

Mr.  Lynch's  father  ultimately  yielded  to  his  wishes,  and  he  re- 
turned to  South  Carolina  about  the  year  1772,  after  an  absence  of 
eight  or  nine  years.  On  bis  arriv  .1,  one  of  the  first  steps  which 
Mr.  Lynch  accomplished,  was  to  induce  his  father  to  relinquish  his 
wishes  in  reference  to  his  practising  the  law.  This  acquiescence  in 
the  inclinations  of  his  son,  was  probably  influenced  by  a  strong  de- 
sire to  introduce  him  at  once  in  public  life.  To  promote  this  object, 
he  presented  him  with  one  of  his  most  valuable  plantations  on  the 
North  Santee  river,  that  he  might  really,  as  well  as  ostensibly,  possess 
a  great  stake  in  the  interests  of  the  country.  It  was  about  this  period 
that  Thomas  Lynch,  jr.  was  united  in  marriage  to  Miss  Elizabeth  Shu- 
brick.  In  the  possession  of  this  amiable  and  beautiful  woman,  one  of 
the  early  and  romantic  attachments  of  his  childhood  was  gratified. 

On  the  raising  of  the  first  South  Carolina  regiment  of  provincial 
regulars,  in  1775,  he  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  a  company. 
This  commission  he  accepted  somewhat  in  opposition  to  the  wishes 
of  his  father,  who  was  then  in  the  congress  of  the  United  States, 
and  who  urged  him  to  proceed  to  Philadelphia,  that  he  might  obtain 
for  him  an  appointment  in  the  army,  of  a  higher  rank.  But  Mr. 
Lynch,  with  a  modesty  as  judicious  as  it  was  remarkable,  resisted 
his  father's  partial  designs,  by  observing,  that  "  his  present  com- 
mission was  fully  equal  to  his  experience  ;"  no  doubt  reflecting,  that 
in  the  military  profession,  a  man's  subsequent  enthusiasm  and  ex- 
ertions are  vastly  more  important  than  the  precise  point  at  which 
he  commences  his  career. 

Early  in  July,  1775,  Mr.  Lynch  left  Charleston  in  company  with 
the  late  General  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney,  then  a  captain  in 
the  first  regiment.  They  commenced  the  recruiting  service  in  North 
Carolina,  and  unfurled  the  American  colours  in  the  counties  of  New- 
bern,  Dauphin,  and  Dobbs,  where  they  speedily  met  with  the  great- 
est success,  raising,  in  a  few  weeks,  their  respective  quotas.     The 


THOMAS    LYNCH.  gQ3 

refinements  of  their  European  education  did  not  disqualify  them  for 
ilie  rough  insinuation  and  peculiar  address  necessary  for  this  service. 

4fter  completing  his  company,  Mr.  Lynch  commenced  his  march 
for  Charleston,  during  which  he  was  attacked  with  the  violent  bilious 
fever  of  the  country.  His  health  had,  previous  to  this  attack,  been 
seriously  impaired  by  the  exposures  incident  to  the  service  in  which 
he  had  been  engaged  :  hence  they  were  sufficient  to  destroy  his  con- 
stitution, and  to  make  him,  for  the  remnant  of  his  life,  habitually 
and  constantly  an  invalid. 

A  sky,  which  had  been  unobscured  by  a  single  cloud,  began  now 
to  exhibit  the  most  gloomy  portents.  Towards  the  close  of  the  year 
1775,  Mr.  Lynch  joined  his  regiment,  feeble  and  emaciated,  where 
he  soon  after  received  the  melancholy  tidings  of  the  extreme  illness 
of  his  father  at  Philadelphia.  This  intelligence  was  accompanied 
by  the  resignation  of  the  seat  of  this  inflexible  patriot  in  congress, 
which  he  could  conscientiously  hold  no  longer  than  he  felt  himself 
able  to  discharge  its  duties.  Although  a  paralytic  affection  was  the 
disease  by  which  his  life  was  menaced,  yet  those  who  had  the  best 
opportunities  of  observing  the  progress  and  character  of  his  infir- 
mities, attributed  them,  in  no  small  degree,  to  the  anxieties  for  his 
country,  which  unceasingly  oppressed  him. 

Urged  by  the  dictates  of  filial  piety,  Mr.  Lynch,  notwithstanding 
the  delicacy  of  his  own  health,  lost  not  a  moment  in  making  the 
necessary  arrangements  to  join  his  father,  that  he  might  exercise, 
in  his  dying  moments,  that  love  and  veneration  which  he  had  always 
borne  towards  him. 

lie,  however,  encountered  serious  difficulties  in  obtaining  a  fur- 
lough for  this  purpose.  His  application  was  refused  by  his  com- 
manding officer,  Colonel  Gadsden,  who,  with  the  spirit  of  the  Roman, 
would  have  devoted  his  own  son  to  the  cause  of  his  country,  and 
who  never  permitted  the  private  relations  of  life  to  interfere,  even 
remotely,  with  those  of  a  public  nature.  This  controversy  was,  how- 
ever, speedily  terminated  by  the  election  of  Mr.  Lynch  to  the  congress 
then  convened  at  Philadelphia,  as  the  successor  of  his  father,  by  the 
unanimous  vote  of  the  provincial  assembly.  This  compliment  to  a 
young  man  of  twenty-seven,  under  all  the  circumstances  which  ac- 
companied it,  portrayed,  in  the  most  vivid  colours,  the  high  and 
general  consideration  entertained  for  his  talents  and  worth. 

On  his  arrival  at  Philadelphia,  he  took  his  seat  in  the  congress 
of  1776.  As  the  proceedings  of  this  body  were  conducted  with 
closed  doors,  we  are  unable,  at  this  time,  to  establish  the   precise 


804  THOMAS    LYNCH. 

agency  of  the  different  members,  in  the  various  events  of  the  day. 
But  we  are  justified,  by  the  contemporary  testimony  of  his  asso- 
ciates, in  affirming,  that  although  Mr.  Lynch's  health  was  too  feeble 
to  allow  his  participating  with  unremitting  activity  in  the  public 
concerns,  he  nevertheless  succeeded  in  fixing  a  just  impression  of 
his  exalted  character,  superior  intellect,  and  persuasive  eloquence. 

Whether  the  fatigues  of  his  journey  had  aggravated  his  malady, 
or  the  change  of  climate  had  been  unpropitious,  it  is  impossible  to 
determine,  but  he  had  not  been  long  in  congress  before  his  health 
began  to  decline  with  the  most  alarming  rapidity.  He  was,  how- 
ever, enabled  to  give  his  full  sanction  to  those  measures  which  were 
tending,  with  irresistible  efficacy,  to  the  Declaration  of  Indepen- 
dence. One  of  the  last  acts  of  his  political  life  was  to  affix  his  sig- 
nature to  this  important  manifesto. 

During  the  early  part  of  the  services  of  Mr.  Lynch  in  congress, 
his  father  remained  in  Philadelphia.  He  had  experienced  a  tem- 
porary alleviation  from  his  bodily  sufferings  ;  and  his  physicians  flat- 
tered themselves  with  the  hope  that  he  might  live  to  reach  Carolina. 
On  this  journey,  which  they  recommended,  his  valuable  life  was  ter- 
minated by  a  second  paralytic  attack  at  Annapolis,  in  the  autumn 
of  1776,  where  he  expired  in  the  arms  of  his  son. 

It  was  not  long  after  this  distressing  event,  that  Mr.  Lynch  returned 
home,  but  in  a  situation  which  did  not  promise  a  long  continuance 
of  his  own  life.  Such  were  the  infirmities  under  which  he  laboured, 
that  he  was  frequently  deprived,  during  several  weeks,  of  the  use 
of  his  limbs,  by  severe  and  continued  rheumatic  fevers,  the  conse- 
quences of  his  privations  and  exposures  in  the  service  of  his  country. 

Being  thus  compelled  to  abandon  all  his  public  employments,  he 
could  not  avoid  realising  the  painful  truth,  that  the  cause  of  his 
country,  whether  destined  to  be  fortunate  or  otherwise,  would,  in 
all  probability,  be  unaided  by  his  future  exertions.  This  belief  was 
forced  upon  him  at  the  very  period  when  the  anxieties  of  his  patriot- 
ism were  most  sensibly  excited  by  those  events  which  were  daily 
conferring  fresh  interest  on  that  contest,  in  the  fate  of  which  he  had 
been  willing  to  stake  both  his  life  and  fortune. 

His  friends,  witnessing  his  rapid  decline  with  the  most  painful 
emotions,  embraced,  with  avidity,  any  alternative,  promising  even 
an  imperfect  hope  of  the  ultimate  preservation  of  his  life.  A  change 
of  climate  was  regarded  as  the  only  resource,  as  his  case  seemed 
beyond  the  reach  of  medical  skill.  Notwithstanding  the  difficulties 
of  a  voyage  to  Europe,  rendered  perilous  by  the  hazards  of  capture 


THOMAS    LYNCH.  805 

in  which  event  the  fate  of  Mr.  Lynch  would  have  been  at  least  the 
tower,  if  not  the  scaffold,  he  was  prevailed  upon  to  embark  for 
St.  Eustatia,  where,  it  was  believed,  he  might  find  a  neutral  vessel 
bound  for  the  south  of  France.  He  accordingly  sailed  about  the 
close  of  the  year  1779,  in  a  ship  commanded  by  Captain  Morgan, 
accompanied  by  his  amiable  lady,  whose  conjugal  devotion  increased 
with  the  declining  health  of  her  husband. 

In  this  voyage,  they  unfortunately  terminated  their  mortal  careei. 
The  circumstances  of  their  fate  are  veiled  in  impenetrable  obscurity. 
As  it  has  been  said,  on  a  similar  occasion,  "  we  know  that  they  arc 
dead,  and  that  is  all  we  know."  That  the  ship  foundered  at  sea, 
there  can  be  little  doubt.  Independently  of  her  having  been  inju- 
diciously lengthened,  previous  to  the  voyage,  there  was  a  French- 
man among  the  passengers,  who,  for  some  reason  unknown,  after 
the  ship  had  been  a  few  days  at  sea,  was  induced  to  remove  on  board 
a  vessel  which  sailed  in  company.  The  account  he  afforded  was, 
that  the  night  after  he  left  the  ship,  in  which  Mr.  Lynch  and  his 
family  had  embarked,  a  violent  tempest  arose,  in  which  every  soul 
on  board  must  have  perished.  A  considerable  time  elapsed  before 
the  suspense  of  Mr.  Lynch's  relatives  was  removed  by  this  distress- 
ing intelligence.  Many  rumours  were  from  time  to  time  in  circula- 
tion, calculated  to  keep  their  hopes  and  fears  in  a  state  of  excite- 
ment. Every  ship  that  approached  the  coast,  they  watched  with 
painful  anxiety,  in  the  vain  hope  of  its  being  the  harbinger  of  glad 
tidings — but  such  a  harbinger  never  came. 

The  views  which  we  have  occasionally  presented  of  Mr.  Lynch's 
character,  in  the  course  of  this  narrative,  will  supersede  the  neces- 
sity of  our  indulging  in  a  detailed  analysis  of  its  features.  If  vigor- 
ous health  and  a  long  life  had  not  been  denied  him,  he  would  have 
reached  and  merited  the  highest  honours  of  his  county;  at  least,  he 
enjoyed  the  necessary  cjualifications  for  their  attainment,  in  an  emi- 
nent degree.  He  not  only  possessed  that  strict  moral  worth  which 
-*is  the  only  sure  foundation  of  success  in  life,  but  exalted  it  by  maxims 
and  principles  of  the  most  refined  delicacy  and  honour.  His  self- 
denial,  evinced  in  a  commendable  control  over  his  own  passions,  was 
as  remarkable  as  the  tenderness  and  ardour  of  his  affection  for  his 
friends.  Perhaps  the  most  severe  test  that  can  be  applied  to  the 
character  of  any  man,  is  to  place  him  in  the  situation  of  a  slave- 
holder. If,  with  the  possession  of  unlimited  and  irresponsible  domi- 
nion, he  is  yet  undebauched  by  the  excesses  of  authority, — if,  with 
the  unchecked  power  to  do  wrong,  he  uniformly  endeavours  to  do 


S06  THOMAS    LYNCH. 

right,  and  blends  the  exercise  of  the  most  benignant  feelings  of  our 
nature  with  the  prerogatives  of  an  absolute  ruler,  we  may  be  satis- 
fied that  such  an  individual  is  a  just  man,  in  the  most  perfect  ac- 
ceptation of  the  term.  To  the  numerous  slaves,  which  the  opulence 
of  his  father  had  bequeathed  him,  Mr.  Lynch  was  not  only  a  judi- 
cious master,  but  a  kind  friend,  abundantly  fulfilling  all  the  duties 
of  one  of  the  most  difficult  relations  in  human  society. 

His  domestic  occupations  were  all  of  the  most  amiable  cast. 
Habitually  under  the  control  of  a  fund  of  good  sense,  he  yet  re- 
tained enough  of  the  passions  to  give  a  warmth  and  glow  to  his 
affections.  No  man  was  ever  loved  more  ardently  by  his  friends,  or 
more  richly  deserved  it.  Tender  to  those  under  his  protection, 
urbane  in  his  intercourse  with  the  world,  embellishing  the  society  in 
which  he  lived  by  the  vivacity  and  variety  of  his  colloquial  powers, 
he  was  universally  beloved  and  admired. 

He  bore  his  severe  illness  with  the  resignation  of  a  Christian,  and 
with  that  philosophy  in  which  protracted  suffering  is  apt  to  instruct 
>ts  unfortunate  victims. 

In  the  various  public  assemblies  in  which  he  served,  he  seldom 
spoke,  and  never  but  on  the  most  important  occasions.  When  he 
did  rise,  he  commanded  profound  attention,  and  gave  the  most 
unequivocal  tokens  of  the  adaptation  of  his  powers  to  the  higher 
excellences  of  oratory. 

Although  this  narrative  is  enriched  by  few  facts  of  a  permanent 
or  general  interest,  yet  enough  has  been  said  to  justify  the  con 
fidencc  reposed  in  his  abilities  and  integrity  by  his  fellow  citizens. 
With  unshaken  firmness,  he  promoted  the  success  of  the  cause 
which  he  had  adopted,  until  the  premature  prostration  of  his  bodily 
powers  compelled  him,  with  sorrowful  hesitation,  to  retire  from  the 
path  of  his  public  duties,  and  circumscribed  that  range  of  useful- 
ness which,  from  the  vigour  of  his  mind,  appeared  to  be  almost 
unlimited.  The  catastrophe  which  terminated  his  life,,-  is  one  of 
those  afflicting  dispensations  which  carries  with  it  a  peculiar  sor- 
row. Death,  in  its  mildest  form,  is  shrouded  in  terror; — but  to  be 
plunged,  perhaps  without  one  moment  of  preparation,  into  eternity, 
is  an  event  peculiarly  awful,  and  calculated  to  arouse  the  deepest 
emotions  in  the  hearts  of  the  survivors. 

Such  were  the  services,  the  abilities,  the  virtues,  and  the  fate,  of 
Mr.  Lynch.  His  public  character  is  perpetuated  in  the  proudest 
record  of  his  country;  and  his  virtues  are  now  bequeathed  as  a 
pure  and  instructive  model  to  posterity. 


RES   OF  ARTHUR     MIDDLETON 

_   IS  mHes  from  Charlestovm  3.C 


ARTHUR  MIDDLETON. 


Arthur  Middletom,  the  subject  of  the  present  sketch,  was  born 
in  the  year  1743,  at  Middleton  Place,  the  seat  of  his  father,  Henry 
Middleton,  situated  on  the  banks  of  the  Ashley.  His  mother's 
maiden  name  was  Williams,  being  the  only  child  of  a  wealthy  and 
respectable  planter  of  South  Carolina.  He  was  the  eldest  of  a 
family  of  two  sons  and  five  daughters.  As  was  customary  among 
the  southern  planters  who  possessed  any  fortune,  he  was  sent  to 
England,  at  an  early  age,  to  receive  the  instruction  which  was  so 
well  afforded  by  the  public  schools  of  that  country.  Whilst  the 
connexion  subsisted  between  those  who  had  emigrated  to  America, 
and  those  of  the  same  family  who  continued  in  the  parent  country, 
the  children  of  the  former  were  committed  to  the  affectionate  atten- 
tions of  the  latter ;  and  this  confidential  intercourse  was,  as  may 
well  be  conceived,  the  means  best  calculated  to  strengthen  the  bonds 
of  family  attachment.  Young  Arthur  received  all  the  attention 
which  could  be  desired  from  his  English  relations.  He  was  placed, 
at  the  age  of  twelve  years,  at  the  well  known  school  of  Hackney, 
in  the  vicinity  of  Eondon ;  whence,  at  the  age  of  fourteen,  he  was 
transferred  to  that  of  Westminster. 

Having  passed  regularly  through  Westminster  school,  he  was  en- 
tered between  the  ago  of  eighteen  and  nineteen  years,  in  one  of  the 
colleges  of  the  University  of  Cambridge.  During  his  residence  at 
that  institution,  although  liberally  supplied  with  money,  he  did  not 
enter  into  the  dissipation  so  generally  indulged  in  by  the  students; 
but  being  by  nature  of  a  reserved  and  rather  taciturn  habit,  he  more 
readily  escaped  the  contagion  of  example,  and  devoted  those  hours 
to  meditation  and  study,  which  his  less  thoughtful  companions 
sacrificed  to  trivial  amusements  and  vicious  indulgences.  In  his 
conduct  during  his  four  years  probation,  (for  such  they  are  for 
youths,  transferred  from  the  rigid  regulations  of  the  English  schools 
to  the  comparative  case  of  a  college  life,)  he  evinced  the  steady  ad 
herence  to  good   principles  and  taste,  for  which  he  was  ever  after- 

809 


810  ARTHUR    MIDDLETON. 

wards  distinguished.  He  left  Cambridge  in  his  twenty-second 
year,  with  the  degree  of  bachelor  of  arts,  and  with  the  reputation 
of  a  profound  scholar  and  a  moral  man. 

As  Mr.  Middleton  was  not  designed  for  any  of  the  learned  pro- 
fessions, he  had  leisure  to  improve  himself  by  travel ;  and  his 
father's  liberality  afforded  him  the  means.  After  visiting  many 
parts  of  England,  he  passed  over  to  the  continent,  and  expended 
nearly  two  years  in  a  tour,  principally  through  the  southern  parts 
of  Europe. 

During  this  tour,  he  passed  several  months  at  Rome,  in  the  most 
agreeable  manner;  cultivating  his  taste  by  the  study  of  the  fine 
arts,  at  their  ancient  and  justly  renowned  seat.  This  is  a  depart- 
ment in  which  excellence  is  to  be  attained  by  those,  alone,  who  are 
endowed  by  nature  with  exquisite  perceptions  ;  the  exclusion,  there- 
fore, of  many  who  have  even  received  the  benefit  of  a  liberal  edu- 
cation, must  enhance  the  value  of  the  gift  to  those,  who,  like  Mr. 
Middleton,  possess  the  means  of  improving  it.  To  the  charms  of 
literature,  and  poetry  especially,  he  was  ever  exquisitely  alive;  in 
music  and  painting  he  had  attained  no  ordinary  proficiency,  in  prac- 
tice, as  well  as  theory  :  and  in  technicalities  of  sculpture  and  archi- 
tecture, their  sister  arts,  he  was  well  versed. 

Mr.  Middleton,  after  an  extensive  tour  through  Europe,  returned 
to  South  Carolina,  and  soon  after  was  united  in  marriage  to  Miss 
Izard,  daughter  of  Walter  Izard,  Esq. 

He  soon  determined  to  gratify  Mrs.  Middleton  with  a  visit  to 
Europe,  and  with  this  view  embarked  with  her  about  a  year  after 
their  marriage.  After  residing  some  time  in  England,  they  pro- 
ceeded to  the  continent,  and  visited,  in  their  tour,  some  of  the  prin- 
cipal cities  of  Fiance  and  Spain.  In  the  year  1773,  Mr.  Middleton 
returned  home,  and  took  up  his  residence  at  the  family  seat,  a  beau- 
tiful spot,  on  the  banks  of  the  Ashley,  which  his  father,  on  this  oc- 
casion, relinquished  to  him.  In  the  succeeding  year  commenced 
that  struggle  between  Great  Britain  and  her  North  American  colo- 
nies, which  developed  the  energies  of  the  American  people,  put  to 
the  test  their  patriotism,  their  talents,  and  their  courage,  and,  in 
some  measure,  assigned  to  individuals  their  relative  rank  in  public 
estimation.  Arthur  Middleton  and  his  father,  who  already  stood 
high  in  the  public  estimation,  did  not  hesitate  to  stand  forth  in  de- 
fence of  the  rights  of  American  citizens. 

It  appears,  from  the  documents  which  have  been  preserved  rela- 
tive to  the  progress  of  the  revolution   in    South  Carolina,  that  the 


ARTHUR    MIDDLETON.  gti 

operations  of  the  opposition  were  carried  on  by  means  of  various 
committees,  appointed  by  the  provincial  congress,  in  the  face  of  the 
royal  government,  under  the  different  denominations  of  secret  com- 
mittees, special  committees,  councils  of  safety,  &c,  which  were 
composed  of  gentlemen,  in  whose  discretion  and  firmness  the  pro- 
vincial assembly  reposed  unlimited  confidence,  and  whose  powers 
were  only  defined  by  the  injunction,  cavere  ncquiil  Republica  detri- 
menti  caparet.  By  a  reference  to  the  record  of  these  revolutionary 
proceedings,  we  find,  that  on  the  seventeenth  of  April,  1775,  Arthur 
Middleton  was  appointed  one  of  a  secret  committee,  consisting  of 
five  persons,  who  were  authorised  to  take  measures  for  placing  the 
colony  in  a  posture  of  defence.  These  were  the  persons  who  de- 
termined on  having  recourse  to  force ;  and,  under  their  direction, 
the  public  magazine  of  arms  and  ammunition  in  the  custody  of  the 
royal  store-keeper,  was  taken  possession  of,  and  the  contents  re- 
moved, and  soon  after  appropriated  to  the  defence  of  the  country. 

On  the  fourteenth  of  June,  the  provincial  congress  of  South  Caro- 
lina chose  by  ballot  thirteen  persons,  who  were  denominated  a  coun- 
cil of  safety,  to  watch  over  the  public  interests,  and  to  take  such 
measures  as  they  should  judge  most  proper  to  promote  the  same  in 
that  eventful  crisis.  Of  this  number  was  Arthur  Middleton;  and  it 
is  well  ascertained,  that  to  his  activity  may  be  attributed  much  of 
what  was  effected  by  that  body.  Under  its  direction  a  military  force 
was  organised,  adequate  to  the  temporary  defence  of  the  province  ; 
the  commissions  of  the  officers  were  certified  by  the  joint  signatures 
of  its  members,  and  other  acts  appertaining  to  sovereign  authority 
were  exercised  by  them. 

On  the  eleventh  of  February,  1776,  the  provincial  congress  of 
South  Carolina  chose  a  committee  of  eleven  members  to  prepare 
and  report  a  constitution,  or  "  form  of  government  which  should 
best  produce  the  happiness  of  the  people,  and  should  most  effectually 
secure  peace  and  good  order  in  the  colony,  during  the  continuance 
of  the  dispute  with  Great  Britain."  Mr.  Middleton  was  a  member 
of  this  committee  ;  and  an  instrument  was  framed  and  adopted, 
which,  however,  was  only  temporary. 

Shortly  after  this,  he  was  elected,  by  the  assembly,  one  of  the 
representatives  of  South  Carolina  in  the  congress  of  the  United 
States,  then  convened  at  Philadelphia.  In  this  capacity  he  inscribed 
his  name  on  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  The  particular 
share  that  he  took  in  promoting  the  adoption  of  this  important  mea- 
sure, is  not,  perhaps,  known  at  this  distance  of  time ;  but,  that  it 
88  31 


812  ARTHUR    MIDDLETON. 

had  his  most  strenuous  support,  is  beyond  a  doubt.  He  had,  at  that 
period,  contracted  a  close  intimacy  with  Mr.  Hancock,  the  president 
of  congress  ;  and,  having  their  families  with  them,  they  had  a  joint 
establishment.  This  domestic  arrangement  accorded  perfectly  with 
the  taste  of  both  parties;  for,  being  men  of  a  liberal  and  hospitable 
disposition,  their  houses  was  the  resort  of  a  great  deal  of  company. 
The  members  from  the  two  extremities  of  the  union  were  constantly 
assembled  at  their  table.  This  social  intercourse  must  unquestion- 
ably have  been  attended  with  beneficial  effects  on  the  subjects  im- 
mediately under  discussion,  as  well  as  in  assuaging  a  jealousy  which 
might  have  existed  between  men,  whose  habits  of  life,  and  opinions 
on  many  points,  were  not  a  little  dissimilar.  It  suffices  to  say,  that 
the  friendship  of  these  two  warm  patriots  continued  uninterrupted 
during  the  remainder  of  their  lives. 

Mr.  Middleton  continued  at  Philadelphia,  attending  to  the  duties 
of  his  station,  until  the  close  of  the  year  1777;  and  although  he  was 
not  a  very  active  debater,  no  measure  received  the  support  of  the 
South  Carolina  delegation  without  his  concurrence — the  gentlemen 
composing  it  having  the  highest  opinion  of  his  judgment  and  abili- 
ties. As  the  vote  in  congress  was,  on  important  questions,  taken 
by  states,  the  subject  was,  of  course,  discussed  among  the  members 
of  the  several  delegations,  and  something  like  unanimity  generally 
obtained. 

At  the  beginning  of  1778  we  find  him,  in  South  Carolina,  receiving 
the  greatest  proof  which  his  fellow  citizens  could  bestow,  of  their 
confidence  in  his  talents  and  fidelity.  The  assembly  of  South  Ca- 
rolina, which  acted  under  the  authority  of  the  constitution  of  1776, 
conceiving  that  it  had  the  power  so  to  do,  enacted  a  new  constitu- 
tion, differing  in  many  essential  points  from  the  first,  and  presented 
it  in  May,  1778,  to  John  Rutledge,  who  was  governor,  for  his  appro- 
bation. That  gentleman,  by  virtue  of  the  power  with  which  he  was 
invested,  refused  his  assent  to  it,  and  gave  his  reasons  at  large  for 
this  use  of  his  negative.  These  reasons  were  founded  principally 
upon  what  he  conceived  to  be  the  illegality,  as  well  as  the  futility, 
)f  the  procedure.  As,  however,  there  was  a  large  majority  in  fa- 
vour of  the  adoption,  ho  closed  his  address  with  resigning  his  autho- 
rity into  their  hands,  that  he  might  not  embarrass  their  measures. 
The  assembly  having  accepted  his  resignation,  were  next  called 
jpon  to  fill  the  vacant  chair.  Affairs,  at  this  time,  had  assumed  a 
gloomy  aspect  in  America,  and  where  offices  of  any  responsibility 
were  in  question,  intrigue  and  private   interest  were  of  little  avail 


ARTHUR    MIDDLETON.  813 

towards  advancing  the  pretensions  of  any  man.  A  secret  ballot 
was  to  decide  on  the  merits  of  the  individual  who  merited  the  high- 
est confidence  of  the  people,  as  regarded  integrity,  firmness,  and 
capacity  ;  qualifications  so  essential  to  the  arduous  task  of  guiding 
their  destinies  through  the  unequal  and  perilous  contest  in  which 
they  were  engaged.  On  counting  the  votes,  a  considerable  majority 
pronounced  Mr.  Middleton  to  be  that  individual.  So  different  was 
the  mode  of  transacting  business  of  this  nature  at  that  day,  from 
what  it  has  since  been; — so  little  progress  had  been  made  in 
the  arts  of  caucusing,  recommending,  addressing,  &.c,  which  now 
form  the  basis  of  most  elections  ; — that  the  gentleman  thus  elected 
was  not  aware  of  the  honour  intended  him  ;  and  when  the  result  of 
the  ballot  was  announced,  he  declined  an  acceptance  of  the  office. 
The  inducements  to  a  contrary  course  were  great; — the  situation 
was  conspicuous ;  and  the  power  to  be  given  to  the  executive  by  the 
new  constitution,  was  extensive.  Mr.  Middleton  could  neither  be 
diffident  of  his  own  talents,  nor  fearful  of  the  responsibility  of  the 
post:  he  had  embarked  every  thing  in  the  revolution,  and  his  sub- 
sequent conduct  evinced,  that  he  intended  to  brave  all  its  results. 
He  was  not  devoid  of  ambition,  but  his  was  the  ambition  of  a  lofty 
mind  ; — that  of  rendering  valuable  services,  when  perfectly  compa- 
tible with  his  conscientious  feelings.  In  this  case  he  was  restrained 
by  those  feelings.  He  coincided  in  opinion  with  the  late  incumbent; 
and  declared,  that  if  he  assumed  the  executive  station,  he  could  not 
conscientiously  give  his  assent  to  the  new  constitution.  Full  faith 
was  given  to  his  assurances;  and  his  non-acceptance,  instead  of  de- 
tracting from  the  esteem  of  his  fellow  citizens,  was  viewed  in  its 
proper  light,  and  served  to  endear  him  still  more  to  them.  Mr. 
Rawlins  Lowndes,  who  was  at  that  time  a  popular  character,  not 
having  the  same  objections  to  the  constitution,  was  elected  in  his 
stead,  and  sanctioned  the  new  form  of  government  onthe nineteenth 
March,  1779. 

We  are  not  informed  whether  Mr.  Middleton  served  in  any  pub- 
lic capacity  during  the  year  following  his  refusal  of  the  executive 
office.  In  April,  1779,  the  British  having  assembled  a  force  at 
Savannah,  under  General  Provost,  with  the  evident  intention  of 
making  an  attempt  on  Charleston,  the  governor  immediately  pro- 
ceeded, with  his  wonted  energy,  to  take  measures  for  the  defence 
of  the  state,  and  ordered  out  troops  from  different  parts  of  the 
country  to  the  rendezvous  at  Orangeburgh,  where  he  took  the  com- 
mand in   person.     General  Prevost  having  made  a  forced   march, 


>,11  ARTHUR    MIDDLETON. 

with  a  view  to  surprise  Charleston,  which  was  then  without  a  gar- 
rison, and  with  very  insufficient  works,  the  governor  threw  himself, 
with  his  militia,  into  the  place.  Mr.  Middleton  attended  him  as 
one  of  his  family,  and  was  personally  exposed  in  a  partial  attack 
which  was  made  in  front  of  the  works.  On  this  occasion,  he  dis- 
played his  characteristic  intrepidity.  General  Prevost,  not  deeming 
it  prudent  to  attempt  the  reduction  of  Charleston  by  an  assault,  and 
having  an  army  in  full  march  in  his  rear,  retired  to  a  strong  position 
on  James'  Island,  and  by  crossing  over  from  one  island  to  another, 
effected  his  retreat  with  an  immense  booty,  consisting  chiefly  of 
slaves,  who  joined  his  standard,  and  lent  their  aid  in  the  indiscrimi- 
nate plunder  of  whatever  could  be  transported.  Mr.  Middleton's 
country  seat,  together  with  his  plantations  in  the  vicinity,  were 
exposed  to  the  depredations  of  the  army,  being  immediately  on  the 
great  Southern  road;  but  he  took  no  measures  to  save  his  property, 
and  did  not  even  go  near  it.  He  merely  sent  Mrs.  Middleton  a 
direction  to  remove,  with  the  family,  to  the  house  of  a  friend,  a 
day's  journey  to  the  north  of  Charleston.  He,  of  course,  suffered 
immensely:  the  buildings  at  Middleton  Place  were  spared,  but 
every  thing  was  rifled.  Of  a  valuable  collection  of  paintings,  some 
of  which  were  too  large  for  removal,  many  were  wantonly  mutilated. 
The  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  British  army  in  North  America,  ex- 
hibited much  of  the  spirit  ascribed  by  a  celebrated  English  traveller 
to  the  Russians,  as  exemplified  in  the  occupation  of  the  Crimea: 
whatever  could  not  be  converted  to  lucrative  purposes,  was  de- 
molished or  defaced. 

On  the  investment  of  Charleston,  in  the  following  year,  by  the 
force  under  Sir  Henry  Clinton  and  Vice-Admiral  Arbuthnot,  Mr. 
Middleton  was  found  amongst  its  defenders.  Although  not  holding 
a  military  command,  and  having  the  option  of  avoiding  personal 
exposure,  or  partaking  it  with  many  gentleman  whom  duty  detained 
within  the  lines,  he  preferred  subjecting  himself  to  the  chances  of 
war.  In  consequence  of  this  determination  he  became  a  prisoner, 
together  with  a  very  large  portion  of  the  most  active  and  zealous 
men,  who,  until  that  moment,  had  swayed  the  politics  of  South 
Carolina.  The  privilege  of  going  at  large  on  parole,  was  extended 
to  him,  and  he  enjoyed  it  until  the  month  of  November,  1780,  when 
he  was  suddenly  arrested,  with  some  others,  who  were  esteemed 
dangerous  characters  in  what  was  then  regarded  as  a  conquered 
province.  They  were  then  sent  by  sea  to  St.  Augustine,  in  East 
Florida,  where  Mr.  Middleton  and  his  fellow  prisoners,  although  not 


ARTHUR    MIDDLETON.  815 

placed  in  close  confinement,  were  subjected  to  mortifying  and  humi- 
liating restraints,  by  tlie  petty  tyranny  of  the  officer  commanding 
that  garrison.  In  the  month  of  July,  1781,  the  American  prisoners 
at  St.  Augustine  were  included  in  a  general  exchange,  and  imme- 
diately sent  in  cartels,  to  Philadelphia.  Shortly  after  his  arrival 
there,  Governor  Rutledge,  acting  in  pursuance  of  the  general  powers 
delegated  to  him  by  the  legislature  of  South  Carolina,  appointed 
Mr.  Middleton  a  representative  in  congress. 

In  the  autumn  of  1781,  the  capture  of  Lord  Cornwallis  was 
effected.  This  officer,  after  the  surrender  of  Charleston,  had  been 
left  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton  in  command  of  the  British  force  occupy- 
ing the  state  of  South  Carolina,  and  invested  with  all  the  powers 
i)f  a  conqueror.  In  the  exercise  of  these  unlimited  powers,  with  a 
new  to  produce  complete  submission,  and  to  break  the  spirit  of  the 
inhabitants,  recourse  was  had  to  measures  not  only  of  a  rigorous, 
but  of  a  sanguinary  nature.  Mr.  Middleton  had  witnessed  the  dis- 
tresses occasioned  by  the  oppressive  measures  of  Lord  Cornwallis, 
and  his  soul  had  revolted  at  the  horrors  which  he  beheld  around 
him.  Actuated  by  these  feelings,  after  Lord  Cornwallis's  surrender, 
he  submitted  to  congress  a  motion  to  the  following  effect:  "  that 
Lord  Cornwallis  should  be  regarded  in  the  light  of  a  barbarian, 
who  had  violated  all  the  rules  of  modern  warfare,  and  had  been 
guilty  of  innumerable  cases  of  wanton  cruelty  and  oppression;  and 
further,  that  he,  the  said  Lord  Cornwallis,  should  not  be  compre- 
hended in  any  exchange  of  prisoners  which  should  take  place  be- 
tween the  British  government  and  that  of  the  United  States."  This 
resolution,  from  considerations  of  a  peculiar  nature,  was  not  adopted, 
but  the  motive  which  suggested  it  was  duly  appreciated. 

The  general  assembly,  convened  at  Jackson  borough  in  January, 
1782,  after  a  lapse  of  two  years,  elected  Mr.  Middleton  one  of  the 
delegates  of  the  state  to  congress.  He  continued  in  the  discharge 
of  his  duty,  in  that  capacity,  until  the  month  of  November,  of  the 
same  year,  when  he  obtained  leave  to  return  to  South  Carolina,  to 
visit  his  family,  from  which  he  had  been  long  separated,  under  the 
most  trying  circumstances. 

The  momentous  contest  having  been  terminated  soon  after  this 
event,  by  the  news  that  the  preliminaries  of  peace  had  been  signed, 
Mr.  Middleton  declined  any  further  attendance  at  the  seat  of  the 
general  government,  and  hastened  with  pleasure  to  that  retirement 
which  was  always  dear  to  him.  Though  eminent  by  his  services 
and  sacrifices  during  the  hour  of  peril,  and  accustomed  to  move  in 
3i2 


S16  ARTHUR    MIDDLETON. 

a  larger  sphere  of  usefulness,  he  cheerfully  engaged  in  the  duties 
assigned  him  within  a  more  limited  circle,  and  passed  a  life  of  phi- 
losophical ease,  at  his  country  seat,  in  the  vicinity  of  Charleston. 
There  he  resided  in  elegance  and  refinement,  surrounded  by  an  in- 
teresting family,  indulging  in  the  luxury  of  an  excellent  library,  and 
visited  by  numerous  friends,  who  partook,  without  restraint,  of  his 
liberal  hospitality.  But  unhappily,  with  a  natural  partiality  for  the 
place  of  his  nativity,  he  thought  too  favourably  of  the  climate  of  that 
part  of  the  state  in  which  it  was  situated.  He  took  little  care  to 
avoid  exposure  in  the  autumnal  season,  and  in  the  month  of  No- 
vember, 1786,  he  was  seized  with  an  intermittent  fever.  Its 
paroxysms  returned  periodically  for  some  weeks,  during  which 
time  he  refused  to  adopt  the  usual  remedies,  observing,  with  philo- 
sophical indifference,  that  "  it  was  best  to  leave  nature  to  itself." 
When  he  consented  to  use  them,  the  application  came  too  late;  he 
expired  on  the  first  of  January,  1787. 

In  forming  our  conception  of  the  natural  disposition  and  character 
of  Mr.  Middleton,  we  are  guided  by  the  opinion  of  those  who  are 
well  qualified  to  decide,  from  early  and  intimate  acquaintance.  It 
is  believed,  that  if  he  had  lived  in  the  days  of  Hampden,  he  would 
have  participated  thoroughly  in  the  feelings  of  that  patriot;  and 
that  he  would  have  ranked  with  those  worthies  who  hold  the  first 
grade  in  the  esteem  of  all  who  revere  and  cherish  rational  freedom. 
In  common  with  men  of  generous  minds,  his  temper  was  violent, 
and  it  is  evident  that  he  had  it  not  under  perfect  control.  It  broke 
forth  at  times  in  marks  of  strong  indignation  at  any  exhibition  of 
meanness,  or  attempt  at  imposition.  But  violence  of  temper  is  the 
reproach  which  both  weak  and  envious  minds  are  apt  to  apply  to 
men  of  genius,  who  see  their  object  at  a  distance,  and  are  impa- 
tient to  arrive  at  it  by  hasty  strides.  The  temporising  spirits,  and 
those  who  were  "  infirm  of  purpose,"  complained  that  Mr.  Middleton 
hurried  them  on  too  rapidly;  and  that  he  always  advocated  what 
are  termed  desperate  measures.  It  is  known  that  he  was  opposed 
to  the  surrender  of  Charleston,  and  was  anxious  that  the  place 
should  stand  an  assault.  General  Lincoln  called  a  council  of  war, 
to  deliberate  on  the  expediency  of  a  capitulation.  The  weather 
being  warm,  the  windows  of  the  room  in  which  it  assembled  were 
left  open,  and  some  citizens,  who  had  an  intimation  of  the  object  in 
view,  had  placed  themselves  near,  anxious  to  know  what  would  be 
the  result.  General  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney,  who  then  com- 
manded the  first  regiment  of  the  line,  spoke  with  great  "chemence 


ARTHUR    MIDDLETON.  817 

against  coming  to  terms  with  the  enemy.  His  voice  was  strong, 
and  what  he  said  was  distinctly  heard  by  those  without.  After  de- 
livering his  opinion,  on  going  out,  lie  found  at  the  door,  Mr.  Arthur 
Middleton,  who  seized  his  hand  with  great  eagerness,  and  told  him 
that  he  thanked  him  in  the  name  of  his  countrymen,  for  having 
opposed  the  disgrace  of  a  surrender,  and  entreated  him  to  exert 
himself  to  the  last  moment  in  preventing  it. 

In  the  public  bodies  in  which  he  served,  he  is  said  to  have  shown 
no  anxiety  to  make  a  display  of  oratory,  nor  to  take  the  lead  in 
debate.  His  speeches  were  short,  and  he  usually  delivered  them 
under  the  influence  of  strong  feelings.  As  they  were  evidently 
drawn  from  him  by  a  deep  interest  in  the  subject,  they  rarely  failed 
to  make  a  corresponding  impression. 

No  one  was  less  solicitous  about  trifles,  or  more  in  earnest  in 
matters  of  importance.  The  little  value  he  set  on  the  possession 
of  wealth,  was  well  known  and  was  not  a  little  at  variance  with  his 
tastes,  which  were  of  an  expensive  cast.  An  anecdote  is  retained 
in  the  family,  illustrative  of  this  trait  in  his  character,  and  which 
may  also  serve  to  evince  the  coolness  with  which  he  could  act,  on 
occasions  calculated  to  excite  in  other  men  marks  of  heat  and  pre- 
cipitation. The  house  he  inhabited  on  the  Ashley,  although  large 
and  commodious,  did  not  altogether  correspond  with  the  appearance 
of  two  more  modern  wings,  erected  at  some  little  distance  from  it. 
Mr.  Middleton  sometimes  talked  of  taking  it  down,  and  building  on 
another  plan,  but  was  dissuaded  by  his  friends,  on  the  ground  of  its 
being  too  large  a  superstructure  to  sacrifice  to  any  plan  of  improve- 
ment. When  he  was  one  day  walking  over  his  grounds,  the  roof 
of  his  house  took  fire,  and  a  servant  came  running  to  him,  with  a 
message  from  Mrs.  Middleton,  to  inform  him  of  the  circumstance. 
Looking  around  him,  and  seeing  that  the  atmosphere  was  calm, 
and  that  the  wings  could  not  be  endangered,  he  sent  the  servant 
back,  with  the  laconic  injunction  to  "  let  it  burn,"  and  continued 
his  walk.  Mrs.  Middleton,  however,  did  not  view  the  thing  quite  so 
coolly,  and  took  the  necessary  measures  to  have  the  fire  extinguished. 

Entertaining  his  friends  liberally,  and  having  always  a  well  fur- 
nished table,  he  was,  in  an  uncommon  degree,  plain  in  his  own  diet, 
and  apparently  so  from  indifference  rather  than  from  system.  His 
pleasures  were  drawn  from  study  and  meditation,  more  than  from 
an  intercourse  with  society,  and  he  had  early  acquired  a  habit  of 
abstraction,  which  confirmed  the  natural  reserve  of  his  temper,  and 
was  perhaps  sometimes  mistaken  for  pride. 


818  ARTHUR    MIDDLETON. 

In  his  person,  Mr.  Middleton  was  of  the  middle  size,  perfectly 
well  formed,  with  great  muscular  strength.  His  features  were  fine, 
and  his  countenance  expressive  of  firmness  and  decision.  His 
death  was  accounted  a  public  loss;  and  deprived  several  of  the  first 
characters  of  South  Carolina  of  a  friend,  to  whom  they  were 
attached  with  enthusiastic  ardour,  and  of  whom  some  of  them  could 
not  speak  for  many  years,  without  visible  marks  of  emotion.  To 
use  the  language  of  a  writer  of  the  times,  he  possessed  "  the  plain- 
est manners  with  the  most  refined  taste:  great  reading  and  know- 
ledge of  the  world,  concealed  under  the  reserve  of  the  mildest  and 
most  modest  nature;  a  complete  philanthropist,  but  the  firmest 
patriot;  cool,  steady,  and  unmoved  at  the  general  wreck  of  pro- 
perty and  fortune,  as  far  as  he  was  personally  concerned,  but  with 
a  heart  melting  for  the  sufferings  and  woes  of  others;  a  model  of 
private  worth  and  public  virtue;  a  good  citizen,  a  good  father,  and 
an  exemplary  husband;  accomplished  in  letters,  in  the  sciences, 
and  fine  arts;  well  acquainted  with  the  manners  of  the  courts  of 
Europe,  whence  he  has  transplanted  to  bis  country  nothing  but  thei" 
embellishments  and  virtues." 


THE    DUEL    IN    WHICH    BUTTON    GWINNETT   WAS  KILLED   BY 
COL.LACHLAN    MCINTOSH. 


BUTTON   GWINNETT. 


Button  Gwinnett  was  born  in  England  about  the  year  1732, 
of  respectable  parents,  whose  circumstances  were  moderate.  He 
received  an  excellent  education,  and  when  arrived  at  mature  age, 
embarked  in  mercantile  pursuits  in  Bristol.  Having  married  in 
England,  he  resolved  to  emigrate  to  America,  and  in  1770,  arrived 
at  Charleston,  S.  C,  where  he  remained  two  years,  during  which 
time  he  was  engaged  in  trade.  At  the  expiration  of  that  period, 
he  disposed  of  all  his  merchandise,  and  purchased  with  the  proceeds 
a  number  of  negroes,  and  a  tract  of  land  on  St.  Catharine's  Island, 
in  Georgia,  where  he  devoted  his  attention  to  agriculture. 

Having  incorporated  himself  with  the  Americans,  among  whom 
he  intended  to  pass  the  remainder  of  his  life,  he  did  not  remain  an 
idle  spectator  of  their  revolutionary  struggles,  but  took  an  active 
and  decided  part  in  favour  of  his  adopted  country.  The  particulars 
of  his  early  life  are  not  known,  but  it  is  probable  they  were  neither 
interesting  nor  important. 

The  improbability  of  a  successful  resistance  to  the  claims  of  the 
British  government,  appears  to  have  been  his  prevailing  belief  until 
the  year  1775,  about  which  period  he  formed  a  close  intimacy  with 
Dr.  Lyman  Hall,  who  was  subsequently  one  of  his  congressional 
colleagues.  The  arguments  and  representations  of  Mr.  Hall,  who 
was  himself  an  enthusiast  in  the  cause  of  the  colonies,  no  doubt 
conduced  to  remove  those  impressions;  and  this  was  more  readily 
effected,  as  Mr.  Gwinnett,  however  lukewarm,  had  always  been  fa- 
vourable to  the  claims  of  the  colonists.  From  that  period,  his  zeal 
and  unwearied  exertions  in  the  common  cause  became  eminently 
conspicuous,  and  finally  elevated  him  with  great  rapidity  to  the  high- 
dignities  of  the  province. 

The  apparent  indifference  of  Mr.  Gwinnett  in  relation  to  the  con- 
tested claims  of  the  colonies,  previous  to  the  year  1775,  arose  from 
causes,  having,  in  some  degree,  a  direct  influence  upon  his  own  per- 
89  819 


820  BUTTON    GWINNETT. 

sonal  prosperity  and  possessions,  and  especially  upon  the  peace  and 
safety  of  his  family.  With  the  finest  feelings  of  the  heart  thus  op- 
posed to  active  interference  in  an  uncertain  contest,  and  with  the 
full  conviction  that  such  a  procedure,  unattended  with  success,  would 
involve  the  ruin  of  himself  and  those  by  whom  he  was  surrounded, 
it  cannot  be  surprising  that  Mr.  Gwinnett  proceeded  with  caution, 
and  deliberately  observed  the  progress  of  affairs,  before  he  per- 
mitted his  suppressed  feelings  to  burst  forth,  and  displayed  that 
vigour  and  decision  which  created  him  a  chief  amongst  his  com- 
patriots. The  peculiar  exposure  of  his  family  and  property,  situated 
upon  an  island  where  destruction  was  certain  in  case  of  invasion, 
because,  in  the  actual  posture  of  things,  the  defence  of  St.  Catha- 
rine's by  succour  from  the  main  land  would  have  been  impractica- 
ble, renders  it  rather  a  proud  testimonial  of  the  pure  patriotism  of 
Mr.  Gwinnett,  that  he  proclaimed  his  principles  at  so  early  a  period, 
than  a  blot  upon  his  fame  that  he  repressed  his  sentiments  at  a  time 
when  the  greater  part  of  Georgia  was  actually  opposed  to  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  continental  congress.  Indeed,  he  actually  paid  the 
penalty  of  his  disinterestedness,  for  his  personal  property  was  totally 
destroyed  by  the  British.  It  was  not  until  the  fifteenth  of  July,  1775, 
that  Georgia  acceded  to  the  general  confederacy;  and  no  part  of  the 
colony  had  been  previously  represented  in  congress  excepting  the 
parish  of  St.  John,  which,  separating  from  the  province,  had  ap- 
pointed a  representative  on  the  preceding  twenty-first  of  March. 
Hence,  in  fact,  although  numerous  meetings  had  been  held,  and  the 
subject  amply  discussed,  no  positive  union  with  the  sister  provinces 
occurred,  in  any  portion  of  the  colony,  until  the  beginning  of  1775, 
at  which  period  Mr.  Gwinnett  himself  took  an  active  part  in  public 
affairs.  But  it  does  not  appear,  although  resident  within  the  limits 
of  St.  John's  parish,  that  he  took  any  avowed  interest  in  those  pre- 
paratory operations,  which  had  necessarily  been  for  a  long  time 
evolving  the  bold  and  decisive  measure  that  separated  the  parish 
from  Georgia,  and  eventually  led  to  the  accession  of  the  whole 
colony. 

If  Mr.  Gwinnett,  previous  to  the  year  1775,  had  not  become  a 
conspicuous  politician,  the  enthusiasm  with  which  he  subsequently 
maintained  the  colonial  rights  soon  attracted  the  attention  of  his  fel- 
low citizens.  At  the  meeting  of  the  general  assembly  held  in  Sa 
vannah  on  the  second  of  February,  1776,  he  was  appointed  a  repre- 
sentative in  congress.  Mr.  Gwinnett  first  appeared  in  the  great  na- 
tional assembly  on  the  twentieth  of  May,  1776. 


BUTTON    GWINNETT.  g-21 

At  this  time  the  idea  of  independence  was  considered  visionary 
in  Georgia:  a  redress  of  those  grievances  which  had  been  imposed 
upon  the  colonies,  and  the  permanent  establishment  of  their  just 
rights,  demanded  in  a  firm  and  decided  tone,  were  all  that  was  ex- 
pected or  required.  This  opinion  was  very  prevalent  in  other  sec- 
tions of  the  country ;  but  it  required  little  foresight  to  determine, 
from  the  spirit  which  had  long  continued  to  actuate  the  represen- 
tatives of  the  people,  that  some  decisive  measure  would  soon  be 
adopted,  and  that  the  slender  thread  which  still  bound  the  colonies 
to  Great  Britain  would  be  speedily  severed.  During  the  delibera- 
tions of  congress,  a  few  members  had  privately  discussed  the  pro- 
priety of  a  Declaration  of  Independence,  for  some  time  before  it  was 
submitted  to  the  house,  which  examined  the  expediency  of  the  mea- 
sure with  closed  doors.  Zubly,  one  of  the  colleagues  of  Mr.  Gwin- 
nett, was  opposed  to  any  proceeding  tending  to  a  separation  from 
the  British  government;  but  the  reverend  representative,  not  satis- 
fied with  his  personal  opposition  to  the  measure,  nor  convinced  of 
his  inability  to  counteract  the  prevailing  influence  of  his  congres- 
sional brethren,  secretly  despatched  a  letter  to  the  British  governor, 
containing  a  full  disclosure  of  this  important  state  secret,  and  ad- 
vising him  to  adopt  preventive  measures  in  Georgia.  Fortunately, 
however,  a  copy  of  this  communication  was  obtained  by  one  of  the 
clerks,  and  Mr.  Chase,  of  Maryland,  openly  accused  Dr.  Zubly  of 
treachery.  Zubly  stoutly  denied  the  charge,  and  challenged  his  ac- 
cuser to  produce  the  proofs.  Finding,  however,  that  his  perfidy  would 
be  clearly  established,  he  immediately  fled.  Mr.  Houston  was  direct- 
ed by  congress  to  pursue  him,  and  to  adopt  every  expedient  mea- 
sure to  counteract  any  evils  that  might  result  from  the  disclosure. 
The  treachery  of  Zubly,  however,  was  attended  with  no  evil  con- 
sequences, but  had  the  salutary  effect  of  removing  him  from  the 
congressional  councils,  and  from  the  confidence  of  the  people.  Be- 
fore Mr.  Houston  arrived  at  Savannah,  the  British  governor  had 
been  made  prisoner,  but  afterwards  escaping,  took  shelter  under  the 
guns  of  some  armed  vessels  then  lying  in  Savannah  harbour,  near 
Tybee.  Owing  to  these  circumstances,  the  name  of  Mr.  Houston, 
one  of  the  most  firm  and  fearless  patriots  of  the  revolution,  is  not 
affixed  to  the  Declaration  of  Independency;  and  Gwinnett,  Wal- 
ton, and  Hall,  were  the  only  delegates  from  Georgia,  who  were  pre- 
sent on  that  memorable  occasion.  On  the  ninth  of  October,  1776, 
Gwinnett  was  re-elected  for  the  year  ensuing,  and,  together  with 
his  colleagues,  presented  the  customary  credentials  on  the  twen 


822  BUTTON    GWINNETT. 

tieth  of  December,  in  Baltimore,  to  which  city  congress  had  then 
removed. 

During  the  session  of  the  provincial  assembly  in  September,  1770, 
held  in  Savannah,  a  convention  was  summoned  to  meet  in  Febru- 
ary, 1777,  to  frame  a  constitution  for  the  future  government  of  the 
state.  Mr.  Gwinnett  was  elected  one  of  the  members  of  the  con- 
vention;  and  the  basis  of  the  constitution,  subsequently  adopted, 
are  said  to  have  been  framed  by  him. 

Soon  after  the  adjournment  of  the  convention,  the  presidency  of 
the  provincial  council  became  vacant  by  the  death  of  Mr.  Bullock, 
and  Mr.  Gwinnett  was  appointed  to  fill  that  high  and  honourable 
office.  Having  now  attained  the  highest  station  in  the  province, 
within  the  short  period  of  a  year  after  his  first  appearance  in  public 
life,  it  might  have  been  expected  that  the  ambition  of  Mr.  Gwinnett 
would,  at  least,  have  slumbered  for  a  time.  But  his  rise  in  the  pub- 
lic favour  appears  to  have  been  too  rapid :  it  excited  jealousies 
among  those  who  had  equal  if  not  better  claims  to  preferment,  and 
an  opposition  to  his  views,  which  inflamed  a  temper  naturally  hasty, 
and  engendered  animosities  which  finally  conducted  him  to  his  grave. 

During  the  time  he  represented  the  colony  in  congress,  he  became 
i  candidate  for  the  commission  of  brigadier-general  of  the  continental 
brigade  to  be  levied  in  Georgia,  in  opposition  to  Colonel  Lackland 
M'Intosh,  but  was  unsuccesful.  This  disappointment  is  said  to  have 
caused  him  great  vexation,  and  to  have  made  a  deep  impression  on 
his  mind:  from  that  period  he  seems  to  have  considered  Colonel 
M'Intosh  as  a  personal  enemy. 

It  was  to  be  expected,  in  framing  a  new  system  of  government, 
that  the  duties  and  powers  of  the  component  parts  would  bear  a 
variety  of  constructions,  and,  in  the  first  instance,  not  be  properly 
understood.  The  discord,  which  the  previous  collision  of  interests 
had  occasioned  between  the  respective  heads  of  the  civil  and  mili- 
tary departments,  was  now  rapidly  increasing.  Mr.  Gwinnett  had 
the  address  to  secure  in  his  interest  a  large  majority  of  the  executive 
council,  and,  for  the  purpose  of  mortifying  his  adversary,  laboured 
to  infuse  jealousy  into  the  public  mind  in  relation  to  the  relative 
powers  of  the  civil  and  military  authorities,  strongly  depicting  the 
evil  consequences  that-  ensued  from  vesting  military  commanders 
and  courts-martial  with  powers  which  could  be  more  safely  exercised 
by  the  executive  and  judicial  authorities. 

The  necessary  consequences  of  the  power  assumed  by  President 
Gwinnett  over  the  continental  army  in  Georgia,  was  contempt  and 


BUTTON    GWINNETT.  g23 

disrespect  on  the  part  of  the  officers  and  soldiers  towards  their  pro- 
per commander,  and  the  "destruction  of  military  discipline.  When 
officers  were  charged  with  offences,  either  civil  or  military,  the  pre- 
sident claimed  the  right  of  trying  the  offenders  before  the  executive 
council;  and  when  it  was  necessary  to  despatch  officers  on  military 
expeditions,  he  not  only  assumed  the  privilege  of  selecting  the  in- 
dividuals, but.  of  regulating  their  proceedings. 

In  conformity  with  the  system  which  he  had  adopted,  Mr.  Gwin- 
nett projected  an  expedition  against  East  Florida  with  the  continental 
troops  and  the  militia  of  Georgia,  to  be  commanded  by  himself  in 
person.  General  M'lntosh  was  not  consulted,  nor  was  it  intended 
by  Mr.  Gwinnett  that  he  should  command  his  own  brigade;  because, 
after  passing  the  boundary  of  the  state,  the  rank  of  the  general  in 
the  continental  army  would  have  entitled  him  to  the  command. 

According  to  the  constitution  which  had  been  adopted,  it  was 
necessary,  at  this  juncture,  that  the  legislature  should  be  convened, 
to  organise  the  government.  The  presidential  duties  of  Mr.  Gwin- 
nett prevented  him  from  taking  the  command  of  the  troops  destined 
for  the  reduction  of  East  Florida,  and  it  was  confided,  by  his  orders, 
to  the  senior  lieutenant-colonel  of  M'Intosh's  brigade.  This  military 
expedition,  which  had  been  awkwardly  planned,  experienced  a  dis- 
astrous termination.  The  militia  were  surprised,  and  defeated  with 
great  loss,  and  the  continental  troops  returned  to  Savannah  without 
effecting  any  thing  advantageous  to  the  government.  But  the  feel- 
ings of  Mr.  Gwinnett  received  a  more  powerful  shock  at  the  meet- 
ing of  the  state  legislature,  on  the  first  Monday  in  May,  1777:  he 
'  there  offered  himself  as  a  candidate  for  the  office  of  governor,  and 
was  successfully  opposed  by  a  competitor,  whose  pretensions  and 
capacity  he  considered  much  inferior  to  his  own,  who  was  elected. 
This  combination  of  events  crushed  the  aspiring  anticipations  of 
Mr.  Gwinnett,  and  terminated  his  short-lived  political  career. 

The  disappointment  and  humiliation  of  his  constant  antagonist 
naturally  proved  a  source  of  exultation  to  General  M'lntosh,  who 
is  said  to  have  discovered  great  animosity  in  frequent  and  free  dis- 
cussions of  his  character.  Naturally  ambitious,  and  recollecting  the 
rapidity  with  which  he  had  been  elevated  to  the  most  honourable 
and  important  offices  of  the  state,  it  was  not  to  be  expected  that 
Mr.  Gwinnett  would  descend  to  the  station  of  a  private  citizen,  with- 
out making  an  effort  to  regain  the  public  favour.  Exasperated  by 
the  conduct  and  remarks  of  his  adversary,  mortified  by  the  frustra- 
tion of  his  hopes,  and  anxious  to  re-establish  his  popularity,  he 
3K 


824  BUTTON    GWINNETT. 

formed  the  desperate  determination  of  forcing  his  way  to  the  politi- 
cal height  from  which  he  had  fallen.  A  challenge  was  therefore 
conveyed  to  General  M'Intosh,  and  they  fought  at  the  short  distance 
of  twelve  feet.  Both  the  combatants  were  wounded  nearly  in  the 
same  part  of  the  body.  General  M'Intosh  recovered  ;  but  the  wound 
of  Mr.  Gwinnett  proved  mortal,  and  he  expired  on  the  twenty- 
seventh  of  May,  1777,  in  the  forty-fifth  year  of  his  age. 

Thus  perished,  in  the  prime  of  life,  a  patriot,  who,  during  his 
short  political  career,  had  filled  the  most  important  stations,  and 
eminently  promoted  the  independence  of  his  adopted  country.  The 
leading  motive  that  urged  him  to  engage  in  the  fatal  conflict  of 
which  he  was  the  victim,  is  stated  to  have  been  the  desire  of  re- 
instating himself  in  the  public  opinion. — The  complication  of  events 
which  oppressed  the  feelings  of  Mr.  Gwinnett,  may  be  pleaded  in 
extenuation  of  the  deed  which  deprived  his  country  of  one  of  its 
earliest  advocates.  The  disastrous  failure  of  his  military  schemes, 
his  sudden  fall  from  the  highest  office  of  the  state  to  the  rank  of  a 
private  citizen,  the  defeat  of  his  political  hopes,  the  success  of  his 
competitor,  and  the  triumph  of  an  avowed  enemy,  may  palliate  an 
action  which  no  sophistry  can  justify,  and  which  it  is  our  duty  to 
condemn. 

From  the  period  at  which  Mr.  Gwinnett  engaged  in  agricultural 
pursuits,  he  devoted  his  leisure  hours  to  political  studies.  The 
short  interval  of  five  years  which  preceded  his  death,  did  not  per- 
mit him  to  attain  a  thorough  education  in  the  school  of  policy;  but 
had  his  aspiring  ambition  been  tempered  with  more  prudence,  he 
possessed  talents  which  promised  extensive  usefulness. 

He  was  about  six  feet  in  height,  and  his  person  was  properly  pro- 
portioned, lofty,  and  commanding.  Without  possessing  remarkable 
eloquence,  his  language  was  mild  and  persuasive.  His  manners 
were  polite,  and  his  deportment  graceful.  He  was  of  an  irritable 
temper,  and  impatient  of  contradiction.  He  left  a  widow  and  seve- 
ral children,  who  did  not  long  survive  him. 

Although  the  political  career  of  Mr.  Gwinnett  was  short,  and  its 
termination  afflicting,  his  memory,  stamped  as  it  is  upon  the  char- 
ter of  our  independence,  must  be  coeval  with  the  duration  of  the 
American  republic. 


LYMAN   HALL. 


AMONG  the  most  strenuous  advocates  of  the  colonial  cause,  was 
Doctor  Lyman  Hall,  a  delegate  from  Georgia.  Although  he  does 
not  appear  to  have  acted  a  very  conspicuous  part  in  the  proceedings 
of  congress,  he  was,  nevertheless,  a  useful  member,  and  enjoyed  the 
honour  of  representing  that  small,  but  patriotic,  portion  of  the  colony 
of  Georgia,  which,  in  opposition  to  the  great  majority  of  its  inhabi- 
tants, resolved  to  unite  in  maintaining  the  general  rights  and  liber- 
ties of  the  country.  As  a  representative  of  the  parish  of  St.  John, 
he  possessed  a  peculiar  claim  to  the  attention  of  congress,  because 
the  example  of  that  district,  as  was  anticipated,  proved  a  strong 
incitement  to  the  whole  colony  in  their  final  accession  to  the  general 
confederacy;  this  event  occurred  within  four  months  after  the  ap- 
pointment of  Dr.  Hall,  and  the  whole  thirteen  provinces  now  stood 
in  hostile  array  against  the  mother  country.  The  weight  of  his  in- 
fluence, and  his  persuasive  manner,  mingled  with  a  strong  enthusi- 
asm in  relation  to  the  cause  which  he  advocated,  materially  influenced 
the  parochial  committee,  of  which  he  was  chairman,  and  consequently 
the  general  inhabitants  of  the  parish,  in  the  adoption  of  that  resolu- 
tion which  paved  the  way  to  the  immediate  accession  of  the  colony 
of  Georgia. 

He  was  born  in  Connecticut,  about  the  year  1731,  where  he  receiv- 
ed a  classical  education  :  he  then  commenced  the  study  of  medicine, 
and  attained  a  proper  knowledge  of  his  profession  at  an  early  period 
of  life.  Before  the  age  of  twenty-one  years,  he  married  in  his  na- 
tive province,  and  in  1752,  removed  to  Dorchester,  South  Carolina. 
During  the  same  year  he  again  changed  his  residence,  and  esta- 
blished himself  in  the  district  of  Medway,  in  Georgia,  to  which  place 
lie  was  accompanied  by  about  forty  families,  originally  from  the  New 
England  states.  He  settled  at  Sunbury,  where  he  continued  the 
practice  of  physic  until  the  commencement  of  the  revolutionary  con- 
test. 

825 


820  LYMAN    HALL. 

Dr.  Hall  took  an  anxious  interest  in  the  revolutionary  movement; 
and,  on  the  twenty-first  of  March,  1775,  was  appointed  to  represent 
the  parish  of  St.  John  in  the  next  general  congress. 

On  the  thirteenth  of  May,  Mr.  Hall  announced  his  arrival  to  con- 
gress, and  being  admitted  to  a  seat,  produced  his  credentials,  when 
it  was  unanimously  resolved  that  he  should  be  admitted  as  a  dele- 
gate from  the  parish  of  St.  John,  in  the  colony  of  Georgia,  subject 
to  such  regulations  as  the  congress  should  determine  relative  to  his 
voting.  A  difficulty  soon  arose  upon  this  point :  during  the  deliber- 
ations, it  became  necessary  to  take  the  opinion  of  congress  by  colo- 
nies, when  the  imperfect  representation  of  Georgia,  the  greater  part 
of  which  was  actually  opposed  to  all  their  proceedings,  made  it  a 
question  whether  the  parish  of  St.  John  could  be  considered  as  re- 
presenting that  colony.  After  some  debate,  Mr.  Hall  arose,  and 
observed,  that  the  present  distressed  situation  of  American  affairs 
had  rendered  this  congress  indispensable  ; — that  it  was  composed 
of  delegates  representing  whole  colonies ; — and  that,  as  he  merely 
represented  a  portion  of  a  colony,  he  did  not  insist  upon  giving  his 
vote  as  a  whole  colony,  but  was  contented  to  hear  and  assist  in  the 
debates,  and  to  give  his  vote  in  all  cases  except  when  the  sentiments 
of  congress  were  taken  by  colonies.  He  concluded  by  expressing 
an  earnest  desire,  that  the  example  which  had  been  shown  by  the 
parish  which  he  represented,  would  be  speedily  followed,  and  that 
the  representation  of  Georgia  would  soon  be  complete. 

On  the  fifteenth  of  July,  1775,  the  convention  of  Georgia  at  length 
acceded  to  the  general  confederacy,  from  reasons  specified  by  their 
deputies.  They  stated  that  their  attention  had  at  length  been 
aroused  by  the  alarming  and  critical  situation  of  affairs  upon  the 
continent  of  America  ;  that  they  were  desirous  of  uniting  with  the 
sister  colonies  in  the  great  and  important  cause  in  which  they  were 
engaged  ;  that  the  conduct  of  parliament  towards  the  other  colonies 
had  been  oppressive  ;  and  that,  although  the  prejudicial  acts  had 
not  been  extended  to  them,  they  could  view  this  only  as  an  omission 
arising  from  the  apparent  insignificance  of  their  colony.  The  dele- 
gates appointed  by  the  convention,  were  Archibald  Bullock,  John 
Houston,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Zubly,  Noble  Wimberly  Jones,  and  Lyman 
Hall ;  three  of  whom  attended  at  the  adjourned  meeting  of  congress, 
September  thirteenth,  1775. 

Mr.  Hall  appears  to  have  been  absent  until  the  twentieth  of  May, 
when  he  presented  new  credentials,  dated  February  second,  1776, 
confirming  the  re-election  of  Messrs.  Houston,  Bullock,  and  himself, 


LYMAN    HALL.  g27 

and  the  addition  of  George  Walton  and  Button  Gwinnett  to  the  de- 
legation. The  appointment  of  Mr.  Bullock  to  the  presidency  of  the 
provincial  council  prevented  him  from  proceeding  to  congress  ;  and 
Mr.  Houston  was  directed,  by  a  resolution  of  that  body,  to  return 
to  Georgia  on  public  business,  in  June,  1776  ;  hence  only  three  mem- 
bers from  that  state  were  present  at  the  signing  of  the  Declaration 
of  Independence.  The  approach  of  the  enemy  having  rendered  it 
insecure  to  continue  the  session  of  congress  in  Philadelphia,  that 
body  met',  by  adjournment,  in  Baltimore,  on  the  twentieth  of  De- 
cember, 1776,  when  Mr.' Hall  presented  credentials,  dated  October 
ninth, of  his  third  re-election;  in  1780,  he  made  his  final  appearance 
as  a  national  legislator. 

But  the  abandonment  of  his  profession,  the  devotion  of  his  time, 
and  the  deprivation  of  domestic  enjoyment,  were  not  the  only  sacri- 
fices that  were  made  by  Mr.  Hall  at  that  eventful  period.  When 
the  British  took  possession  of  Georgia,  he  was  compelled  to  remove 
his  family  to  the  north,  and  all  his  property  was  conficated  by  that 
government.  He  returned  to  Georgia  in  1782,  before  the  evacua- 
tion of  Savannah,  and  was,  in  the  succeeding  year,  appointed  go- 
vernor of  the  state.  He  afterwards  settled  in  Burke  county,  re- 
tired from  public  life,  and  died  about  the  sixtieth  year  of  his  age ; 
one  of  the  counties  in  that  state  now  bears  his  name.  His  only  son 
died  not  long  before,  and  he  left  a  widow  in  independent  circum- 
stances. 

He  was  about  six  feet  high,  and  finely  proportioned  :  his  manners 
were  easy  and  polite,  and  his  deportment  affable  and  dignified  ;  the 
force  of  his  enthusiasm  was  tempered  by  discretion,  and  he  was  firm 
in  all  his  purposes  and  principles;  the  ascendency  which  he  gained, 
sprung  from  his  mild,  persuasive  manner,  and  calm,  unruffled  tem- 
per. Possessed  of  a  strong,  discriminating  mind,  he  had  the  power 
of  imparting  his  energy  to  others,  and  was  peculiarly  fitted  to  flourish 
in  the  perplexing  and  perilous  scenes  of  the  revolution. 

90  3k2 


GEORGE  WALTON. 


George  Walton  was  born  in  Frederick  county,  in  the  province 
of  Virginia,  about  the  year  1740.  The  disadvantages  which  he  en- 
countered in  early  life,  serve  to  render  his  subsequent  successes 
more  brilliant  and  extraordinary  ;  and,  while  they  command  an  ex- 
tended portion  of  our  admiration,  leave  us  to  imagine  the  probable 
expansion  of  such  a  mind,  had  it  been  nurtured  and  directed  by 
competent  education.  He  neither  was  educated  at  any  public 
school,  nor  received  the  benefits  of  classical  knowledge,  excepting 
his  acquisitions  at  a  mature  age.  He  was  apprenticed  to  a  carpen- 
ter, who  rigidly  required  the  performance  of  his  daily  labour  :  nor 
would  he  allow  him  the  use  of  a  candle  to  pursue  his  readings  at 
night.  But  his  zeal  for  the  acquisition  of  information  was  not  to  be 
checked  by  this  privation.  It  was  his  practice  to  collect  light-wood 
during  the  day,  by  the  torch-light  of  which  he  diligently  pursued 
his  studies  until  the  expiration  of  his  apprenticeship,  at  which  period 
he  found  himself  in  possession  of  an  ample  share  of  knowledge,  both 
practical  and  theoretical.  He  then  removed  into  the  province  of 
Georgia,  where  he  prosecuted  the  study  of  the  law,  under  the  super- 
intendence of  Henry  Young,  Esq.,  a  gentleman  who  possessed  a 
distinguished  professional,  as  well  as  political  character.  Having 
completed  his  studies,  and  attained  a  competent  knowledge  of  the 
general  principles  of  law,  he  embarked  in  his  professional  duties  in 
the  year  1774.  His  legal  preceptor  was  opposed  to  the  proceedings 
of  the  colonists,  but  the  mind  of  Mr.  Walton  was  too  independent  to 
be  contaminated  by  his  political  opinions.  From  the  commencement 
of  the  contest,  he  was  a  firm  and  zealous  advocate  in  the  cause  of 
his  native  country.  He  never  swerved  from  the  principles  which 
were,  at  this  early  period,  planted  in  his  breast,  and  always  pre- 
served, throughout  his  political  career,  the  character  of  an  honest, 
determined,  and  persevering  patriot. 

While  the  British  government  was  in  full  operation  in  Georgia, 


GEORGE    WALTON.  •   §29 

and  the  governor  supported  by  an  executive  council  of  great  talents 
and  firmness,  the  annexed  notice,  to  which  were  attached  the  names 
of  Noble  W.  Jones,  Archibald  Bullock,  John  Houston,  and  George 
Walton,  appeared  in  a  newspaper  of  Savannah  : 

"  The  critical  situation  to  which  the  British  colonies  in  America 
are  likely  to  be  reduced,  from  the  alarming  and  arbitrary  impositions 
of  the  late  acts  of  the  British  parliament,  respecting  the  town  of 
Boston,  as  well  as  the  acts  at  present,  that  extend  to  the  raising  of 
a  perpetual  revenue,  without  the  consent  of  the  people  or  their  re- 
presentatives, is  considered  as  an  object  extremely  important  at 
this  critical  juncture  ;  and  particularly  calculated  to  deprive  the 
American  subjects  of  their  constitutional  rights  and  liberties,  as  a 
part  of  the  British  empire.  It  is  therefore  requested,  that  all  per- 
sons within  the  limits  of  this  province  do  attend  at  the  lAberly  Pule 
at  Tondee's  tavern  in  Savannah,  on  Wednesday  the  twenty-seventh 
instant,  (July,  1774,)  in  order  that  the  said  matters  may  be  taken 
under  consideration,  and  such  other  constitutional  measures  pursued, 
as  may  then  appear  to  be  most  eligible." 

The  friends  of  these  measures  accordingly  assembled  at  the 
Liberty  Pole,  which  was  planted  in  the  centre  of  Broughton  street, 
and  a  warm  and  animated  debate  ensued,  in  which  Mr.  Walton  took 
a  distinguished  part.  A  committee  was  appointed  to  institute  a  cor- 
respondence with  the  different  pari&iies,  inviting  them  to  co-operate 
and  unite  with  the  other  provinces  in  America.  Governor  Wright 
and  his  council,  opposed  these  energetic  measures  with  that  mild 
firmness  which  was  best  calculated  to  counteract  them;  and  influ- 
ential messengers  were  despatched  to  the  different  parishes,  for  the 
purpose  of  obtaining  signatures  co  a  solemn  pledge  in  support  of  the 
royal  cause. 

On  the  twelfth  of  January,  1775,  a  meeting  of  the  citizens  was 
convened,  at  which  the  animated  exertions  and  eloquence  of  Mr. 
Walton  in  the  support  of  decisive  measures,  in  unison  with  the  other 
colonies,  were  again  eminently  conspicuous.  But  the  warmth  of 
feeling,  and  decision  of  character,  which  at  that  period  characterized 
the  incipient  efforts  of  those  who  subsequently  rose  to  elevated  sta- 
tions in  tlje  state,  were  not  entertained  by  a  majority  of  the  meeting. 
Contrary  to  the  wishes  of  the  more  determined  patriots,  they  ap- 
peared determined  to  pursue  that  temporising  policy  which  had 
previously  been  adopted,  notwithstanding  the  repeated  proofs  of  its 
inefficacy,  and  of  the  inattention  and  contempt  with  which  the  re- 
monstrances of  the  colony  had  been  received  by  the  British  ministry. 


830  GEORGE    WALTON. 

The  disappointment  and  mortification  of  the  friends  of  rational 
liberty  were  complete,  when  is  was  discovered  that  all  their  exer- 
tions would  result  in  the  preparation  of  a  petition  to  be  submitted 
to  the  legislature,  and  presented  to  the  king,  by  Dr.  Franklin.  Mr. 
Walton  was  a  member  of  the  committee  by  which  it  was  prepared ; 
but  it  participated  in  the  fate  of  its  numerous  predecessors,  and 
merely  served  to  subject  the  inhabitants  of  Georgia  to  the  same 
humiliation,  which  had  been  experienced  in  the  other  colonies. 

The  legislature  of  Georgia  assembled  on  the  eighteenth  of  Janu- 
ary, 1775,  and  the  governor,  in  his  customary  communication, 
recommended  the  temperate  discussion  of  such  subjects  alone,  which 
related  to  their  duty  as  loyal  subjects,  and  the  submission  which 
they  owed  to  the  crown.  This  body  at  length  adjourned  without 
transacting  any  business  satisfactory  to  the  British  governor,  or 
taking  any  decided  steps  in  opposition  to  the  royal  government. 
The  inhabitants  of  the  parish  of  St.  John,  at  length  wearied  with 
the  numerous  ineffectual  attempts  to  induce  a  majority  of  the  people 
of  the  province  to  unite  with  their  sister  colonies,  resolved  to  dis- 
play their  own  feelings  of  patriotism,  and  in  some  degree  secede 
from  the  provincial  government,  by  appointing  a  delegate  to  con- 
gress, for  the  purpose  of  representing  their  particular  parish. 
Lyman  Hall  was  consequently  elected,  and  admitted  to  a  seat  in 
that  body,  in  May,  1775. 

The  progress  of  the  revolution  in  the  other  colonies,  soon  ren- 
dered it  necessary  that  Georgia  should  take  a  decided  part,  either 
in  favour  of,  or  in  opposition  to,  the  royal  government.  The  cause 
of  liberty  proved  triumphant  notwithstanding  the  apprehensions 
excited  by  the  Indians,  whose  friendship  and  support  had  been 
secured  by  the  agents  of  the  British  goverment.  Those  who  were 
exposed  to  the  desolating  fury  of  these  barbarians,  with  the  best 
inclination  towards  the  colonial  cause,  entertained  strong  doubts  of 
the  policy  of  acting  in  conformity  with  their  wishes.  At  length 
William  Ewin  was  appointed  president  of  a  council  of  safety,  with 
instructions  to  correspond  with  similar  councils  in  the  other  pro- 
vinces; and  in  the  month  of  July,  1775,  the  convention  of  Georgia 
acceded  to  the  general  confederacy,  and  elected  Lyman  Hall,  Archi- 
bald Bullock,  John  Houston,  John  J.  Zubly,  and  Noble  W.  Jones, 
delegates  to  represent  the  state  in  congress.  The  legislature  again 
convened  in  January,  1776,  and  appointed  Mr.  Bullock  president 
of  the  executive  council.  A  majority  of  the  members  were  now  so 
strongly  opposed  the  royal  government,  that  the  communications 


THE     OLD     RESIDENCE    OF    GEORGE    WALTON 


GEORGE    WALTON.  831 

of  Governor  Wright  were  entirely  disregarded.  Having  threatened 
a  resort  to  military  force,  comprehending  a  few  infantry,  and  five 
or  six  small  armed  vessels  lying  in  the  harbour  of  Savannah,  the 
members  of  the  legislature  became  justly  indignant,  and  being  firm 
in  their  decision  not  to  be  compelled  to  act,  at  the  point  of  the  bay- 
onet, contrary  to  their  principles  and  sense  of  duty,  they  resolved 
to  seize  the  person  of  the  governor.  Colonel  Joseph  Habersham, 
one  of  the  members,  executed  this  order.  The  parole  of  the  pri- 
soner to  confine  himself  within  the  limits  of  his  own  house,  was 
accepted;  but  becoming,  in  a  short  time,  dissatisfied  with  this  mild 
and  liberal  arrangement,  he  broke  his  parole,  escaped  and  took 
refuge  on  board  the  fleet,  and  subsequently  made  an  unsuccessful 
attack  upon  the  town. 

On  the  second  of  February,  1776,  the  talents  and  integrity  of 
Mr.  Walton  were  fully  recognised  by  the  state  legislature,  which 
appointed  him  a  delegate  to  congress :  he  was  re-elected  in  the  fol- 
lowing month  of  October,  and  delivered  his  credentials  on  the  twelfth 
of  December,  being  the  last  day  of  the  session  in  Philadelphia,  pre- 
vious to  the  adjournment  of  congress  to  Baltimore.  On  the  twenty- 
first  of  December,  the  confidence  reposed  in  him  by  his  fellow- 
members  was  evinced  by  his  appointment,  in  conjunction  with  Robert 
Morris  and  George  Clymer,  on  an  important  committee,  invested 
with  powers  to  transact  such  continental  business  as  might  be  pro- 
per and  necessary  in  Philadelphia,  from  which  city  congress  had 
thought  it  prudent  to  retire.  Two  hundred  thousand  dollars  were 
placed  at  their  disposal,  for  the  purpose  of  providing  the  militia 
going  into  service;  for  paying  the  soldiers  from  Ticonderoga;  and 
for  other  proper  public  services :  they  were  also  empowered  to  call 
upon  the  commissioner  of  the  loan-office  for  such  further  sums  as 
the  continental  service  might  require.  On  the  seventh  of  January, 
1777,  and  twenty-sixth  of  February,  1778,  he  was  successively  re- 
elected, and  on  the  fifteenth  of  May,  1780,  he  again  took  his  seat 
among  the  sages  of  the  revolution:  it  does  not  appear,  however, 
that  he  was  an  acting  member  of  the  delegation  in  the  year  1778. 
As  a  member  of  the  board  of  treasury,  of  the  marine  committee, 
and  of  various  minor  committees,  he  displayed  much  zeal  and  intel- 
ligence. In  October,  1781,  he  finally  retired  from  the  great  national 
council,  in  whose  proceedings  he  had  so  long  and  ably  assisted. 

In  December,  1778,  Mr.  Walton  was  appointed  a  colonel  of 
militia,  and  commanded  a  battalion  on  the  right  of  General  Howe's 
army,    when    Savannah  was   taken   by   the   British  troops,    under 


832  GEORGE    WALTON. 

Colonel  Campbell.  This  battalion  sustained  the  attack,  and  made1 
an  obstinate  defence,  until  Colonel  Walton  received  a  wound  through 
the  thigh,  fell  from  his  horse,  and  was  taken  prisoner.  He  was 
paroled  until  he  recovered  from  his  wound,  and  then  transferred  to 
Sunbury,  as  a  prisoner  of  war.  The  high  station  of  Colonel  Walton 
as  a  member  of  congress,  and  his  signature  to  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  induced  the  British  government  to  demand  a  brigadier 
general  in  exchange  for  him  ;  but  the  term  for  which  he  was  elected 
having  expired,  he  was  ultimately  exchanged,  as  a  lieutenant-colonel, 
for  a  captain  of  the  navy,  in  September,  1779. 

After  the  unsuccessful  siege  of  the  combined  armies,  under  the 
command  of  General  Lincoln  and  Count  D'Estaing,  in  October, 
1779,  the  state  legislature  was  convened  at  Augusta,  when  Colonel 
Walton  was  appointed  governor  of  the  state.  At  the  expiration  of 
the  session,  which  occurred  in  the  succeeding  January,  he  was 
elected  a  member  of  congress  for  two  years. 

At  an  early  period  of  the  war,  discord  and  jealousy  had  been 
excited  and  fostered  between  the  civil  and  military  departments  of 
the  state  government  then  under  the  administration  of  President 
Gwinnett.  The  evils  which  this  controversy  appeared  likely  to 
create,  had  induced  the  members  of  congress  from  Georgia  to  re- 
quest General  Washington  to  order  General  M'Intosh,  who  com- 
manded the  continental  troops,  to  join  the  grand  army,  and  to  supply 
his  place  with  another  officer  of  equal  grade.  This  request  having 
been  complied  with,  M'Intosh  was  succeeded  by  General  Howe, 
but  the  beneficial  effects  expected  to  result  from  it,  were  not  pro- 
duced. In  a  letter,  subsequently  written  by  Mr.  Walton  to  General 
M'Intosh,  he  observes  that  "  the  demon,  discord,  yet  presides  in 
this  country,  and  God  only  knows  when  his  reign  will  be  at  an  end. 
I  have  strove,"  he  continues,  "  so  hard  to  do  good  with  so  poor  a 
return,  that,  were  the  liberties  of  America  secure,  I  would  bid  adieu 
to  all  public  employment,  to  politics,  and  to  strife;  for  even  virtue 
itself  will  meet  with  enemies."  A  party  in  Savannah  had  formed 
themselves  into  a  society,  under  the  popular  denomination  of  the 
liberty  club,  which  had  several  branches  in  the  different  counties, 
acting  under  its  jurisdiction.  Their  ostensible  design  was  to  pre- 
vent the  encroachment  of  the  military  upon  the  civil  authorities; 
but  the  confederacy  at  length  became  so  numerous  and  powerful, 
as  to  possess  the  entire  control  over  all  public  appointments. 

During  the  session  of  the  legislature  in  Augusta,  a  letter  was 
forged,  and  transmitted  to  the  president  of  congress,  dated  Novem- 


GEORGE    WALTON.  833 

ber  30th,  1779,  of  which  the  following  is  an  extract:  "It  is  to  be 
wished  that  we  could  advise  congress  that  the  return  of  Brigadier- 
General  M'Intosh  gave  satisfaction  to  either  the  militia,  or  con- 
federates; but  the  common  dissatisfaction  is  such,  that  it  is  highly 
necessary  that  congress  should  direct  some  distant  field  for  the 
exercise  of  his  abilities."  The  name  of  the  speaker  of  the  house 
of  representatives  was  affixed  to  this  letter,  but  he  explicitly  disa- 
vowed it,  and  declared  the  signature  to  be  a  forgery.  General 
M'Intosh  charged  Mr.  Walton  with  an  indirect  participation  in  this 
imposture,  by  giving  credence  to  the  contents  of  the  letter  when  it 
was  submitted  to  congress,  to  the  great  injury  of  his  military  repu- 
tation. The  documents  and  proofs  in  support  of  this  extraordinary 
accusation,  were  laid  before  the  legislature  of  Georgia,  in  January, 
1783,  and  the  decision,  as  it  is  recorded  upon  the  journals,  exhibits 
a  strange  inconsistency,  for  which  it  is  difficult  to  account.  A  reso- 
lution was  passed,  conveying  a  vote  of  censure  upon  the  conduct 
of  Mr.  Walton,  and  recommending  an  order  to  the  attorney  general, 
to  institute  such  proceeding  against  him  as  the  case  required.  Now 
the  same  body  had,  on  the  preceding  day,  appointed  Mr.  Walton 
chief  justice  of  the  state  of  Georgia;  and,  therefore,  he  was  chosen 
to  preside  over  the  only  tribunal  in  the  state  that  held  cognizance 
over  his  own  trial.  At  this  period,  Judge  Walton  and  General 
M'Intosh  were  respectively  at  the  head  of  the  civil  and  military  de- 
partments in  Georgia;  and  it  is  probable  that  the  legislature  wished 
to  terminate  and  adjust  the  misunderstanding  in  such  a  manner  as 
might  prove  least  offensive  to  either :  or  perhaps  it  was  their  desire 
to  exhibit  some  evidences  of  a  friendly  disposition  to  both. 

It  is  an  irrefragable  evidence  of  the  great  talents  of  Mr.  Walton, 
and  of  their  proper  appreciation  by  the  people  of  Georgia,  that, 
during  the  remainder  of  his  life,  he  held,  in  almost  uninterrupted 
succession,  the  most  respectable  appointments  that  the  government 
could  confer  upon  him.  He  was  six  times  elected  a  representative 
to  congress: — twice,  governor  of  the  state; — once,  senator  of  the 
United  States; — and  four  times,  judge  of  the  superior  courts:  the 
latter  office  he  held  during  fifteen  years,  and  until  the  day  of  his 
death.  He  was  one  of  the  commissioners  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States,  to  negociate  a  treaty  with  the  Cherokee  Indians  in  Ten- 
nessee, and  several  times  a  member  of  the  state  legislature. 

One  of  the  principal  duties  of  the  biographer  is  to  convey  an  idea 
of  the  peculiar  traits  which  mark  the  character  of  his  subject.  From 
an  early  period  of  his  life  to  its  close,  Mr.  Walton  was  as  warm  in 


834  GEORGE    WALTON. 

his  attachments  as  in  his  enmities:  he  possessed  no  mixture  of  that 
temporising  policy,  so  frequently  successful  in  gaining  the  confidence 
of  mankind.  There  was  a  dignified  sternness  in  his  manners,  which 
evinced  a  contempt  for  the  world  in  general;  but  towards  talents 
and  merit,  he  was  scrupulously  respectful  and  attentive.  His  tem- 
per would  not  permit  him  to  brook  the  slightest  indignity  offered  to 
His  official  stations,  with  impunity. 

Mr.  Walton  was  not  very  abstemious  in  his  manner  of  living, 
and  his  partiality  for  study  imparted  a  sedentary  habit  at  an  early 
period  of  life;  hence,  before  he  attained  its  meridian,  he  was 
afflicted  with  the  gout,  which  caused  him  much  suffering  during  his 
declining  years.  On  the  second  of  February,  1804,  he  closed  his 
laborious  life  in  Augusta. 


THE    END. 


s 


